of my contemporaries. The[130] usher[131] had (by chance) a Cowper's
Dictionary, which I had never seen before. I was then in Terence.
Percieving his method, I read all in the booke where Terence was, and
then Cicero--which was the way[132] by which I gott my Latin. 'Twas a
wonderfull helpe to my phansie, my reading of Ovid's _Metamorphy_ in
English by Sandys, which made me understand the Latin the better. Also,
I mett accidentally a booke of my mother's, Lord Bacon's _Essaies_,
which first opened my understanding as to moralls (for Tullie's
_Offices_ was too crabbed for my young yeares) and the excellence[133]
of the style, or hints and transitions.
I[134] was alwayes enquiring[T] of my grandfather[135] of the old time,
the rood-loft, etc., ceremonies, of the priory, etc. At 8, I was a kind
of engineer; and I fell then to drawing, beginning first with plaine
outlines, e.g. in draughts of curtaines. Then at 9 (crossed herein
by father and schoolmaster), to colours, having no body to instruct
me[136]; copied pictures in the parlour in a table booke----like[U].
Blandfordiae, horis vacuis, I drew and painted Bates's ... (quaere
nomen libri[V]).
I was wont (I remember) much to lament with my selfe that I lived not
in a city, e.g. Bristoll, where I might have accesse to watchmakers,
locksmiths, etc. <I did> not very much care for grammar. <I had>
apprehension enough, but my memorie not tenacious. So that then[137]
was a promising morne enough of an inventive and philosophicall
head. <I had a> musicall head, inventive, <wrote> blanke verse,
<had> a strong and early impulse to antiquitie (strong impulse to
♄[138]). <My> witt was alwaies working, but not adroict for verse.
<I was> ex<ceeding[139]> mild of spirit; migh<tily> susceptible of
fascination.[140] My idea very cleer[141]; phansie like[142] a mirrour,
pure chrystal water which the least wind does disorder and unsmooth--so
noise or etc. would[143].
[144]My uncle Anthony Browne's bay nag threw me dangerously the Monday
after Easter[145], 1639. Just before it I had an impulse of the briar
under which I rode, which tickled him, at the gap at the upper end of
Berylane. Deo gratias!
[146]1642, May 2ᵈ, I went[W] to Oxford.
Peace[147].
Lookt through Logique and some Ethiques.
1642, _Religio Medici_ printed, which first opened my understanding,
which I carryed to Eston, with Sir K. D.[148]
But now[149] Bellona thundered, and as a cleare skie is sometimes
suddenly overstretch<ed> with a dismall[150] cloud and thunder, so was
this serene peace[151] by the civill warres through the factions of
those times; vide Homer's Odyssey.
In August[152] following my father sent for me home, for feare.
In February ... following, with much adoe[153] I gott my father to lett
me to beloved Oxon againe, then a garrison pro rege.
I gott Mr. Hesketh, Mr. Dobson's man, a priest, to drawe the ruines of
Osney 2 or 3 wayes before 'twas pulld downe[X]. Now the very foundation
is digged-up.
In Aprill I fell sick of the small pox at Trinity College; and when
I recovered, after Trinity weeke[154], my father sent for me into
the country again: where I conversed[155] with none but servants and
rustiques and soldiers quartred, to my great griefe (_Odi prophanum
vulgus et arceo_), for in those dayes fathers were not acquainted with
their children. It was a most sad life to me, then in the prime of
my youth, not to have the benefitt of an ingeniose conversation and
scarce any good bookes--almost a consumption. This sad life I did lead
in the country till 1646, at which time I gott (with much adoe) leave
of my father to lett me goe to the Middle Temple, April the 6ᵗʰ 1646;
admitted....
24 June following, Oxon was surrendred, and then came to London many of
the king's party, with whom I[156] grew acquainted (many of them I knew
before). I loved not debauches[157], but their martiall conversation
was not so fitt for the muses.
Novemb. 6, I returned to Trinity College in Oxon again to my great
joy; was much made of by the fellowes; had their learned conversation,
lookt on bookes, musique. Here and at Middle Temple (off and on) I
(for the most part) enjoyd the greatest felicity of my life (ingeniose
youths, as[158] rosebudds, imbibe the morning dew[159]) till Dec. 1648
(Christmas Eve's eve) I was sent for from Oxon home again to my sick
father, who never recovered. Where I was engaged to looke after his
country businesse and solicite a lawe-suite.
Anno 165-, Octob. ..., my father dyed, leaving me debts 1800 _li._ and
bro<thers'> portions 1000 _li._
Quid digni feci, hîc process. viam? Truly nothing; only umbrages, sc.
Osney abbey ruines, etc., antiquities. _Cos_, a wheatstone, _exors
ipse secandi_, e.g. <my> universall character[160] <: that> which was
neglected and quite forgott and had sunk had not I engaged[161] in the
worke, to carry on the worke--name them[162].
He began to enter into pocket memorandum bookes philosophicall and
antiquarian remarques, Anno Domini 1654, at Llantrithid.
Anno 16--I began my lawe-suite on the entaile in Brecon[Y], which
lasted till ..., and it cost me 1200 _li._
Anno ---- I was to have maried Mris K. Ryves, who died when to be
maried, 2000 _li._ +[163], besides counting care of her brother, 1000
_li._ per annum.
Anno ---- I made my will[Z] and settled my estate on trustees,
intending to have seen the antiquities of Rome and Italy for ...
<years>, and then to have returned and maried, but--
Diis aliter visum est superis,
my mother, to my inexpressible griefe and ruine, hindred this[164]
designe, which was[165] my ruine.
[166]My estate (was of) value 100 _li. fere_ + Brecon.
Then debts and lawe-suites, _opus et usus_, borrowing of money and
perpetuall riding. To my prayse, <I had> wonderfull credit in the
countrey for money. Anno ... sold manor of Bushelton in Herefordshire
to Dr. T<homas> Willis. Anno ... sold the manor of Stratford in the
same county to Herbert <Croft> lord bishop of Hereford.
Then anno 1664, June 11, went into France. Oct. ... returned. Then Joan
Sumner.
[167]Memorandum. J. Aubrey in the yeare 1666, wayting then upon Joane
Sumner to her brother at Seen in Wilts, there made a discovery of a
chalybiate waters and those more impregnated than any waters yet heard
of in England. I sent some bottles to the Royal Society in June 1667,
which were tryed with galles before a great assembly there. It turnes
so black that you may write legibly with it, and did there, after so
long a carriage, turne as deepe as a deepe claret. The physitians were
wonderfully surprized at it, and spake to me to recommend it to the
doctors of the Bath (from whence it is but about 10 miles) for that in
some cases 'tis best to begin with such waters and end with the Bath,
and in some _vice versâ_. I wrote severall times, but to no purpose,
for at last I found that, though they were satisfied of the excellency
of the waters and what the London doctors sayd was true, they did not
care to have company goe from the Bath. So I inserted it last yeare in
Mr. Lilly's almanac, and towards the later end of summer there came so
much company that the village could not containe them, and they are now
preparing for building of houses against the next summer. Jo<hn> Sumner
sayth (whose well is the best) that it will be worth to him 200 _li._
per annum. Dr. <Nehemiah> Grew in his History of the Repository of the
Royal Society mentions this discovery, as also of the iron oare there
not taken notice of before----'tis in part iii, cap. 2, pag. 331.
[168]Then lawe-suite with her[169]. Then sold Easton-Peirse[AA], and
the farme at Broad Chalke. Lost 500 _li._ (Fr. H.) + 200 _li._ + goods
+ timber. Absconded as a banishd man.
Then
In monte Dei videbitur[170].
I was in as much affliction as a mortall could bee, and never quiet
till all was gone, <and I> wholly[171] cast myselfe on God's providence.
Monastery[172].
I wished monastrys had not been putt downe, that the reformers would
have been more moderate as to that point. Nay, the Turkes have
monasteries. Why should our reformers be so severe? Convenience
of religious houses--Sir Christopher Wren--fitt there should be
receptacles and provision for contemplative men; if of 500, but one
or two[173]. 'Tis compensated[174]. What a pleasure 'twould have been
to have travelled from monastery to monastery. The reformers in the
Lutheran countrys were more prudent then to destroy them (e.g. in
Holsatia, etc.); <they> only altered the religion.
But notwithstanding all these embarasments I did _pian piano_ (as they
occur'd) take[175] notes of antiquity; and having a quick draught, have
drawne landskips on horseback symbolically, e.g. <on my> journey to
Ireland in July, Anno Domini 166-.
<The> earl of Thanet[176] <gave me> _otium_ at Hethefield.
<I[177] had> never quiett, nor anything of happinesse till[178]
divested of all, 1670, 1671[AB]: at what time providence raysed me
(unexpectedly) good friends--the right honourable Nicholas, earl of
Thanet, with whom I was delitescent at Hethfield in Kent[AC] neer a
yeare, and then was invited ...; anno ..., Sarney; Sir Christopher
Wren; Mr. Ogilby; then Edmund Wyld, esq., R<egiae> S<ocietatis>
S<ocius>, of Glasely-hall, Salop (sed in margine), tooke me into his
armes, with whom I most commonly take my diet and sweet _otium's_.
Anno 1671, having sold all and disappointed as aforesaid of moneys I
received, I had so strong[179] an impulse[180] to (in good part) finish
my[181] _Description of Wilts_, two volumes in folio, that I could not
be quiet till I had donne it, and that with danger enough, tanquam
canis e Nilo, for feare of the crocodiles, i.e. catchpolls.----And
indeed all that I have donne and that little that I have studied have
been just after that fashion, so that had I not lived long my want of
leisure would have afforded but a slender harvest of....
A man's spirit rises and falls with his[182] ⦻: makes me lethargique.
[183]<My> stomach <was> so tender that I could not drinke claret
without sugar, nor white wine, but would disgorge. <It was> not well
ordered till 1670.
☞ A strange fate that I have laboured under never[184] in my life to
enjoy one entire monethe[VII.] or 6 weekes _otium_ for contemplation.
[VII.] Once at Chalke in my absconding Oct. anno ...; at Weston[185]
anno....
My studies (geometry) were on horse back[VIII.], and <in> the house of
office: (my father discouraged me). My head was alwaies working; never
idle, and even travelling (which from 1649 till 1670 was never off my
horsback) did gleane som observations, of which I have a collection
in folio of 2 quiers of paper + a dust basket, some wherof are to be
valued.
[VIII.] So I got my Algebra, Oughtred in my pocket, with some[186]
information from Edward Davenant, D.D., of Gillingham, Dorset.
His[187] chiefe vertue, gratitude.
Tacit. lib. IV § xx:--Cneus Lentulus[188], outre l' honneur du consulat
et le triumphes de Getules, avoit la gloire d'avoir vescu sans reproche
dans sa pauverté, et sans orgueil dans son opulence où il estoit
parvenu de puis par de voyes legitimes.
<I was> never riotous or prodigall; but (as Sir E. Leech said) sloath
and carelesnesse[189] <are> equivalent to all other vices.
My fancy lay most to geometrie. If ever I had been good for anything,
'twould have been a painter, I could fancy a thing so strongly and had
so cleare an idaea of it.
When a boy, he did ever love to converse with old men, as living
histories. He cared not for play, but on play-dayes[190] he gave
himselfe to drawing and painting. At 9, a pourtraiter[191]; and soon
was....
Reall character, <things[192] that> lay dead, I caused to revive by
engaging 6 or 7 ... _fungor vice cotis_, etc.
Wheras very sickly in youth; Deo gratias, healthy from 16.
_Amici._
A<nthony> Ettrick, Trin. Coll.
M. T.[193]--John Lydall.
Fr<ancis> Potter, of 666[194], C lettres[195].
Sir J<ohn> Hoskyns, baronet.
Ed<mund> Wyld, esq. of Glasley Hall, quem summae gratitudinis ergo nomino.
Mr. Robert Hooke, Gresham College.
Mr. <Thomas> Hobbes, 165-.
A<nthony> Wood, 1665.
☞ Sir William Petty, my singular friend.
Sir James Long, baronet, of Draycot, χρονογραφία etc.
Mr. Ch<arles> Seymour, father[196] of the d<uke> of S<omerset>.
Sir Jo<hn> Stawell, M. T.[197]
Bishop of Sarum <Seth Ward>.
Dr. W<illiam> Holder.
_Scripsit[198]._
'The[199] Naturall History of Wiltshire.'
These 'Lives' (pro AW[200], 1679/80).
'Idea[201] of education of the noblesse,' in Mr. Ashmole's hands.
_item_, 'Remaynders of Gentilisme,' being observations on Ovid's _Fastorum_.
_memorandum_, '_Villare Anglicanum_ interpreted.'
item, _Faber Fortunae_ (for his own private use).
I. A. lived most at Broad-chalke in com. Wilts; sometimes at Easton
Piers; at London every terme. Much of his time spent in journeying
to South Wales (entaile[202]) and Hereff<ordshire>. I now indulge my
genius with my friends and pray for the young _angels_. Rest at Mris
More's neer Gresham College (Mrs More's in Hammond Alley in Bishopgate
Street farthest house[203]☍ old Jairer (?) taverne).
<I> expect preferment <through> Sir Ll. Jenkins[204].
[205]It was I. A. that did putt Mr. Hobbes upon writing his treatise
_De Legibus_, which is bound up with his _Rhetorique_ that one cannot
find it but by chance; no mention of it in the first title.
[206]I have writt '_an Idea of the education of the Noblesse_ from the
age of 10 (or 11) till 18': left with Elias Ashmole, esquire.
[207]1673[208], die Jovis[209], 5ᵗᵒ Martii, 9ʰ 15´ + P.M. J. A.
arrested <by> ... Gardiner, serjeant, a lusty faire-haired solar
fellow, prowd, insolent, et omnia id genus.
[210]March 25, 1675, my nose bled at the left nostrill about 4ʰ. P.M. I
doe not remember any event[AD].
[211]July 31, 1677, I sold my bokes to Mr. Littlebury, _scilicet_ when
my impostume in my heade did breake.
About 50 annos <aetatis> <I had> impostume in capite.
[212]Captain ... Poyntz (for service that I did him to the earle of
Pembroke and the earl of Abingdon[AE]) did very kindly make me a grant
of a thousand acres of land in the island of Tobago, anno Domini
1685/6, Febr. 2ᵈ. He advised me to send over people to plant[AF] and to
gett subscribers to come in for a share of these 1000 acres, for 200
acres he sayes would be enough for me. In this delicate island is _lac
lunae_ (the mother of silver).
William Penn, Lord Proprietor of Pennsylvania, did, ex mero motu et
ex gratia speciali, give me, (16--) a graunt, under his seale, of six
hundred acres in Pennsylvania[AG], without my seeking or dreaming of
it. He adviseth me to plant it with French protestants for seaven
yeares _gratis_ and afterwards <they are> to pay such a rent. Also he
tells me, for 200 acres ten pounds per annum rent for ever, after three
yeares.
[213]John Aubrey[AH], March 20, 1692/3, about 11 at night robbed and 15
wounds in my head.
January 5ᵗʰ, 1693/4, an apoplectick fitt, circiter 4ʰ. P.M.
[214]_Accidents of John Aubrey[AI]._
Borne at Easton-Piers, March 12, 1625/6, about sun-rising: very weake
and like to dye, and therfore Christned that morning before Prayer. I
thinke I have heard my mother say I had an ague shortly after I was
borne.
1629: about 3 or 4 yeares old, I had a grievous ague.
I can remember it. I gott not health till 11, or 12: but had sicknesse
of vomiting for 12 howres every fortnight for ... yeares; then, it came
monethly for ...; then, quarterly; and then, halfe-yearly; the last was
in June 1642. This sicknesse nipt my strength in the bud.
1633: 8 yeares old, I had an issue (naturall) in the coronall suture of
my head, which continued running till 21.
1634: October[215]: I had a violent fever that was like to have carried
me off. 'Twas the most dangerous sicknesse that ever I had.
About 1639 (or 1640) I had the measills, but that was nothing: I was
hardly sick.
1639: Monday after Easter weeke my uncle's nag ranne away with me, and
gave a very dangerous fall.
1642: May 3, entred at Trinity College, Oxon.
1643: April and May, the small-pox at Oxon; and shortly after, left
that ingeniouse place; and for three yeares led a sad life in the
countrey.
1646: April ----, admitted of the Middle Temple. But my father's
sicknesse, and businesse, never permitted me to make any settlement to
my studie.
1651: about the 16 or 18 of April, I sawe that incomparable good
conditioned gentlewoman, Mris M. Wiseman, with whom at first sight I
was in love--haeret lateri[216].
1652: October 21: my father died.
1655: (I thinke) June 14, I had a fall at Epsam, and brake one of my
ribbes and was afrayd it might cause an apostumation.
1656: September 1655, or rather (I thinke) 1656, I began my chargeable
and taedious lawe-suite about the entaile in Brecknockshire and
Monmouthshire.
This yeare, and the last, was a strange year to me, and[217] of
contradictions;--scilicet love M. W.[218] and lawe-suites.
1656: December: Veneris morbus.
[219]1657: Novemb. 27, obiit domina Katherina Ryves, with whom I was to
marry; to my great losse.
1658: ...[220]
1659: March or Aprill, like to breake my neck in Ely minster, and the
next day, riding a gallop there, my horse tumbled over and over, and
yet (I thanke God) no hurt.
1660: July, August, I accompanied A. Ettrick into Ireland for a moneth;
and returning were like to be ship-wrackt at Holy-head, but no hurt
donne.
1661, 1662, 1663: about these yeares I sold my estate in Herefordshire.
...[221]: Janu., had the honour to be elected fellow of the Royal
Society.
1664: June 11, landed at Calais. In August following, had a terrible
fit of the spleen, and piles, at Orleans. I returned in October.
1664, or 1665: Munday after Christmas, was in danger to be spoiled by
my horse, and the same day received laesio in testiculo which was like
to have been fatall. Quaere R. Wiseman quando--I beleeve 1664.
1665: November 1; I made my first addresse (in an ill howre) to Joane
Sumner.
1666: this yeare all my businesses and affaires ran kim kam. Nothing
tooke effect, as if I had been under an ill tongue. Treacheries and
enmities in abundance against me.
1667: December --: arrested in Chancery lane, at Mrs. Sumner's suite.
<1667/8>: Febr. 24, A.M. about 8 or 9, triall with her at Sarum.
Victory and 600 _li._ dammage, though divelish opposition against me.
1668: July 6, was arrested by Peter Gale's malicious contrivance, the
day before I was to goe to Winton for my second triall, but it did not
retain me above two howres; but did not then goe to triall.
1669[222]: March 5, was my triall at Winton, from 8 to 9, the judge
being exceedingly made against me, by my lady Hungerford. But 4 of the
Venue (?) appearing, and with much adoe, gott the moëity of Sarum,
verdict viz. 300 _li._
1669 and 1670: I sold all my estate in Wilts.
From 1670, to this very day (I thanke God), I have enjoyed a happy
delitescency.
1671: danger of arrests.
1677: later end of June, an imposthume brake in my head.
Laus Deo.
[223]Memorandum:--St. John's night, 1673, in danger of being run
through with a sword by a young ...[224] at Mr. Burges' chamber in the
Middle Temple.
Quaere the yeare[225] that I lay at Mris Neve's; for that time I was
in great danger of being killed by a drunkard in the street opposite
Grayes-Inne gate--a gentleman whom I never sawe before, but (Deo
gratias) one of his companions hindred his thrust. (Memorandum:
horoscope....[226])
Danger of being killed by William, earl of Pembroke, then lord Herbert,
at the election of Sir William Salkeld for New Sarum.
I see Mars in ...[226] threatnes danger to me from falls.
I have been twice in danger of drowning.
_Notes._
[J] This beginning of Aubrey's autobiography is explained by Henry
Coley's judgment on his nativity, found in MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 104,
on the scheme 'J. A. natus 1625/6, March 11th, 17ʰ 14´ 44˝ P.M., sub
latitudine 51° 30´.'
'The nativity,' Coley says, 'is a most remarkable opposition, and 'tis
much pitty the starres were not more favourable to the native.' Coley
goes on to state that the stars 'threaten ruin to land and estate; give
superlative vexations in matters relating to marriag, and wondrous
contests in law-suits--of all which vexations I suppose the native hath
had a greater portion than ever was desired.' Aubrey must have been
only too glad to have authority for attributing his failure in life to
the stars, and not to his own ill-conduct.
[K] In MS. Aubr. 7, fol. 3, in jottings at the side of his horoscope,
Aubrey suggests that his failure in this respect was due to defects of
his upbringing, not of natural ability.
Ἐὰν ᾖς φιλομαθής, ἔσῃ πολυμαθής. By _pian piano_ I might have <attained
to learning>; though <my> memory <was> not tenacious, <yet I had> zeale
to learning, and ...[227] extraordinary, ... ...[228]; <but I was> bred
ignorant at Eston.'
[L] Henry Coley, in his 'Observations upon the geniture' of Aubrey,
MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 105ᵛ, finds that the stars show that he 'will be in
great danger between the years of 40 and 50.'--On this Aubrey remarks:--
'Much about that time the native was several times in danger of
expiration, as,
first, by the e<arl> of P<embroke>;
2, a bruise of the left side;
3, a narrow escape of falling downe stayres; and,
lastly, as dangerous a fall from a horse;
besides the accident of sowneing, cum multis aliis.
1668: the native was in no small trouble, at least received
disparagement, by an arrest, and other untoward transactions.'
[M] In MS. Aubr. 3, fol. 62 sqq., is a notice of Aubrey's family and of
Kington St. Michael.
The pedigree is:--
William Aubrey, LL.D.
|
|
John Aubrey (3rd son)
|
|
Richard Aubrey _m._ Deborah,
(only son) | daughter of
| Isaac Lyte
|
+-------------+-------------+
| | |
| | |
John William Thomas
(our author)
See in 'Wiltshire: the Topographical Collections of John Aubrey,
corrected and enlarged by John Edward Jackson,' Devizes, 1862.
In MS. Aubr. 23, on a slip at fol. 47, Aubrey notes his father's
christening:--'Richard Aubrey, July 26, St. Anne's day, christened A.D.
1603.'
MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 83, notices Aubrey's brother William:--'My brother
William Aubrey's scheme by Henry Coley.--Natus Mr. W. A. March 20,
1642/3, at 11ʰ 30´ P.M.'
MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 119ᵛ, is the back of an envelope (seal, a pelican
feeding her young) addressed to Aubrey's third brother:--'to his very
loving freind Mr. Thomas Awbrey at Broad Chalke give these.'
[N] In MS. Aubr. 8, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:--
'John Aubrey <was> borne in the chamber where are on the chimney
painted the armes of Isaac Lyte and Israel Browne.'
MS. Aubr. 17 contains several of Aubrey's drawings, in pencil and
water-colours, of the house and grounds at Easton-Piers.
In MS. Aubr. 3 (his 'Hypomnemata Antiquaria'), fol. 55 sqq., is
Aubrey's description of Easton-Piers. It is printed in J. E. Jackson's
Aubrey's _Wiltshire Collections_ (Devizes, 1862), pp. 235 sqq.
[O] In MS. Aubr. 23, fol. 8, Aubrey notes:--'_ex registro Kington
St. Michael in com. Wilts_: June 15, Richard Aubrey and Debora Lyght
maried, 1625.'
[P] Aubrey in a marginal note seeks to bring his birth-day into
connexion with the Roman Quinquatria (March 19). The note is:
'Quinquatria: feast dedicated to Minerva' <dupl. with 'Pallas'>.
[Q] In MS. Aubr. 23 (his 'Collectio geniturarum'), fol. 116, 117, are
letters from Charles Snell about Aubrey's nativity and accidents. Snell
there enumerates Aubrey's:--
'Sicknesse att birth; ague and vomittings aboute 5 or 6 yeares old;
issue in his head; small-pox; amours with madam Wiseman[229]; selling
away the mannor of Stratford, etc.; haesitating in his speech.'
Snell gives this advice:--
'If the haesitation in your speech doth hinder, gett a parsonage of
4 or 500 _li._ per annum, and give a curat 100 _li._ per annum to
officiate for you.'
The letter is dated from 'Fordingbridge; 12 August, 1676.'