HINCKLEY, a market town in the Bosworth _Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "Hero" to "Hindu Chronology" Volume 13, Slice 4

Leicestershire, England, 14(1/2) m. S.W. from Leicester on the

Nuneaton-Leicester branch of the London & North-Western railway, and

near the Ashby-de-la-Zouch canal. Pop. of urban district (1901), 11,304.

The town is well situated on a considerable eminence. Among the

principal buildings are the church of St Mary, a Decorated and

Perpendicular structure, with lofty tower and spire; the Roman Catholic

academy named St Peter's Priory, and a grammar school. The ditch of a

castle erected by Hugh de Grentismenil in the time of William Rufus is

still to be traced. Hinckley is the centre of a stocking-weaving

district, and its speciality is circular hose. It also possesses a

boot-making industry, brick and tile works, and lime works. There are

mineral springs in the neighbourhood.

HINCKS, EDWARD (1792-1866), British assyriologist, was born at Cork,

Ireland, and educated at Trinity College, Dublin. He took orders in the

Protestant Church of Ireland, and was rector of Killyleagh, Down, from

1825 till his death on the 3rd of December 1866. Hincks devoted his

spare time to the study of hieroglyphics, and to the deciphering of the

cuneiform script (see CUNEIFORM), in which he was a pioneer, working out

contemporaneously with Sir H. Rawlinson, and independently of him, the

ancient Persian vowel system. He published a number of original and

scholarly papers on assyriological questions of the highest value,

chiefly in the _Transactions_ of the Royal Irish Academy.

HINCKS, SIR FRANCIS (1807-1885), Canadian statesman, was born at Cork,

Ireland, the son of an Irish Presbyterian minister. In 1832 he engaged

in business in Toronto, became a friend of Robert Baldwin, and in 1835

was chosen to examine the accounts of the Welland Canal, the management

of which was being attacked by W. L. Mackenzie. This turned his

attention to political life and in 1838 he founded the _Examiner_, a

weekly paper in the Liberal interest. In 1841 he was elected M.P. for

the county of Oxford, and in the following year was appointed

inspector-general, the title then borne by the finance minister, but in

1843 resigned with Baldwin and the other ministers on the question of

responsible government. In 1848 he again became inspector-general in the

Baldwin-Lafontaine ministry, and on their retirement in 1851 became

premier of Canada, his chief colleague being A. N. Morin (1803-1865).

While premier he was prominent in the negotiations which led to the

construction of the Grand Trunk railway, and in co-operation with Lord

Elgin negotiated with the United States the reciprocity treaty of 1854.

In the same year the bitter hostility of the "Clear Grits" under George

Brown compelled his resignation, and he was prominent in the formation

of the Liberal-Conservative Party. In 1855 he was chosen governor of

Barbados and the Windward Islands, and subsequently governor of British

Guiana. In 1869 he was created K.C.M.G. and returned to Canada, becoming

till 1873 finance minister in the cabinet of Sir John Macdonald. In

February of that year he resigned, but continued to take an active part

in public life. In 1879 the failure of the Consolidated Bank of Canada,

of which he was president, led to his being tried for issuing false

statements. Though found guilty on a technicality (see _Journal_ of the

Canadian Bankers' Association, April 1906) judgment was suspended, his

personal credit remained unimpaired, and he continued to take part in

the discussion of public questions till his death on the 18th of August

1885.

His writings include: _The Political History of Canada between 1840

and 1855_ (1877); _The Political Destiny of Canada_ (1878), and his

_Reminiscences_ (1884).

HINCMAR (c. 805-882), archbishop of Reims, one of the most remarkable

figures in the ecclesiastical history of France, belonged to a noble

family of the north or north-east of Gaul. Destined, doubtless, to the

monastic life, he was brought up at St Denis under the direction of the

abbot Hilduin (d. 844), who brought him in 822 to the court of the

emperor Louis the Pious. When Hilduin was disgraced in 830 for having

joined the party of Lothair, Hincmar accompanied him into exile at

Corvey in Saxony, but returned with him to St Denis when the abbot was

reconciled with the emperor, and remained faithful to the emperor during

his struggle with his sons. After the death of Louis the Pious (840)

Hincmar supported Charles the Bald, and received from him the abbacies

of Notre-Dame at Compiegne and St Germer de Fly. In 845 he obtained

through the king's support the archbishopric of Reims, and this choice

was confirmed at the synod of Beauvais (April 845). Archbishop Ebbo,

whom he replaced, had been deposed in 835 at the synod of Thionville

(Diedenhofen) for having broken his oath of fidelity to the emperor

Louis, whom he had deserted to join the party of Lothair. After the

death of Louis, Ebbo succeeded in regaining possession of his see for

some years (840-844), but in 844 Pope Sergius II. confirmed his

deposition. It was in these circumstances that Hincmar succeeded, and in

847 Pope Leo IV. sent him the pallium.

One of the first cares of the new prelate was the restitution to his

metropolitan see of the domains that had been alienated under Ebbo and

given as benefices to laymen. From the beginning of his episcopate

Hincmar was in constant conflict with the clerks who had been ordained

by Ebbo during his reappearance. These clerks, whose ordination was

regarded as invalid by Hincmar and his adherents, were condemned in 853

at the council of Soissons, and the decisions of that council were

confirmed in 855 by Pope Benedict III. This conflict, however, bred an

antagonism of which Hincmar was later to feel the effects. During the

next thirty years the archbishop of Reims played a very prominent part

in church and state. His authoritative and energetic will inspired, and

in great measure directed, the policy of the west Frankish kingdom until

his death. He took an active part in all the great political and

religious affairs of his time, and was especially energetic in defending

and extending the rights of the church and of the metropolitans in

general, and of the metropolitan of the church of Reims in particular.

In the resulting conflicts, in which his personal interest was in

question, he displayed great activity and a wide knowledge of canon law,

but did not scruple to resort to disingenuous interpretation of texts.

His first encounter was with the heresiarch Gottschalk, whose

predestinarian doctrines claimed to be modelled on those of St

Augustine. Hincmar placed himself at the head of the party that

regarded Gottschalk's doctrines as heretical, and succeeded in procuring

the arrest and imprisonment of his adversary (849). For a part at least

of his doctrines Gottschalk found ardent defenders, such as Lupus of

Ferrieres, the deacon Florus and Amolo of Lyons. Through the energy and

activity of Hincmar the theories of Gottschalk were condemned at Quierzy

(853) and Valence (855), and the decisions of these two synods were

confirmed at the synods of Langres and Savonnieres, near Toul (859). To

refute the predestinarian heresy Hincmar composed his _De

praedestinatione Dei et libero arbitrio_, and against certain

propositions advanced by Gottschalk on the Trinity he wrote a treatise

called _De una et non trina deitate_. Gottschalk died in prison in 868.

The question of the divorce of Lothair II., king of Lorraine, who had

repudiated his wife Theutberga to marry his concubine Waldrada, engaged

Hincmar's literary activities in another direction. At the request of a

number of great personages in Lorraine he composed in 860 his _De

divortio Lotharii et Teutbergae_, in which he vigorously attacked, both

from the moral and the legal standpoints, the condemnation pronounced

against the queen by the synod of Aix-la-Chapelle (February 860).

Hincmar energetically supported the policy of Charles the Bald in

Lorraine, less perhaps from devotion to the king's interests than from a

desire to see the whole of the ecclesiastical province of Reims united

under the authority of a single sovereign, and in 869 it was he who

consecrated Charles at Metz as king of Lorraine.

In the middle of the 9th century there appeared in Gaul the collection

of false decretals commonly known as the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. The

exact date and the circumstances of the composition of the collection

are still an open question, but it is certain that Hincmar was one of

the first to know of their existence, and apparently he was not aware

that the documents were forged. The importance assigned by these

decretals to the bishops and the provincial councils, as well as to the

direct intervention of the Holy See, tended to curtail the rights of the

metropolitans, of which Hincmar was so jealous. Rothad, bishop of

Soissons, one of the most active members of the party in favour of the

pseudo-Isidorian theories, immediately came into collision with his

archbishop. Deposed in 863 at the council of Soissons, presided over by

Hincmar, Rothad appealed to Rome. Pope Nicholas I. supported him

zealously, and in 865, in spite of the protests of the archbishop of

Reims, Arsenius, bishop of Orta and legate of the Holy See, was

instructed to restore Rothad to his episcopal see. Hincmar experienced

another check when he endeavoured to prevent Wulfad, one of the clerks

deposed by Ebbo, from obtaining the archbishopric of Bourges with the

support of Charles the Bald. After a synod held at Soissons, Nicholas I.

pronounced himself in favour of the deposed clerks, and Hincmar was

constrained to make submission (866). He was more successful in his

contest with his nephew Hincmar, bishop of Laon, who was at first

supported both by the king and by his uncle, the archbishop of Reims,

but soon quarrelled with both. Hincmar of Laon refused to recognize the

authority of his metropolitan, and entered into an open struggle with

his uncle, who exposed his errors in a treatise called _Opusculum LV.

capitulorum_, and procured his condemnation and deposition at the synod

of Douzy (871). The bishop of Laon was sent into exile, probably to

Aquitaine, where his eyes were put out by order of Count Boso. Pope

Adrian protested against his deposition, but it was confirmed in 876 by

Pope John VIII., and it was not until 878, at the council of Troyes,

that the unfortunate prelate was reconciled with the Church. A serious

conflict arose between Hincmar on the one side and Charles and the pope

on the other in 876, when Pope John VIII., at the king's request,

entrusted Ansegisus, archbishop of Sens, with the primacy of the Gauls

and of Germany, and created him vicar apostolic. In Hincmar's eyes this

was an encroachment on the jurisdiction of the archbishops, and it was

against this primacy that he directed his treatise _De jure

metropolitanorum_. At the same time he wrote a life of St Remigius, in

which he endeavoured by audacious falsifications to prove the supremacy

of the church of Reims over the other churches. Charles the Bald,

however, upheld the rights of Ansegisus at the synod of Ponthion.

Although Hincmar had been very hostile to Charles's expedition into

Italy, he figured among his testamentary executors and helped to secure

the submission of the nobles to Louis the Stammerer, whom he crowned at

Compiegne (8th of December 877).

During the reign of Louis, Hincmar played an obscure part. He supported

the accession of Louis III. and Carloman, but had a dispute with Louis,

who wished to instal a candidate in the episcopal see of Beauvais

without the archbishop's assent. To Carloman, on his accession in 882,

Hincmar addressed his _De ordine palatii_, partly based on a treatise

(now lost) by Adalard, abbot of Corbie (c. 814), in which he set forth

his system of government and his opinion of the duties of a sovereign, a

subject he had already touched in his _De regis persona et regio

ministerio_, dedicated to Charles the Bald at an unknown date, and in

his _Instructio ad Ludovicum regem_, addressed to Louis the Stammerer on

his accession in 877. In the autumn of 832 an irruption of the Normans

forced the old archbishop to take refuge at Epernay, where he died on

the 21st of December 882. Hincmar was a prolific writer. Besides the

works already mentioned, he was the author of several theological

tracts; of the _De villa Noviliaco_, concerning the claiming of a domain

of his church; and he continued from 861 the _Annales Bertiniani_, of

which the first part was written by Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, the

best source for the history of Charles the Bald. He also wrote a great

number of letters, some of which are extant, and others embodied in the

chronicles of Flodoard.

Hincmar's works, which are the principal source for the history of his

life, were collected by Jacques Sirmond (Paris, 1645), and reprinted

by Migne, _Patrol. Latina_, vol. cxxv. and cxxvi. See also C. von

Noorden, _Hinkmar, Erzbischof von Reims_ (Bonn, 1863), and,

especially, H. Schrors, _Hinkmar, Erzbischof von Reims_

(Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1884). For Hincmar's political and

ecclesiastical theories see preface to Maurice Prou's edition of the

_De ordine palatii_ (Paris, 1885), and the abbe Lesne, _La Hierarchie

episcopale en Gaule et en Germanie_ (Paris, 1905). (R. Po.)

HIND, the female of the red-deer, usually taken as being three years old

and over, the male being known as a "hart." It is sometimes also applied

to the female of other species of deer. The word appears in several

Teutonic languages, cf. Dutch and Ger. _Hinde_, and has been connected

with the Goth. _hinthan_ (_hinthan_), to seize, which may be connected

ultimately with "hand" and "hunt." "Hart," from the O.E. _heort_, may be

in origin connected with the root of Gr. [Greek: keras], horn. "Hind"

(O.E. _hine_, probably from the O.E. _hinan_, members of a family or

household), meaning a servant, especially a labourer on a farm, is

another word. In Scotland the "hind" is a farm servant, with a cottage

on the farm, and duties and responsibilities that make him superior to

the rest of the labourers. Similarly "hind" is used in certain parts of

northern England as equivalent to "bailiff."

HINDERSIN, GUSTAV EDUARD VON (1804-1872), Prussian general, was born at

Wernigerode near Halberstadt on the 18th of July 1804. He was the son of

a priest and received a good education. His earlier life was spent in

great poverty, and the struggle for existence developed in him an iron

strength of character. Entering the Prussian artillery in 1820 he became

an officer in 1825. From 1830 to 1837 he attended the Allgemeine

Kriegsakademie at Berlin, and in 1841, while still a subaltern, he was

posted to the great General Staff, in which he afterwards directed the

topographical section. In 1849 he served with the rank of major on the

staff of General Peucker, who commanded a federal corps in the

suppression of the Baden insurrection. He fell into the hands of the

insurgents at the action of Ladenburg, but was released just before the

fall of Rastadt. In the Danish war of 1864 Hindersin, now

lieutenant-general, directed the artillery operations against the lines

of Duppel, and for his services was ennobled by the king of Prussia.

Soon afterwards he became inspector-general of artillery. His experience

at Duppel had convinced him that the days of the smooth-bore gun were

past, and he now devoted himself with unremitting zeal to the rearmament

and reorganization of the Prussian artillery. The available funds were

small, and grudgingly voted by the parliament. There was a strong

feeling moreover that the smooth-bore was still tactically superior to

its rival (see ARTILLERY, S 19). There was no practical training for war

in either the field or the fortress artillery units. The latter had made

scarcely any progress since the days of Frederick the Great, and before

von Hindersin's appointment had practised with the same guns in the same

bastion year after year. All this was altered, the whole

"foot-artillery" was reorganized, manoeuvres were instituted, and the

smooth-bores were, except for ditch defence, eliminated from the

armament of the Prussian fortresses. But far more important was his work

in connexion with the field and horse batteries. In 1864 only one

battery in four had rifled guns, but by the unrelenting energy of von

Hindersin the outbreak of war with Austria one and a half years later

found the Prussians with ten in every sixteen batteries armed with the

new weapon. But the battles of 1866 showed, besides the superiority of

the rifled gun, a very marked absence of tactical efficiency in the

Prussian artillery, which was almost always outmatched by that of the

enemy. Von Hindersin had pleaded, in season and out of season, for the

establishment of a school of gunnery; and in spite of want of funds,

such a school had already been established. After 1866, however, more

support was obtained, and the improvement in the Prussian field

artillery between 1866 and 1870 was extraordinary, even though there had

not been time for the work of the school to leaven the whole arm.

Indeed, the German artillery played by far the most important part in

the victories of the Franco-German war. Von Hindersin accompanied the

king's headquarters as chief of artillery, as he had done in 1866, and

was present at Gravelotte, Sedan and the siege of Paris. But his work,

which was now accomplished, had worn out his physical powers, and he

died on the 23rd of January 1872 at Berlin.

See Bartholomaus, _Der General der Infanterie von Hindersin_ (Berlin,

1895), and Prince Kraft zu Hohenlohe-Ingelfingen, _Letters on

Artillery_ (translated by Major Walford, R.A.), No. xi.

HINDI, EASTERN, one of the "intermediate" Indo-Aryan languages (see

HINDOSTANI). It is spoken in Oudh, Baghelkhand and Chhattisgarh by over

22,000,000 people. It is derived from the Apabhramsa form of

Ardhamagadhi Prakrit (see PRAKRIT), and possesses a large and important

literature. Its most famous writer was Tulsi Das, the poet and reformer,

who died early in the 17th century, and since his time it has been the

North-Indian language employed for epic poetry.

HINDI, WESTERN, the Indo-Aryan language of the middle and upper Gangetic

Doab, and of the country to the north and south. It is the vernacular of

over 40,000,000 people. Its standard dialect is Braj Bhasha, spoken near

Muttra, which has a considerable literature mainly devoted to the

religion founded on devotion to Krishna. Another dialect spoken near

Delhi and in the upper Gangetic Doab is the original from which

Hindostani, the great _lingua franca_ of India, has developed (see

HINDOSTANI). Western Hindi, like Punjabi, its neighbour to the west, is

descended from the Apabhramsa form of Sauraseni Prakrit (see PRAKRIT),

and represents the language of the Madhyadesa or Midland, as distinct

from the intermediate and outer Indo-Aryan languages.

HINDKI, the name given to the Hindus who inhabit Afghanistan. They are

of the Khatri class, and are found all over the country even amongst the

wildest tribes. Bellew in his _Races of Afghanistan_ estimates their

number at about 300,000. The name Hindki is also loosely used on the

upper Indus, in Dir, Bajour, &c., to denote the speakers of Punjabi or

any of its dialects. It is sometimes applied in a historical sense to

the Buddhist inhabitants of the Peshawar Valley north of the Kabul

river, who were driven thence about the 5th or 6th century and settled

in the neighbourhood of Kandahar.

HINDLEY, an urban district in the Ince parliamentary division of

Lancashire, England, 2 m. E.S.E. of Wigan, on the Lancashire & Yorkshire

and Great Central railways. Pop. (1901) 23,504. Cotton spinning and the

manufacture of cotton goods are the principal industries, and there are

extensive coal-mines in the neighbourhood. It is recorded that in the

time of the Puritan revolution Hindley church was entered by the

Cavaliers, who played at cards in the pews, pulled down the pulpit and

tore the Bible in pieces.

HINDOSTANI (properly _Hindostani_, of or belonging to Hindostan[1]), the

name given by Europeans to an Indo-Aryan dialect (whose home is in the

upper Gangetic Doab and near the city of Delhi), which, owing to

political causes, has become the great _lingua franca_ of modern India.

The name is not employed by natives of India, except as an imitation of

the English nomenclature. Hindostani is by origin a dialect of Western

Hindi, and it is first of all necessary to explain what we mean by the

term "Hindi" as applied to language. Modern Indo-Aryan languages fall

into three groups,--an outer band, the language of the Midland and an

intermediate band. The Midland consists of the Gangetic Doab and of the

country to its immediate north and south, extending, roughly speaking,

from the Eastern Punjab on the west, to Cawnpore on its east. The

language of this tract is called "Western Hindi"; to its west we have

Panjabi (of the Central Punjab), and to the east, reaching as far as

Benares, Eastern Hindi, both Intermediate languages. These three will

all be dealt with in the present article. Panjabi and Western Hindi are

derived from Sauraseni, and Eastern Hindi from Ardham gadha Prakrit,

through the corresponding Apabhramsas (see PRAKRIT). Eastern Hindi

differs in many respects from the two others, but it is customary to

consider it together with the language of the Midland, and this will be

followed on the present occasion. In 1901 the speakers of these three

languages numbered: Panjabi, 17,070,961; Western Hindi, 40,714,925;

Eastern Hindi, 22,136,358.

_Linguistic Boundaries._--Taking the tract covered by these three forms

of speech, it has to its west, in the western Punjab, Lannda (see

SINDHI), a language of the Outer band. The parent of Lahnda once no

doubt covered the whole of the Punjab, but, in the process of expansion

of the tribes of the Midland described in the article INDO-ARYAN

LANGUAGES, it was gradually driven back, leaving traces of its former

existence which grow stronger as we proceed westwards, until at about

the 74th degree of east longitude there is a mixed, transition dialect.

To the west of that degree Lahnda may be said to be established, the

deserts of the west-central Punjab forming a barrier and protecting it,

just as, farther south, a continuation of the same desert has protected

Sindhi from Rajasthani. It is the old traces of Lahnda which mainly

differentiate Panjabi from Hindostani. To the south of Panjabi and

Western Hindi lies Rajasthani. This language arose in much the same way

as Panjabi. The expanding Midland language was stopped by the desert

from reaching Sindhi, but to the south-west it found an unobstructed way

into Gujarat, where, under the form of Gujarati, it broke the

continuity of the Outer band. Eastern Hindi, as an Intermediate form of

speech, is of much older lineage. It has been an Intermediate language

since, at least, the institution of Jainism (say, 500 B.C.), and is much

less subject to the influence of the Midland than is Panjabi. To its

east it has Bihari, and, stretching far to the south, it has Marathi as

its neighbour in that direction, both of these being Outer languages.

_Dialects._--The only important dialect of Eastern Hindi is Awadhi,

spoken in Oudh, and possessing a large literature of great excellence.

Chhattisgarhi and Bagheli, the other dialects, have scanty literatures

of small value. Western Hindi has four main dialects, Bundeli of

Bundelkhand, Braj Bhasha (properly "Braj Bhasa") of the country round

Mathura (Muttra), Kanauji of the central Doab and the country to its

north, and vernacular Hindostani of Delhi and the Upper Doab. West of

the Upper Doab, across the Jumna, another dialect, Bangaru, is also

found. It possesses no literature. Kanauji is very closely allied to

Braj Bhasha, and these two share with Awadhi the honour of being the

great literary speeches of northern India. Nearly all the classical

literature of India is religious in character, and we may say that, as a

broad rule, Awadhi literature is devoted to the Ramaite religion and the

epic poetry connected with it, while that of Braj Bhasha is concerned

with the religion of Krishna. Vernacular Hindostani has no literature of

its own, but as the _lingua franca_ now to be described it has a large

one. Panjabi has one dialect, Dogri, spoken in the Himalayas.

_Hindostani as a Lingua Franca._--It has often been said that Hindostani

is a mongrel "pigeon" form of speech made up of contributions from the

various languages which met in Delhi bazaar, but this theory has now

been proved to be unfounded, owing to the discovery of the fact that it

is an actual living dialect of Western Hindi, existing for centuries in

its present habitat, and the direct descendant of Sauraseni Prakrit. It

is not a typical dialect of that language, for, situated where it is, it

represents Western Hindi merging into Panjabi (Braj Bhasha being

admittedly the standard of the language), but to say that it is a

mongrel tongue thrown together in the market is to reverse the order of

events. It was the natural language of the people in the neighbourhood

of Delhi, who formed the bulk of those who resorted to the bazaar, and

hence it became the bazaar language. From here it became the _lingua

franca_ of the Mogul camp and was carried everywhere in India by the

lieutenants of the empire. It has several recognized varieties, amongst

which we may mention Dakhini, Urdu, Rekhta and Hindi. Dakhini or

"southern," is the form current in the south of India, and was the first

to be employed for literature. It contains many archaic expressions now

extinct in the standard dialect. Urdu, or _Urdu zaban_, "the language of

the camp," is the name usually employed for Hindostani by natives, and

is now the standard form of speech used by Mussulmans. All the early

Hindostani literature was in poetry, and this literary form of speech

was named "Rekhta," or "scattered," from the way in which words borrowed

from Persian were "scattered" through it. The name is now reserved for

the dialect used in poetry, Urdu being the dialect of prose and of

conversation. The introduction of these borrowed words, which has been

carried to even a greater extent in Urdu, was facilitated by the facts

that the latter was by origin a "camp" language, and that Persian was

the official language of the Mogul court. In this way Persian (and, with

Persian, Arabic) words came into current use, and, though the language

remained Indo-Aryan in its grammar and essential characteristics, it

soon became unintelligible to any one who had not at least a moderate

acquaintance with the vocabulary of Iran. This extreme Persianization of

Urdu was due rather to Hindu than to Persian influence. Although Urdu

literature was Mussulman in its origin, the Persian element was first

introduced in excess by the pliant Hindu officials employed in the Mogul

administration, and acquainted with Persian, rather than by Persians and

Persianized Moguls, who for many centuries used only their own languages

for literary purposes.[2] Prose Urdu literature took its origin in the

English occupation of India and the need for text-books for the college

of Fort William. It has had a prosperous career since the commencement

of the 19th century, but some writers, especially those of Lucknow, have

so overloaded it with Persian and Arabic that little of the original

Indo-Aryan character remains, except, perhaps, an occasional pronoun or

auxiliary verb. The Hindi form of Hindostani was invented simultaneously

with Urdu prose by the teachers at Fort William. It was intended to be a

Hindostani for the use of Hindus, and was derived from Urdu by ejecting

all words of Persian or Arabic birth, and substituting for them words

either borrowed from Sanskrit (_tatsamas_) or derived from the old

primary Prakrit (_tadbhavas_) (see INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES). Owing to the

popularity of the first book written in it, and to its supplying the

need for a _lingua franca_ which could be used by the most patriotic

Hindus without offending their religious prejudices, it became widely

adopted, and is now the recognized vehicle for writing prose by those

inhabitants of northern India who do not employ Urdu. This Hindi, which

is an altogether artificial product of the English, is hardly ever used

for poetry. For this the indigenous dialects (usually Awadhi or Braj

Bhasha) are nearly always employed by Hindus. Urdu, on the other hand,

having had a natural growth, has a vigorous poetical literature. Modern

Hindi prose is often disfigured by that too free borrowing of Sanskrit

words instead of using home-born _tadbhavas_, which has been the ruin of

Bengali, and it is rapidly becoming a Hindu counterpart of the

Persianized Urdu, neither of which is intelligible except to persons of

high education.

Not only has Urdu adopted a Persian vocabulary, but even a few

peculiarities of Persian construction, such as reversing the positions

of the governing and the governed word (e.g. _bap mera_ for _mera bap_),

or of the adjective and the substantive it qualifies, or such as the use

of Persian phrases with the preposition _ba_ instead of the native

postposition of the ablative case (e.g. _ba-khushi_ for _khushi-se_, or

_ba-hukm sarkar-ke_ instead of _sarkar-ke hukm-se_) are to be met with

in many writings; and these, perhaps, combined with the too free

indulgence on the part of some authors in the use of high-flown and

pedantic Persian and Arabic words in place of common and yet chaste

Indian words, and the general use of the Persian instead of the Nagari

character, have induced some to regard Hindostani or Urdu as a language

distinct from Hindi. But such a view betrays a radical misunderstanding

of the whole question. We must define Urdu as the Persianized Hindostani

of educated Mussulmans, while Hindi is the Sanskritized Hindostani of

educated Hindus. As for the written character, Urdu, from the number of

Persian words which it contains, can only be written conveniently in the

Persian character, while Hindi, for a parallel reason, can only be

written in the Nagari or one of its related alphabets (see SANSKRIT). On

the other hand, "Hindostani" implies the great _lingua franca_ of India,

capable of being written in either character, and, without purism,

avoiding the excessive use of either Persian or Sanskrit words when

employed for literature. It is easy to write this Hindostani, for it has

an opulent vocabulary of _tadbhava_ words understood everywhere by both

Mussulmans and Hindus. While "Hindostani," "Urdu" and "Hindi" are thus

names of dialects, it should be remembered that the terms "Western

Hindi" and "Eastern Hindi" connote, not dialects, but languages.

The epoch of Akbar, which first saw a regular revenue system

established, with toleration and the free use of their religion to the

Hindus, was, there can be little doubt, the period of the formation of

the language. But its final consolidation did not take place till the

reign of Shah Jahan. After the date of this monarch the changes are

comparatively immaterial until we come to the time when European sources

began to mingle with those of the East. Of the contributions from these

sources there is little to say. Like the greater part of those from

Arabic and Persian, they are chiefly nouns, and may be regarded rather

as excrescences which have sprung up casually and have attached

themselves to the original trunk than as ingredients duly incorporated

in the body. In the case of the Persian and Arabic element, indeed, we

do find not a few instances in which nouns have been furnished with a

Hindi termination, e.g. _kharidna_, _badalna_, _guzarna_, _daghna_,

_bakhshnaa_, _kaminapan_, &c.; but the European element cannot be said

to have at all woven itself into the grammar of the language. It

consists, as has been observed, solely of nouns, principally substantive

nouns, which on their admission into the language are spelt

phonetically, or according to the corrupt pronunciation they receive in

the mouths of the natives, and are declined like the indigenous nouns by

means of the usual postpositions or case-affixes. A few examples will

suffice. The Portuguese, the first in order of seniority, contributes a

few words, as _kamara_ or _kamra_ (_camera_), a room; _martol_

(_martello_), a hammer; _nilam_ (_leilao_), an auction, &c. &c. Of

French and Dutch influence scarcely a trace exists. English has

contributed a number of words, some of which have even found a place in

the literature of the language; e.g. _kamishanar_ (commissioner); _jaj_

(judge); _daktar_ (doctor); _daktari_, "the science of medicine" or "the

profession of physicians"; _inspektar_ (inspector); _istant_

(assistant); _sosayati_ (society); _apil_ (appeal); _apil karna_, "to

appeal"; _dikri_ or _digri_ (decree); _digri_ (degree); _inc_ (inch);

_fut_ (foot); and many more, are now words commonly used. Some borrowed

words are distorted into the shape of genuine Hindostani words familiar

to the speakers; e.g. the English railway term "signal" has become

_sikandar_, the native name for Alexander the Great, and "signal-man" is

_sikandar-man_, or "the pride of Alexander." How far the free use of

Anglicisms will be adopted as the language progresses is a question upon

which it would be hazardous to pronounce an opinion, but of late years

it has greatly increased in the language of the educated, especially in

the case of technical terms. A native veterinary surgeon once said to

the present writer, "_kutte-ka saliva bahut antiseptic hai_" for "a

dog's saliva is very antiseptic," and this is not an extravagant

example.[3]

The vocabulary of Panjabi and Eastern Hindi is very similar to that of

Western Hindi. Panjabi has no literature to speak of and is free from

the burden of words borrowed from Persian or Sanskrit, only the

commonest and simplest of such being found in it. Its vocabulary is thus

almost entirely _tadbhava_, and, while capable of expressing all ideas,

it has a charming rustic flavour, like the Lowland Scotch of Burns,

indicative of the national character of the sturdy peasantry that

employs it. Eastern Hindi is very like Panjabi in this respect, but for

a different reason. In it were written the works of Tulsi Das, one of

the greatest writers that India has produced, and his influence on the

language has been as great as that of Shakespeare on English. The

peasantry are continually quoting him without knowing it, and his style,

simple and yet vigorous, thoroughly Indian and yet free from purism, has

set a model which is everywhere followed except in the large towns where

Urdu or Sanskritized Hindi prevails. Eastern Hindi is written in the

Nagari alphabet, or in the current character related to it called

"Kaithi" (see BIHARI). The indigenous alphabet of the Punjab is called

_Landa_ or "clipped." It is related to Nagari, but is hardly legible to

any one except the original writer, and sometimes not even to him. To

remedy this defect an improved form of the alphabet was devised in the

16th century by Angad, the fifth Sikh Guru, for the purpose of recording

the Sikh scriptures. It was named _Gurmukhi_, "proceeding from the mouth

of the Guru," and is now generally used for writing the language.

_Grammar._--In the following account we use these contractions: Skr. =

Sanskrit; Pr. = Prakrit; Ap. = Apabhramsa; W.H. = Western Hindi; E.H.

= Eastern Hindi; H. = Hindostani; Br. = Braj Bhasha; P. = Panjabi.

(A) _Phonetics._--The phonetic system of all three languages is nearly

the same as that of the Apabhramsas from which they are derived. With

a few exceptions, to be noted below, the letters of the alphabets of

the three languages are the same as in Sanskrit. Panjabi, and the

western dialects of Western Hindi, have preserved the old Vedic

cerebral l. There is a tendency for concurrent vowels to run into each

other, and for the semi-vowels y and v to become vowels. Thus, Skr.

_carmakaras_, Ap. _cammaaru_, a leather-worker, becomes H. _camar_;

Skr. _rajani_, Ap. _ra(y)ani_, H. _rain_, night; Skr. _dhavalakas_,

Ap. _dhavalau_, H. _dhaula_, white. Sometimes the semi-vowel is

retained, as in Skr. _kataras_, Ap. _ka(y)aru_, H. _kayar_, a coward.

Almost the only compound consonants which survived in the Pr. stage

were double letters, and in W.H. and E.H. these are usually

simplified, the preceding vowel being lengthened and sometimes

nasalized, in compensation. P., on the other hand, prefers to retain

the double consonant. Thus, Skr. _karma_, Ap. _kammu_, W.H. and E.H.

_kam_, but P. _kamm_, a work; Skr. _satyas_, Ap. _saccu_, W.H. and

E.H. _sac_, but P. _sacc_, true (H., being the W.H. dialect which lies

nearest to P., often follows that language, and in this instance has

_sacc_, usually written _sac_); Skr. _hastas_, Ap. _hatthu_, W.H. and

E.H. _hath_, but P. _hatth_, a hand. The nasalization of vowels is

very frequent in all three languages, and is here represented by the

sign ~ over the vowel. Sometimes it is compensatory, as in _sac_, but

it often represents an original _m_, as in _kawal_ from Skr.

_kamalas_, a lotus. Final short vowels quiesce in prose pronunciation,

and are usually not written in transliteration; thus the final _a_,

_i_ or _u_ has been lost in all the examples given above, and other

_tatsama_ examples are Skr. _mati_-which becomes _mat_, mind, and Skr.

_vastu_-, which becomes _bast_, a thing. In all poetry, however

(except in the Urdu poetry formed on Persian models, and under the

rules of Persian prosody), they reappear and are necessary for the

scansion.

In _tadbhava_ words an original long vowel in any syllable earlier

than the penultimate is shortened. In P. and H. when the long vowel is

_e_ or _o_ it is shortened to _i_ or _u_ respectively, but in other

W.H. dialects and in E.H. it is shortened to _e_ or _o_; thus, _beti_,

daughter, long form H. _bitiya_, E.H. _betiya_; _ghori_, mare, long

form H. _ghuriya_, E.H. _ghoriya_. The short vowels _e_ and _o_ are

very rare in P. and H., but are not uncommon (though ignored by most

grammars) in E.H. and the other W.H. dialects. A medial _d_ is

pronounced as a strongly burred cerebral _r_, and is then written as

shown, with a supposited dot. All these changes and various

contractions of Prakrit syllables have caused considerable variations

in the forms of words, but generally not so as to obscure the origin.

(B) _Declension._--The nominative form of a _tadbhava_ word is derived

from the nominative form in Sanskrit and Prakrit, but _tatsama_ words

are usually borrowed in the form of the Skr. crude base; thus, Skr.

_hastin_-, nom. _hasti_, Ap. nom. _hatthi_, H. _hathi_, an elephant;

Skr. base _mati_-, nom. _matis_, H. (_tatsama_) _mati_, or, with

elision of the final short vowel, _mat_. Some _tatsamas_ are, however,

borrowed in the nominative form, as in Skr. _dhanin_-, nom. _dhani_,

H. _dhani_, a rich man. As another example of a _tadbhava_ word, we

may take the Skr. nom. _ghotas_, Ap. _ghodu_, H. _ghor_, a horse. Here

again the final short vowel has been elided, but in old poetry we

should find _ghoru_, and corresponding forms in u are occasionally met

with at the present day.

In the article PRAKRIT attention is drawn to the frequent use of

pleonastic suffixes, especially -_ka_- (fem.-(i)_ka_). With such a

suffix we have the Skr. _ghota-kas_, Ap. _ghoda-u_, Western Hindi

_ghorau_, or in P. and H. (which is the W.H. dialect nearest in

locality to P.) _ghora_, a horse; Skr. _ghoti-ka_, Ap. _ghodi-a_, W.H.

and P. _ghodi_, a mare. Such modern forms made with one pleonastic

suffix are called "strong forms," while those made without it are

called "weak forms." All strong forms end in _au_ (or _a_) in the

masculine, and in _i_ in the feminine, whereas, in Skr., and hence in

_tatsamas_, both _a_ and _i_ are generally typical of feminine words,

though sometimes employed for the masculine. It is shown in the

article PRAKRIT that these pleonastic suffixes can be doubled, or even

trebled, and in this way we have a new series of _tadbhava_ forms. Let

us take the imaginary Skr. *_ghota-ka-kas_ with a double suffix. From

this we have the Ap. _ghoda-a-u_, and modern _ghorawa_ (with euphonic

_w_ inserted), a horse. Similarly for the feminine we have Skr.

*_ghoti-ka-ka_, Ap. _ghodi-a-a_, modern _ghoriya_ (with euphonic _y_

inserted), a mare. Such forms, made with two suffixes, are called

"long forms," and are heard in familiar conversation, the feminine

also serving as diminutives. There is a further stage, built upon

three suffixes, and called the "redundant form," which is mainly used

by the vulgar. As a rule masculine long forms end in -_awa_, -_iya_ or

-_ua_, and feminines in -_iya_, although the matter is complicated by

the occasional use of pleonastic suffixes other than the -_ka_- which

we have taken for our example, and is the most common. Strong forms

are rarely met with in E.H., but on the other hand long forms are more

common in that language.

There are a few feminine terminations of weak nouns which may be

noted. These are -_ini_, -_in_, -_an_, -_ni_ (Skr. -_ini_, Pr.

_-ini_); and -_ani_, -_ani_, -_ain_ (Skr. -_ani_, Pr. -_ani_). These

are found not only in words derived from Prakrit, but are added to

Persian and even Arabic words; thus, _hathini_, _hathni_, _hathin_

(Skr. _hastini_, Pr. _hatthini_), a she-elephant; _sunarin_,

_sunaran_, a female goldsmith (_sonar_); _sherni_, a tigress (Persian

_sher_, a tiger); _Nasiban_, a proper name (Arabic _nasib_);

_panditani_, the wife of a _pandit_; _caudhrain_, the wife of a

_caudhri_ or head man; _mehtrani_, the wife of a sweeper (Pres.

_mehtar_, a sweeper). With these exceptions weak forms rarely have any

terminations distinctive of gender.[4]

The synthetic declension of Sanskrit and Prakrit has disappeared. We

see it in the actual stage of disappearance in Apabhramsa (see

PRAKRIT), in which the case terminations had become worn down to

-_hu_, -_ho_, -_hi_, -_hi_ and -_ha_, of which -_hi_ and -_hi_ were

employed for several cases, both singular and plural. There was also a

marked tendency for these terminations to be confused, and in the

earliest stages of the modern vernaculars we find -_hi_ freely

employed for any oblique case of the singular, and -_hi_ for any

oblique case of the plural, but more especially for the genitive and

the locative. In the case of modern weak nouns these terminations have

disappeared altogether in W.H. and P. except in sporadic forms of the

locative such as _gawe_ (for _gawahi_), in the village. In E.H. they

are still heard as the termination of a form which can stand for any

oblique case, and is called the "oblique form" or the "oblique case."

Thus, from _ghar_, a house (a weak noun), we have W.H. and P. oblique

form _ghar_, E.H. _gharahi_, _ghare_ or _ghar_. In the plural, the

oblique form is sometimes founded on the Ap. terminations -_ha_ and

-_hu_, and sometimes on the Skr. termination of the genitive plural

-_anam_ (Pr. -_ana_, -_anham_), as in P. _ghara_, W.H. _gharau_,

_gharo_, _gharani_, E.H. _gharan_. In the case of masculine weak

forms, the plural nominative has dropped the old termination, except

in E.H., where it has adopted the oblique plural form for this case

also, thus _gharan_. The nominative plural of feminine weak forms

follows the example of the masculine in E.H. In P. it also takes the

oblique plural form, while in W.H. it takes the old singular oblique

form in -_ahi_, which it weakens to _ai_ or (H.) _e_; thus _bat_

(fem.), a word, nom. plur. E.H. _bat-an_, P. _bat-a_, W.H. _batai_ or

(H.) _bate_.

Strong masculine bases in Ap. ended in -_a-a_ (nom. -_a-u_); thus

_ghoda-a_- (nom. _ghoda-u_), and adding -_hi_ we get _ghoda-a-hi_,

which becomes contracted _ghodahi_ and finally to _ghore_. The

nominative plural is the same as the oblique singular, except in E.H.

where it follows the oblique plural. The oblique plural of all closely

follows in principle the weak forms. Feminine strong forms in Ap.

ended in -_i-a_, contracted to _i_ in the modern languages. Except in

E.H. the -_hi_ of the original oblique form singular disappears, so

that we have E.H. _ghorihi_ or _ghori_, others only _ghori_. The

nominative plural of feminine strong forms exhibits some

irregularities. In E.H., as usual, it follows the plural oblique

forms. In W.H. (except Hindostani) it simply nasalizes the oblique

form singular (i.e. adds -_hi_ instead of -_hi_), as in _ghori_, but

first on line looks like -hi]. P. and H. adopt the oblique long form

for the plural and nasalize it, thus, P. _ghoria_, H. _ghoriya_. The

oblique plurals call for no further remarks. We thus get the following

summary, illustrating the way in which these nominative and oblique

forms are made.

+-------------------+----------+------------+--------------------+---------------+

+-------------------+----------+------------+--------------------+---------------+

| Nom. Sing. | bat | bat | bat | bat |

| Obl. Sing. | bat | bat | bat | bat |

+-------------------+----------+------------+--------------------+---------------+

We have seen that the oblique form is the resultant of a general

melting down of all the oblique cases of Sanskrit and Prakrit, and

that in consequence it can be used for any oblique case. It is obvious

that if it were so employed it would often give rise to great

confusion. Hence, when it is necessary to show clearly what particular

case is intended, it is usual to add defining particles corresponding

to the English prepositions "of," "to," "from," "by," &c., which, as

in all Indo-Aryan languages they follow the main word, are here called

"postpositions." The following are the postpositions commonly employed

to form cases in our three languages:--

+--------------+-------+----------+--------+----------+-----------+

+--------------+-------+----------+--------+----------+-----------+

| Panjabi | nai | da | nu | te | vicc |

| Hindostani | ne | ka | ko | se | me |

| Braj Bhasha | ne | kau | kau | te, sau | mai |

+--------------+-------+----------+--------+----------+-----------+

The agent case is the case which a noun takes when it is the subject

of a transitive verb in a tense formed from the past participle. This

participle is passive in origin, and must be construed passively. In

the Prakrit stage the subject was in such cases put into the

instrumental case (see PRAKRIT), as in the phrase _aham tena mario_, I

by-him (was) struck, i.e. he struck me. In Eastern Hindi this is still

the case, the old instrumental being represented by the oblique form

without any suffix. The other two languages define the fact that the

subject is in the instrumental (or agent) case by the addition of the

postposition _ne_, &c., an old form employed elsewhere to define the

dative. It is really the oblique form (by origin a locative) of _na_

or _no_, which is employed in Gujarati (q.v.) for the genitive. As

this suffix is never employed to indicate a material instrument but

here only to indicate the agent or subject of a verb, it is called the

postposition of the "agent" case.

The genitive postpositions have an interesting origin. In Buddhist

Sanskrit the words _krtas_, done, and _krtyas_, to be done, were added

to a noun to form a kind of genitive. A synonym of _krtyas_ was

_karyas_. These three words were all adjectives, and agreed with the

thing possessed in gender, number, and case; thus, _mala-krte_

_karande_, in the basket of the garland, literally, in the

garland-made basket. In the various dialects of Apabhramsa Prakrit

_krtas_ became (strong form) _kida-u_ or _kia-u_, _krtyas_ became

_kicca-u_, and _karyas_ became _kera-u_ or _kajja-u_, the initial _k_

of which is liable to elision after a vowel. With the exception of

Gujarati (and perhaps Marathi, q.v.) every Indo-Aryan language has

genitive postpositions derived from one or other of these forms. Thus

from _(ki)da-u_ we have Panjabi _da_; from _kia-u_ we have H. _ka_,

Br. kau, E.H. and Bihari _k_ and Naipali _ko_; from _(ki)cca-u_ we

have perhaps Marathi _ca_; from _kera-u_, E.H. and Bihari _ker_,

_kar_, Bengali Oriya and Assamese -_r_, and Rajasthani -_ro_; while

from _(ka)jja-u_ we have the Sindhi _jo_. It will be observed that

while _k_, _ker_, _kar_, and _r_ are weak forms, the rest are strong.

As already stated, the genitive is an adjective. _Bap_ means "father,"

and _bap-ka ghora_ is literally "the paternal horse." Hence (while

the weak forms as usual do not change) these genitives agree with the

thing possessed in gender, number, and case. Thus, _bap-ka ghora_, the

horse of the father, but _bap-ki ghori_, the mare of the father, and

_bap-ke ghore-ko_, to the horse of the father, the _ka_ being put into

the oblique case masculine _ke_, to agree with _ghore_, which is

itself in an oblique case. The details of the agreement vary slightly

in P. and W.H., and must be learnt from the grammars. The E.H. weak

forms do not change in the modern language. Finally, in Prakrit it was

customary to add these postpositions (_kera-u_, &c.) to the genitive,

as in _mama_ or _mama kera-u_, of me. Similarly these postpositions

are, in the modern languages, added to the oblique form.

The locative of the Sanskrit _krtas_, _krte_, was used in that

language as a dative postposition, and it can be shown that all the

dative postpositions given above are by origin old oblique forms of

some genitive postposition. Thus H. _ko_, Br. _kau_, is a contraction

of _kahu_, an old oblique form of _kia-u_. Similarly for the others.

The origin of the ablative postpositions is obscure. To the present

writer they all seem (like the Bengal _haite_) to be connected with

the verb substantive, but their derivation has not been definitely

fixed. The locative postpositions _me_ and _mai_ are derived from the

Skr. _madhye_, in, through _majjhi_, _mahi_, and so on. The derivation

of _vicc_ and _bikhe_ is obscure.

+-------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

+-------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

| I, Nom. | hau | mai | mai | hau | mai |

| Obl. | mai, mahu, | mai | mujh | mohi | mo |

| WE, Nom. | amhe | asi | ham | ham | ham |

| Obl. | amaha | asa | hamo | hamau, | ham |

| THOU, Nom. | tuhu | tu | tu | tu | tai |

| Obl. | tai, tuha, | tai | tujh | tohi | to |

| YOU, Nom. | tumhe | tusi | tum | tum | tum |

+-------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

The pronouns closely follow the Prakrit originals. This will be

evident from the preceding table of the first two personal pronouns

compared with Apabhramsa.

It will be observed that in most of the nominatives of the first

person, and in the E.H. nominative of the second person, the old

nominative has disappeared, and its place has been supplied by an

oblique form, exactly as we have observed in the nominative plural of

nouns substantive. The P. _asi_, _tusi_, &c., are survivals from the

old Lahnda (see _Linguistic Boundaries_, above). The genitives of

these two pronouns are rarely used, possessive pronouns (in H. _mera_,

my; _hamara_, our; _tera_, thy; _tumhara_, your) being employed

instead. They can all (except P. _asada_, our; _tusada_, your, which

are Lahnda) be referred to corresponding Ap. forms.

There is no pronoun of the third person, the demonstrative pronouns

being used instead. The following table shows the principal remaining

pronominal forms, with their derivation from Ap.:--

+--------------------+--------------+----------+------------+--------+---------+

+--------------------+--------------+----------+------------+--------+---------+

| THAT, HE, Nom. | ? | uh | woh | wo | u |

| Obl. | ? | uh | us | wa | o |

| THOSE, THEY, Nom. | oi | oh | we | wai | unh |

| Obl. | ? | unha | unh | uni | unh |

| THIS, HE, Nom. | ehu | ih | yeh | yah | i |

| Obl. | ehasu, ehaho| ih | is | ya | e |

| THESE, THEY, Nom. | ei | eh | ye | yai | inh |

| Obl. | ehana | inha | inh | ini | inh |

| THAT, Nom. | so | so | so | so | se |

| Obl. | tasu, taho | tih | tis | ta | te |

| THOSE, Nom. | se | so | so | so | se |

| WHO, Nom. | jo | jo | jo | jo | je |

| Obl. | jasu, jaho | jih | jis | ja | je |

| WHO (pl.), Nom. | je | jo | jo | jo | je |

| Obl. | kasu, kaho | kih | kis | ka | ke |

| WHO? (pl.), Nom. | ke | kaun | kaun | ko | ke |

| WHAT?(Neut.), Nom. | kim | kia | kya | kaha | ka |

+--------------------+--------------+----------+------------+--------+---------+

The origin of the first pronoun given above (that, he; those, they)

cannot be referred to Sanskrit. It is derived from an Indo-Aryan base

which was not admitted to the classical literary language, but of

which we find sporadic traces in Apabhramsa. The existence of this

base is further vouched for by its occurrence in the Iranian language

of the Avesta under the form _ava-_. The base of the second pronoun is

the same as the base of the first syllable in the Skr. _e-sas_, this,

and other connected pronouns, and also occurs in the Avesta. Ap. _ehu_

is directly derived from _e-sas_.

There are other pronominal forms upon which, except perhaps _koi_ (Pr.

_ko-vi_, Skr. _ko-'pi_), any one, it is unnecessary to dwell. The

phrase _koi hai_? "Is any one (there)?" is the usual formula for

calling a servant in upper India, and is the origin of the

Anglo-Indian word "Qui-hi." The reflexive pronoun is _ap_ (Ap. _appu_,

Skr. _atma_), self, which, something like the Latin _suus_ (Skr.

_svas_), always refers to the subject of the sentence, but to all

persons, not only to the third. Thus _mai apne_ (not _mere_) _bap-ko

dekhta-hu_, "I see my father."

C. _Conjugation_.--The synthetic conjugation was already commencing to

disappear in Prakrit, and in the modern languages the only original

tenses which remain are the present, the imperative, and here and

there the future. The first is now generally employed as a present

subjunctive. In the accompanying table we have the conjugation of this

tense, and also the three participles, present active, and past and

future passive, compared with Apabhramsa, the verb selected being the

intransitive root _call_ or _cal_, go. In Ap. the word may be spelt

with one or with two _ls_, which accounts for the variations of

spelling in the modern languages.

The imperative closely resembles the old present, except that it drops

all terminations in the 2nd person singular; thus, _cal_, go thou.

In P. and H. a future is formed by adding the syllable _ga_ (fem.

_gi_) to the simple present. Thus, H. _calu-ga_, I shall go. The _ga_

is commonly said to be derived from the Skr. _gatas_ (Pr. _gao_),

gone, but this suggestion is not altogether acceptable to the present

writer, although he is not now able to propose a better. Under the

form of _-gau_ the same termination is used in Br., but in that

dialect the old future has also survived, as in _calihau_ (Ap.

_calihau_, Skr. _calisyami_), I shall go, which is conjugated like the

simple present. The E.H. formation of the future is closely analogous

to what we find in Bihari (q.v.). The third person is formed as in

Braj Bhasha, but the first and second persons are formed by adding

pronominal suffixes, meaning "by me," "by thee," &c., to the future

passive participle.

+---------------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

+---------------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

+---------------------+------------+---------+------------+--------+---------+

Thus, _calab-u_, it-is-to-be-gone by-me, I shall go. We thus get the

following forms. It will be observed that, as in many other Indo-Aryan

languages, the first person plural has no suffix:--

Sing. Plur.

1. alabu calab

2. calabe calabo

3. calihai calihai

In old E.H. the future participle passive, _calab_, takes no suffix

for any person, and is used for all persons.

The last remark leads us to a class of tenses in P. and W.H., in which

a participle, by itself, can be employed for any person of a finite

tense. A few examples of the use of the present and past participles

will show the construction. They are all taken from Hindostani. _Woh

calta_, he goes; _woh calti_, she goes; _mai cala_, I went; _woh

cali_, she went; _we cale_, they went. The present participle in this

construction, though it may be used to signify the present, is more

commonly employed to signify a past conditional "(if) he had gone." It

will have been observed that in the above examples, in all of which

the verb is intransitive, the past as well as the present participle

agrees with the subject in gender and number; but, if the verb be

transitive, the passive meaning of the past participle comes into

force. The subject must be put into the case of the agent, and the

participle inflects to agree with the object. If the object be not

expressed, or, as sometimes happens, be expressed in the dative case,

the participle is construed impersonally, and takes the masculine (for

want of a neuter) form. Thus, _mai-ne kaha_, by-me it-was-said, i.e. I

said; _us-ne citthi likhi_, by-him a-letter (fem.) was-written, he

wrote a letter; _raja-ne sherni-ko mara_, the king killed the tigress,

lit., by-the-king, with-reference-to-the-tigress, it (impersonal)

-was-killed. In the article PRAKRIT it is shown that the same

construction is obtained in that language.

In E.H. the construction is the same, but is obscured by the fact that

(as in the future) pronominal suffixes are added to the participle to

indicate the person of the subject or of the agent, as in _calat-eu_,

(if) I had gone; _cal-eu_, I went; _mar-eu_ (transitive), I struck,

lit., struck-by-me; _mar-es_, struck-by-him, he struck. If the

participle has to be feminine, it (although a weak form) takes the

feminine termination _i_, as in _mari-u_, I struck her; _calati-u_,

(if) I (fem.) had gone; _cali-u_, I (fem.) went.

Further tenses are formed by adding the verb substantive to these

participles, as in H. _mai calta-hu_, I am going; _mai calta-tha_, I

was going; _mai cala-hu_, I have gone; _mai cala-tha_, I had gone.

These and other auxiliary verbs need not detain us long. They differ

in the various languages. For "I am" we have P. _ha_, H. _hu_, Br.

_hau_, E.H. _batyeu_ or _aheu_. For "I was" we have P. _si_ or _sa_,

H. _tha_, Br. _hau_ or _hutau_, E.H. _raheu_. The H. _hu_ is thus

conjugated:--

Sing. Plur.

1. hu hai

2. hai ho

3. hai hai

The derivation of _ha_, _hu_, _hau_, and _aheu_ is uncertain. They are

usually derived from the Skr. _asmi_, I am; but this presents many

difficulties. An old form of the third person singular is _hwai_, and

this points to the Pr. _havai_, he is, equivalent to the Skr.

_bhavati_, he becomes. On the other hand this does not account for the

initial _a_ of _aheu_. This last word is in the _form_ of a past

tense, and it may be a secondary formation from _asmi_. The P. _si_ is

not a feminine of _sa_, as usually stated, but is a survival of the

Skr. _asit_, Pr. _asi_, was. As in the Prakrit form, _si_ is employed

for both genders, both numbers and all persons. _Sa_ is a secondary

formation from this, on the analogy of the H. _tha_, which is from the

Skr. _sthitas_, Pr. _thio_, stood, and is a participial form like

_cal_a; thus, _woh tha_, he was; _woh thi_, she was. The Br. _hau_ is

a modern past of _hau_, while _hutau_ is probably by origin a present

participle of the Skr. _bhu_, become, Pr. _huntao_. The E.H. _bateu_,

is the Skr. _varte_, Ap. _vattau_. _Raheu_ is the past tense of the

root _rah_, remain.

The future participle passive is everywhere freely used as an

infinitive or verbal noun; thus, H. _calna_, E.H. _calab_, the act of

going, to go. There is a whole series of derivative verbal forms,

making potential passives and transitives from intransitives, and

causals (and even double causals) from transitives. Thus _dikhna_, to

be seen; potential passive, _dikhana_, to be visible; transitive,

_dekhna_, to see; causal, _dikhlana_, to show.

D. _Literature._--The literatures of Western and Eastern Hindi form

the subject of a separate article (see HINDOSTANI LITERATURE). Panjabi

has no formal literature. Even the _Granth_, the sacred book of the

Sikhs, is mainly in archaic Western Hindi, only a small portion being

in Panjabi. On the other hand, the language is peculiarly rich in

folksongs and ballads, some of considerable length and great poetic

beauty. The most famous is the ballad of _Hir_ and _Ranjha_ by Waris

Shah, which is considered to be a model of pure Panjabi. Colonel Sir

Richard Temple has published an important collection of these songs

under the title of _The Legends of the Punjab_ (3 vols., Bombay and

London, 1884-1900), in which both texts and translations of nearly all

the favourite ones are to be found.

AUTHORITIES.--(a) General: The two standard authorities are the

comparative grammars of J. Beames (1872-1879) and A. F. R. Hoernle

(1880), mentioned in the article INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES. To these may be

added G. A. Grierson, "On the Radical and Participial Tenses of the

Modern Indo-Aryan Languages" in the _Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal_, vol. lxiv. (1895), part i. pp. 352 et seq.; and "On Certain

Suffixes in the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars" in the _Zeitschrift fur

vergleichende Sprachforschung auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen

Sprachen_ for 1903, pp. 473 et seq.

(b) For the separate languages, see C. J. Lyall, _A Sketch of the

Hindustani Language_ (Edinburgh, 1880); S. H. Kellogg, _A Grammar of

the Hindi Language_ (for both Western and Eastern Hindi), (2nd ed.,

London, 1893); J. T. Platts, _A Grammar of the Hindustani or Urdu

Language_ (London, 1874); and _A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hindi

and English_ (London, 1884); E. P. Newton, _Panjabi Grammar: with

Exercises and Vocabulary_ (Ludhiana, 1898); and Bhai Maya Singh, _The

Panjabi Dictionary_ (Lahore, 1895). _The Linguistic Survey of India_,

vol. vi., describes Eastern Hindi, and vol. ix., Hindostani and

Panjabi, in each instance in great detail. (G. A. Gr.)

Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, "Hero" to "Hindu Chronology" Volume 13, Slice 4 · 第 33 / 40 题

HINCKLEY, a market town in the Bosworth parliamentary division of