as my wyffe cariethe yet one of myne; trustinge in God, that shortly
both, in theyr severall kyndes, shall come to lyght and live long, and
your's having _genium_, for ever. I knowe not, for lack of sufficiencie
of witte and learninge, how to judge of it at all. But in that shadowe
of judgemente that I have, truste me beinge vearie farre from meanynge
to yelde any thyng, to your owne eares, of yourselfe. The matter
dothe so strive with the manner of the handlinge that I am in dowpte
whyther I shall preferre the matter for the substance, weyght, and
pythines of the multitude of argumentes and reasones, or the manner
for the methode, order, perspicuitie, and elocution, in that height
and loftynesse that I did nott beleve our tonge (I meane the Englyshe)
to be capable of. Marie, our Brittishe, for the riches of the tonge,
in my affectionate opinion, is more copious and more advawntageable to
utter any thinge by a skillfull artificer. This navie which you aptlie,
accordinge to the nature and meaninge of your platt, call pettie, is so
sette furthe by you, thos principall and royall navies of the Grecianes
and Trojanes described by Homer and Vergill are no more bownde to them,
then it is to you.
You argue or rather thoondre so thicke and so strong for the necessitie
and commoditie of your navie, that you leade or rather drawe me
_obtorto collo_ to be of opinion with you, the benefitte therofe to be
suche as it wilbe a brydle and restreynte for conspiracies of foreyne
nationes, and of owre owne a salfegarde to merchants from infestationes
of pyrates; a readie meane to breed and augmente noombers of skillfull
marryners and sowldiers for the sea, a mayntynawnce in proces of tyme
for multitudes of woorthie men that otherwise wolde be ydle. Who can
denie, as you handle the matter, and as it is in trothe, but that
it will be a terror to all princes for attemptinge of any soodeyne
invasions,[265] and hable readilie to withstande any attempte foreyne
or domesticall by sea? And where this noble realme hath ben long
defamede for suffringe of pyrates disturbers of the common traffyke
upon these seas, yt will, as you trulye prove, utterlie extingwishe the
incorrigible, and occupie the reformed in that honourable service.
The indignitie that this realme hath long borne in the fyshinge rownde
aboute yt, with the intolerable injuries that owre nation hath indurede
and doe still, at strangers handes, besides the greatnes of the
commoditie that they take owte of our mowthes, hath ben, and is suche,
that the same almoste alone were cause sufficiente to furnishe your
navie if it may have that successe and consideration that it deserveth,
it will be a better wache for the securitie of the state than all the
intelligencers or becones that may be devisede: and a stronger wall
and bulwarke than either Calleys was, or a brase of such townes placed
in the most convenient parte of any continente of France, or the
Lowe-countrey. As her majestie of right is _totius orbis Britannici
domina, et lex maris_, whiche is given in the reste of the worlde by
Labro in our learning to Antoninus the Emperor, so she showlde have
the execution and effect therof in our worlde, yf your navie were
as well setled as you have plottede it. But what doe I by this bare
recitall deface your reasones so eloquentlie garnishede by you with the
furniture of so much and so sundrie lernynge? I will of purpose omitt
howe fully and howe substantially you confute the stronge objectiones
and argumentes that you inforce and presse againste your selfe. I wolde
God all men wolde as willinglie beare the light burdynes that you lay
upon them for the supportation of the chardges as you have wiselie and
reasonablie devisede the same. And so the dearthe and scarsitie that
curiouse or covetouse men may pretende to[266] feare, you so sowndlie
satisfie, that it is harde with any probabilitie to replie. As for
the sincere handlinge and govermente it is not to be disperede yf
the charge shall be with good ordinawnces and instructiones placede
carefullie in chosen persones of good credite and integritie. See howe
boldlie upon one soodeyne readinge I powre my opinion to your bosome of
this your notable and strange discowrse. And yet I will make bold to
censure it also as he dyd in the poore slipper when he was nott able
to fynd any faulte in any one parte of the workemanship of the noble
picture of that goddes. I pray you, Sir, seyinge you meane that your
navie shall contynewe in time of peace furnishede with your noombre
of men, what provision or ordre make you, howe they shall occupie and
exercise themselves all the while? Assure your selfe those whelpes of
yours neyther can nor will be ydle, and excepte it may please you
to prescribe unto them some good occupation and exercise, they will
occupie themselves in occupationes of their owne choice, wherof few
shall be to your lykinge or meanynge. Peradventure you meane of purpose
to reserve that to the consideration of the state. And where you in
vearie good proportion, lawierlike, share goodes taken by pyrates
amonge sundrie persones of your navie, and some portion to itselfe,
reservinge the moytie to the prince, you are to remembre that the same
are challenged holly to belong to her highnesse by prerogative. Let me
be also bold to offer to your consideration whether it be expedient
for you so freely to deale with the carryinge of ordinawnces out of
the realme beinge a matter lately pecuted[267] by the knowledge _et
convenientia_ of, etc. You doe, to veary great purpose inserte the
two orationes of Georgius Gemistus Plethon, the one to Emanuel by
fragments, and the other to his sonne Theodore _ad verbum_, for the
worthynes and varietye of many wise and sownd advises given by him to
those princes in a hard tyme, when they were in feare of that Turkish
conquest, that did after followe to the ruine of that empire of
Constantinople. However well doeth he handle the differences and rates
of customes and tributes, the moderate and sober use of apparell _in
ipsis principibus_! How wisely doethe[268] he condemne the takeinge
up of all the newe attires and apparell of strange nations, as though
he had written to us at this tyme, who doe offende as deepely therein
as the Greekes then dyd! How franke is he to his prince in useinge
the comparisone between the Eagle that hath no varietie of colours
of feathers, and yet of a princelie nature and estimation, and the
Peocock, a bird of no regall propertie nor credit yet glisteringe
angelically with varietie of feathers of all lively colours. There is
one sentence in the later oration which I have thought to note because
in apparence it dothe oppugne in a maner your treatise. The wordes are
these, _Prestat longè terrestribus copiis ac militum et ducum virtute,
quàm nautarum et similium hominum vilium arte, fiduciam ponere_.
Good coosen, pardon my boldnes. I doe this bicause you may understande
that I have roone over it. And yet was I abrode all the fowle day
yesterday. I pray you pardon me agayne for nott sendinge of it to you
accordinge to promisse. And for that your man is come, and for that I
have spente all my paper, I will no longer trowble you at this tyme,
savinge with my right heartie commendations to your selfe and to my
coosen your good mother from me and from my woman. From Kewe this
Soonday in the morninge, the 28 of July.
Yours assuredlie at commawndement,
W. AUBREY.
To his verie lovinge coosen and assured
freende Mr. John Dee, at Mortelake.
_Notes._
[AJ] Aubrey gives in trick the coat:--'in the 1 and 6, gules[269], a
chevron between 3 eagles heads erased or [Aubrey]; in the 2, ..., a
lion rampant ...; in the 3, ..., a chevron between 3 (lions'?) paws
...; in the 4, ..., three cocks gules; and in the 5, parted per pale
... and ..., 3 fleur-de-lys counter-changed.' The crest is 'an eagle's
head erased or [Aubrey].'
[AK] In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 7, is the memorandum:--'Insert ♡ to Liber
B.'--'Liber B.' was a volume of antiquarian notes, collected by Aubrey,
now lost (Macray's _Annals of the Bodleian_, p. 367). Aubrey wanted
to copy into it something from this MS. ♡. Two other memoranda in the
same place are:--(_a_) 'William Aubrey, LL.D.: extract out of _De jure
feciali_, and _De legati deliquentis judice competente_, by Dr. Zouch,'
as is done _supra_, p. 58; (_b_) 'Memorandum the xx _s._ per annum
bread at St. Benet's, Paul's wharf'; see _supra_, p. 61.
Aubrey, in MS. Ballard 14, fol. 119, writing to Anthony Wood on Aug.
29, 1676, says:--'This day accidentally Mr. St. George shewed me
my grandfather, Dr. William Aubrey's, life in their office' <i.e.
the College of Arms>, 'written, I suppose, by Sir Daniel Dun, his
son-in-lawe. He came to Oxon at 14, and was LL. Dr. at 25.'
[AL] Aubrey was very enthusiastic about these notices of his
grandfather. Writing to Anthony Wood, on May 19, 1668 (MS. Wood F.
39, fol. 118), he says:--'My grandfather Dr. William Aubrey--Thuanus
in his _Annales_ makes an honourable mention of him, and also it
is set downe in the life of Mary, queen of Scotts (he being one of
the commissioners) that he was very jealous of her being putt to
death--which the chroniclers mention too I'me sure, and Stow. If you
would be pleased to turne to Thuanus and the life aforesaid you <would>
very much oblige me, and you shall have a payre of gloves, for his
sake.'
[AM] Edward Seymour, created earl of Hertford in 1559, had in 1553
married secretly Katherine, daughter of Henry Grey, duke of Suffolk.
In 1561 Elizabeth sent them prisoners to the Tower, and the marriage
was disputed in the law-courts. William Seymour, his grandson, who
succeeded as 2nd earl in 1621, married in 1610 Arabella Stuart. She was
sent prisoner to the Tower by James I: but Dr. W. Aubrey had died in
1595.
[AN] Aubrey, in MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 6ᵛ, has a note:--'Meredith Lloyd
respondet that Telesinus (Teliessen) was a British priest to whom
Gildas writes.'
=Francis Bacon= (1561-1626).
<_His coat of arms._>
[270]Quarterly, on the 1 and 4, gules on a chief argent two mullets
sable [Bacon], on the 2 and 3, barry of six or and azure, over all
a bend gules [ ...], a crescent on the fesse point for difference;
impaling, sable, a cross engrailed between 4 crescents argent, a
crescent sable on the fesse point [Barnham].
<_Miscellaneous Notes._>
[271]Chancellor Bacon:--The learned and great cardinal Richelieu was a
great admirer of the lord Bacon.
So was Monsieur Balzac: e.g. _les Oeuvres diverses_, dissertation sur
un tragedie, à Monsieur Huygens de Zuylichen, p. 158--'Croyons, pour
l'amour du chancilier Bacon, que toutes les folies des anciens sont
sages et tous leur songes mysteries.'
Quaere if I have inserted[272] his irrigation in the spring showres.
Vide _Court of King James_ by Sir Anthony Welden, where is an account
of his being viceroy here when the king was in Scotland, and gave
audience to ambassadors in the banquetting-house.
[273]Lord Chancellor Bacon:--Memorandum, this Oct. 1681, it rang over
all St. Albans that Sir Harbottle Grimston, Master of the Rolles, had
removed the coffin of this most renowned Lord Chancellour to make roome
for his owne to lye-in in the vault there at St. Michael's church.
[274]Sir Francis Bacon, knight, baron of Verulam and viscount of St.
Albans, and Lord High Chancellor of England:--vide his life writt by
Dr. William Rawley before _Baconi Resuscitatio_, in folio.
<_His admirers and acquaintances._>
It appeares by this following inscription that Mr. Jeremiah Betenham of
Graye's Inne was his lordship's intimate and dearely beloved friend.
This inscription is on the freeze of the summer house on the mount in
the upper garden of Grayes Inne, built by the Lord Chancellor Bacon.
The north side of the inscription is now perished[275]. The fane was a
Cupid drawing his bowe.
Franciscus Bacon, Regis Solicitator Generalis, executor
testamenti Jeremie Betenham nuper lectoris hujus hospitii,
viri innocentis et abstinentis et contemplativi, hanc sedem in
memoriam ejusdem Jeremie extruxit, anno Domini, 1609.
In his lordship's prosperity Sir Fulke Grevil, lord Brookes, was his
great friend and acquaintance; but when he was in disgrace and want,
he was so unworthy as to forbid his butler to let him have any more
small beer, which he had often sent for, his stomach being nice, and
the small beere of Grayes Inne not liking his pallet. This has donne
his memorie more dishonour then Sir Philip Sydney's friendship engraven
on his monument hath donne him honour. Vide ... History, and (I thinke)
Sir Anthony Weldon.
... Faucet, of Marybon in the county of Middlesex, esqr., was his
friend and acquaintance, as appeares by this letter which I copied
from his owne handwriting (an elegant Roman hand). 'Tis in the hands
of Walter Charlton, M.D., who begged it not long since of Mr. Faucet's
grandsonne.
* * * * *[276]
[277]Richard[278], earle of Dorset, was a great admirer and friend
of the lord chancellor Bacon, and was wont to have Sir Thomas
Billingsley[279] along with him to remember and to putt-down in writing
my lord's sayings at table.
Edward, lord Herbert of Cherbery.
John Dun[280], dean of Paul's.
George Herbert.
Mr. Ben: Johnson was one of his friends and acquaintance, as doeth
appeare by his excellent verses on his lordship's birth-day in his
second volume, and in his _Underwoods_, where he gives him a character
and concludes that 'about his time, and within his view were borne all
the witts that could honour a nation or help studie.'
[281]Lord Bacon's birth-day: _Underwoods_, p. 222.
Haile, happy genius of this ancient pile,
How comes it all things so about thee smile?
The fire, the wine, the men! and in the midst
Thou stand'st as if some mysterie thou didst!
Pardon, I read it in thy face, the day,
For whose returnes, and many, all these pray:
And so doe I. This is the sixtieth yeare
Since Bacon, and my lord, was borne, and here,
Sonne to the grave wise Keeper of the Seale,
Fame and foundation of the English weale.
What then his father was, that since is he,
Now with a title more to the degree,
England's High Chancellour, the destin'd heir
In his soft cradle of his father's chaire,
Whose even thred the Fates spinne round and full
Out of their choysest and their whitest wooll.
'Tis a brave cause of joy; let it be knowne,
For 'twere a narrow gladnesse, kept thine owne.
Give me a deep-crown'd bowle, that I may sing
In raysing him the wisdome of my king.
_Discoveries_, p. 101.
Yet there happened in my time one noble speaker[XII.] who
was full of gravity in his speaking. His language (where he
could spare or passe-by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man
ever[282] spake more neatly, more pres<ent>ly, more weightily,
or suffered lesse emptinesse, lesse idlenesse, in what he
utter'd. No member of his speech but consisted of the owne
graces: his hearers could not cough, or looke aside from
him, without losse. He commanded where he spoke; and had his
judges angry, and pleased, at his devotion. No man had their
affections more in his power. The feare of every man that heard
him was lest he should make an end.
[XII.] Dominus Verulanus.
Cicero is sayd to be the only wit that the people of Rome
had, equall'd to their empire, _ingenium par imperio_. We had
many, and in their severall ages (to take in but the former
_seculum_) Sir Thomas Moore, the elder Wiat, Henry, earle of
Surrey, Chaloner, Smith, Eliot, bishop Gardiner, were for
their times admirable; Sir Nicholas Bacon was singular and
almost alone in the beginning of queen Elizabeth's times; Sir
Philip Sydney and Mr. Hooker (in different matter) grew great
masters of wit and language and in whom all vigour of invention
and strength of judgment met; the earle of Essex, noble and
high; and Sir Walter Rawleigh, not to be contemn'd either
for judgement or stile; Sir Henry Savile, grave and truly
letter'd; Sir Edwin Sandys, excellent in both; lord Egerton,
the Chancellour, a grave and great orator, and best when he
was provoked; but his learned and able (though unfortunate)
successor is he who hath fill'd up all numbers, and performed
that in our tongue which may be compar'd or preferr'd either
to insolent Greece or haughty Rome. In short, within his view,
and about his times, were all the wits borne that could honour
a language or helpe study. Now things dayly fall, wits grow
downeward and eloquence growes backward, so that he may be
nam'd and stand as the marke and ἀκμή of our language.
I have ever observ'd it to have been the office of a wise
patriot among the greatest affaires of the state to take care
of the commonwealth of learning[283], for schooles they are
the seminaries of state and nothing is worthier the study of a
statesman then that part of the republick which wee call the
advancement of letters. Witnesse the care of Julius Caesar, who
in the heate of the civill warre writ his bookes of analogie
and dedicated them to Tully. This made the lord St. Albans
entitle his worke _Novum Organum_, which though by the most of
superficiall men who cannot gett beyond the title of nominalls,
it is not penetrated nor understood, it really openeth all
defects of learning whatsoever, and is a booke
Qui longum noto scriptori porriget aevum[284].
My conceit of his person was never increased towards him by
his place or honour, but I have and doe reverence him for the
greatnesse that was only proper to himselfe in that he seem'd
to me ever by his worke one of the greatest men and most worthy
of admiration that have been in many ages. In his adversity I
ever prayed that God would give him strength; for greatnes he
could not want. Neither could I condole in a word or syllable
for him, as knowing no accident could doe harme to vertue but
rather helpe to make it manifest. #/
[285]He came often to Sir John Danvers at Chelsey. Sir John told me
that when his lordship had wrote the _History of Henry 7_, he sent
the manuscript copie to him to desire his opinion of it before 'twas
printed. Qd. Sir John 'Your lordship knowes that I am no scholar.'
''Tis no matter,' said my lord, 'I know what a schollar can say; I
would know what _you_ can[286] say.' Sir John read it, and gave his
opinion what he misliked which Tacitus did not omitt (which I am sorry
I have forgott) which my lord acknowledged to be true, and mended it:
'Why,' said he, 'a scholar would never have told me this.'
Mr. Thomas Hobbes (Malmesburiensis) was beloved by his lordship, who
was wont to have him walke with him in his delicate groves where he
did meditate: and when a notion darted into his mind, Mr. Hobbs was
presently to write it downe, and his lordship was wont to say that he
did it better then any one els about him; for that many times, when he
read their notes he scarce understood what they writt, because they
understood it not clearly themselves.
In short, all that were _great and good_ loved and honoured him.
Sir Edward Coke, Lord Chiefe Justice, alwayes envyed him, and would be
undervalueing his lawe, as you may find in my lord's lettres, and I
knew old lawyers that remembred it.
<_Personal characteristics._>
He was Lord Protector during King James's progresse into Scotland, and
gave audience in great state to ambassadors in the banquetting-house at
Whitehall.
His lordship would many times have musique in the next roome where he
meditated.
The aviary at Yorke-house was built by his lordship; it did cost
300_li._
At every meale, according to the season of the yeare, he had his table
strewed with sweet herbes and flowers, which he sayd did refresh his
spirits and memorie.
When his lordship was at his country house at Gorhambery, St. Albans
seemed as if the court were[287] there, so nobly did he live. His
servants had liveries with his crest (a boare ...); his watermen were
more imployed by gentlemen then any other, even the king's.
King James sent a buck to him, and he gave the keeper fifty pounds.
He was wont to say to his servant Hunt, (who was a notable thrifty man,
and loved this world, and the only servant he had that he could never
gett to become bound for him) 'The world was made for man, Hunt; and
not man for the world.' Hunt left an estate of 1000_li._ per annum in
Somerset.
None of his servants durst appeare before him without Spanish leather
bootes: for he would smell the neates-leather, which offended him.
The East India merchants presented his lordship with a cabinet of
jewells, which his page, Mr. Cockaine, recieved, and decieved his lord.
Three of his lordship's servants[XIII.] kept their coaches, and some
kept race-horses--vide Sir Anthony Welden's _Court of King James_.
[XIII.] Sir Thomas Meautys, Mr. <Thomas> Bushell, Mr. ... Idney.
[288]He was[289] a παιδεραστής. His Ganimeds and favourites tooke
bribes; but his lordship alwayes gave judgement _secundum aequum et
bonum_. His decrees in Chancery stand firme, i.e. there are fewer of
his decrees reverst then of any other Chancellor.
His dowager[290] maried her gentleman-usher, Sir (Thomas, I thinke)
Underhill, whom she made deafe and blind with too much of Venus. ☞ She
was living since the beheading of the late King.--Quaere where and when
she died.
He had a delicate[291], lively hazel eie; Dr. Harvey told me it was
like the eie of a viper.
I have now forgott what Mr. Bushell sayd, whether his lordship enjoyed
his Muse best at night, or in the morning.
<_His poems._>
His lordship was a good poet, but conceal'd, as appeares by his
letters. See excellent verses of his lordship's which Mr. Farnaby
translated into Greeke, and printed both[292] in his Ἀνθολογία, scil.
The world's a bubble, and the life of man
Less then a span, etc.
[293]Ἀνθολογία: Florilegium epigrammatum selectorum; Thomas Farnaby,
London, 1629, pag. 8.--'Huc elegantem viri clarissimi domini Verulamii
[293]παρῳδίαν adjicere adlubuit'--opposit to it on the other
page--'quam παρῳδίαν e nostrati bona nos Graecam qualemcunque sic
fecimus, et rhythmice.'
The world's a bubble, and the life of man
Lesse then a span;
In his conception wretched, from the wombe
So to the tombe;
Curst from his cradle, and brought up to yeares
With cares and feares.
Who then to fraile mortality shall trust
But limmes in water or but writes in dust.
Yet since with sorrow here we live opprest,
What life is best?
Courts are but onely superficiall scholes
To dandle fooles;
The rurall parts are turn'd into a den
Of savage men;
And wher's a city from all vice so free,
But may be term'd the worst of all the three?
Domestick cares afflict the husband's bed
Or paines his hed;
Those that live single take it for a curse,
Or doe things[294] worse;
Some would have children; those that have them mone,
Or wish them gone.
What is it then to have, or have no wife,
But single thraldome or a double strife?
Our owne affections still at home to please
Is a disease;
To crosse the sea to any foreine soyle,
Perills and toyle;
Warres with their noise affright us; when they cease
W'are worse in peace.
What then remaines? but that we still should cry
Not to be borne, or, being borne, to dye.
<_His writings._>
[295]His reading of Treason.
His reading of Usurie.
Decrees in Chancery.
Cogitata et Visa: printed in Holland by Sir William Boswell, Resident
there: who also there printed Dr. Gilbert's Magnetique Philosophie.
Speech in Parliament of naturalization of the Scottish nation: printed
1641.
His apothegmes, 8vo.
{ . . . . .
Essaies { . . . . .
{ . . . . .
Advancement of learning.
History of King Henry the 7th.
Novum Organon.--At the end of his _Novum Organon_ Hugh Holland wrote
these verses:--
Hic liber est qualis potuit non scribere Stultus,
Nec voluit Sapiens: sic _cogitavit_ Hugo.
Naturall Historie.
Of ambassadors: published by Francis Thynne out of Sir Robert Cotton's
library, 1650.
Speech touching duells, in the Starre-chamber: in the Bodleian library
at Oxford. Reprint it.
All the rest of his lordship's workes you will find in Dr. William
Rawley's _Resuscitatio_.
A piece of philosophy halfe as thick as the grammar set forth by Dr.
Rawley, 1660.
. . . . .
. . . . , 167--.
[296]_Apothegmata._