Bronchial cold--Aggravated cardiac symptoms--Farewell to Sèvres
--Return to the Institute--Protracted sufferings--Intellectual
preoccupations--Observations on his own condition--The end--
Cremation.
If in this sad last chapter I occasionally dwell on details which may
seem insignificant in themselves, it is because, at this supreme moment
of Elie Metchnikoff's existence, everything was full of significance,
for everything converged to emphasise the powerful unity and the
ascending and continuous progress of his ideas.
His attitude in the face of illness and death was a teaching, a
support, and an example. That is why, relating the story of his last
days, I piously describe everything.
Towards the end of November, he caught a slight cold, which did not
prevent him from leading his usual life, but which, nevertheless, was
the starting-point of the illness which took him from us.
On the 2nd of December, during a walk, he suddenly felt a cardiac
commotion such that he thought he was dying. For hours, his pulse
remained intermittent and very rapid, and from that day he felt unwell
but continued to go to the laboratory.
On the 9th of December his condition became worse and forced him to
interrupt his normal life. All the doctors were away or very busy on
account of the war, and it was only on the 11th that Dr. Renon could
give him a consultation at the Laënnec Hospital. He found Metchnikoff's
heart very tired and nervous, prescribed a treatment, and told us to
come back in twenty-five days.
But the disease was making giant strides. In the night of the 12th to
13th a first attack of cardiac asthma supervened, an extremely painful
one; we had the impression that the end was near. Elie suffered agonies
but remained morally calm and ready for death, as he had ever been
since his first heart attack, two years previously. He repeated that he
had accomplished his task and run through his vital cycle; that what he
could yet do would be but a supplement, and that it was better to die
than to outlive his own decadence.
He only wished not to suffer too long, but that humble desire was not
to be realised. We spent two more nights at Sèvres, terrible nights not
to be forgotten if one had centuries to live, and we then decided to go
to a nursing home in Paris, as it was imprudent to remain any longer
isolated as we were.
Having heard of Metchnikoff's illness, Dr. Roux offered to receive us
at the Pasteur Institute in a small lodging which was now free, the
house-physician who had occupied it having been killed.
Dr. Widal, in whom Metchnikoff had absolute confidence, came to
Sèvres on the 14th and found myocarditis. Thanks to an absolutely
incomprehensible phenomenon, Elie had suddenly ceased to realise the
rapidity of his pulse; he had 160 beats in a minute and only perceived
less than half; it was therefore easy to keep the truth from him.
After a last night of suffering we left our Sèvres nest, which we had
so loved. Leaning on my arm, he slowly walked through the little
garden and gazed for the last time at the home that we were leaving for
the unknown.... He looked worn and bent under the weight of suffering,
but he was quite calm, and his eyes, though firm and gentle, already
seemed to me to be looking very far away.
The automobile bore us slowly from Sèvres to the Pasteur Institute,
and we found ourselves in the small flat which had been inhabited by
the young doctor who had been killed in the war. He had only spent a
short stage of his life there. How long should we remain? And what road
should we take when we left it? We tried to smile, though our hearts
were terribly heavy, in order to cheer each other.
But, in the course of the day, we were surrounded by friends full of
solicitude, the tension relaxed, and we felt a growing sense of comfort
and security. No more nights of mortal dread and loneliness, with no
help at hand! That thought alone inspired courage and hope. In case of
need, I had only to send down to the next floor to ask for a doctor.
For a few days, Elie felt much better, perhaps on account of the mental
relief, but his heart was weak and his pulse extremely rapid. Drs.
Widal, Martin, Veillon, Salimbeni, and Darré came to see him every day;
during the whole of his long illness, they never ceased to show him the
most attentive and devoted care. They attempted by every means to save
him from pain, for, alas, they had no hope of curing him. Nothing was
neglected, and many still greater sufferings were spared him.[33]
[33] For instance, Dr. Widal, very early in his illness, had
advised a saltless diet, which caused the infiltration in
the tissues to remain comparatively slight.
The war was an inexhaustible and passionately interesting subject
of conversation; Elie read a number of newspapers and listened with
avidity to every news from private sources. Often, too, scientific
questions were discussed, which continued to interest him intensely.
These talks were an invaluable relaxation.
Feeling infinitely grateful towards his medical advisers and friends,
he showed himself a most docile patient, following their prescriptions
with absolute punctuality. When his condition grew worse and he felt
no hope whatever of his recovery, he often used to say, "What is to be
done? the doctors can do nothing, for medicine is powerless. Unhappily,
it will remain so for a long time. Much work will have to be done to
rid humanity of the scourge of diseases. But, surely, one day science
will succeed in doing so; that will be chiefly through prophylaxis and
rational hygiene. There will also be a new science--the science of
death; it will be known how to make it less hard."
After lunch and a short sleep, he received the daily visit of his
friend Dr. Roux, with whom he talked in the full intimacy of friendship
and affection. He confided to him his apprehensions and desires, and
felt unlimited gratitude for his kindness to us, often saying to me,
with tears in his eyes, "I knew Roux was a kind man and a true friend,
but I see now that he is incomparable." Other friends also did their
utmost to serve him and to show their sympathy. He had the great joy
of feeling himself beloved and surrounded with an atmosphere of real
kindness. Many times he said to me, "Now, only, have I appreciated the
warm-heartedness of the French at its full value. Do not fail, in my
biography, to emphasise how deeply I feel it, and how grateful I am. I
want them to know it."
Yet all the care and devotion of which he was the object could neither
arrest the fatal progress of disease nor spare cruel suffering to him
who had thought of nothing but relieving the pains of others. All our
efforts were as flowers scattered over a tomb; he, poor tortured one,
was slowly, consciously sinking into it through the implacable logic
of Fate. From the beginning of his illness, he foresaw the issue; he
lived in constant expectation of death, on the threshold of which his
calm and serenity remained as unalterable as were his patience and
resignation.
After a temporary and comparative lull, which lasted until the end of
December, the disease began to progress again, and almost every week
brought a fresh alarming symptom. It was especially during the night
that the pain, treacherously, reappeared. After dropping asleep fairly
early, he would begin to breathe with difficulty and then awake in
an indescribable state of anguish; perspiration drenched his head,
neck, and chest, several towels often being required to dry him. His
breathing was hard; during bad attacks, the wheezing of his bronchial
tubes was terrifying.
He would sit up, his hands clenched, his face blue and contracted by
suffering, his darkened lips apart, his eyes dilated--the face of a
man on the rack. He gasped like a suffocating man; at last a tearing
cough supervened, followed by expectoration, and the attack gradually
subsided.
For a time we were able to relieve him without the use of narcotics. As
long as there was a ray of hope--not of recovery, but of a bearable
life and further work--he wished at all costs to avoid the influence of
narcosis. He breathed fumes of pyridin or ether, he smoked Escouflaire
cigarettes, and inhaled various other things. In order to sleep after
an attack, he ate a few biscuits, and I sprinkled his head with a
menthol solution, with which I damped his temples and forehead. That
eased him, and sometimes he slept again for a few hours.
But how many were the nights of insomnia and suffering! How many times
did he call for death as a deliverer, and say that he _resigned_
himself to live for my sake only!
And in spite of the martyrdom he endured, he always had gentle words,
a caress, a consolation even! He constantly returned to the thought
that he had nothing to complain of, that he had had a large share of
happiness and good fortune in having accomplished his task, and even
arrived at the development of the natural death-instinct.
All those who saw him every day knew that he was courageous and
patient, every one admired his serenity, but no one could realise the
_degree_ of his courage and patience, for no one had seen and lived
through those miserable nights.
Often, even, when asked how he was, he said "not bad!" after a terrible
night, saying to me afterwards in explanation, "Why grieve them, since
it cannot be helped?"
At the beginning of our stay in the Institute, he was not yet quite
bedridden. After his morning toilet, he would lie for some hours on a
sofa, reading almost continuously, newspapers, scientific reviews, and
many works in connection with the book he had planned on the sexual
function, of which he wrote only the introduction and a few lines of
the first chapter.[34]
[34] He expounded the theory that ideas on the sexual function
had been falsified through fear of venereal diseases at a
time when people did not know either how to avoid or cure
those diseases. He showed that the condemnation of a natural
function by divers religions was based on that fear. He
analysed the deplorable consequences of that, and set forth
the necessity of returning to more wholesome ideas, more in
conformity with nature and allowing the study and avoidance
of many evils. He thought that, in this connection, a new
direction should be given to the education of children
and to marriage. He then examined the part played by the
sexual function in the lives of men of genius and, with
that object, read many biographies and literary works.
During his illness he read books concerning Victor Hugo and
Napoleon, J. J. Rousseau's _Confessions_ and even parts of
the _Nouvelle Héloïse_.
Another question occupied him at that time, that of first-born
children. Certain data led him to think that men of genius were but
rarely the first-born of their parents, and he sought for every
possible information on the subject. In his constant desire to improve
life-conditions, he even thought that a demonstration of this fact
might have a desirable influence on the increase of population in
France after the war; if it were proved that the most successful
children are not the first-born, perhaps the system of having two
children only would be given up in order to have a chance of giving the
country a more capable population.
His reflections on the sexual questions led him to seek for
experimental means of studying gonorrhoea. He thought of inoculating
the gonococcus into the eye of new-born mice and entrusted M.
Rubinstein, the only worker left in the laboratory, with these
experiments. The latter began them and obtained encouraging results,
but he left Paris in the spring and the work remained unfinished.
Metchnikoff's mind never ceased to work unless interrupted by acute
pain; until the very end, his brain never failed him. He often used to
say how far he was from any mystic aspirations, and how sure he was of
remaining a rationalist until the end. And such was the case. Faithful
to himself, not even in the most painful moments did he feel a desire
to look for support outside the ideas and principles of his whole life.
Yet his soul was sad and full of care; the war grieved him utterly,
every newspaper he read renewed his sorrow. When a severe engagement,
Verdun for instance, was going on, he lost the little sleep he had, and
his agitation became painful.
He was deeply disillusioned by the Germans. Having always felt great
esteem for their scientific work, he had believed in their high
culture, and now he was absolutely disconcerted by the mentality which
they manifested during the war.
Neither could he understand how the war had been allowed to come
about. He thought it ought to have been avoided, and considered the
authorities guilty for not having done so. He said that nothing could
compensate the harm done by this insane butchery.
The deserted laboratories, the interruption of scientific work, filled
his soul with melancholy. For, he said, all the great, all the real
questions should have been solved by Science and were kept waiting....
He also had material worries, the war having brought great perturbation
in his affairs. The fate of his mobilised pupils preoccupied him
constantly. The least indisposition, however trifling, of those he
loved made him unhappy. His sensibility, which had always been very
marked, increased still more, and consumed him; it surely was one of
the causes that had worn his heart out. When already very weak and ill,
he constantly thought of giving pleasure to those who were with him; he
read innumerable reviews and periodicals, and would tell each friend
what he had found of particular interest to the latter, even when
speech was difficult to him. His gentleness and cordiality were most
touching during the whole of his illness, though he preserved his usual
outspokenness.... It seemed to me that this offended no one; they all
understood Elie now.
He sought a refuge from his sufferings in his own ivory tower; these
sufferings themselves were to him a source of observations. He
studied his body and his soul as he would have studied any subject
under experiment. Every day he wrote down his auto-observations, and
carefully read the diary which I kept for him.
During the whole of the winter he had ups and downs. Towards the end
of December the cough and respiratory symptoms increased, and at the
beginning of January he expectorated clots of blood, due to a passive
congestion of the right lung.
On the 19th January, some liquid appeared in the pleura on the same
side. Pleurisy persisted for a whole month and necessitated three
punctures. Every time we feared to tell him that the puncture was
necessary, but he received the news with complete coolness, saying that
he had always been in favour of radical measures.
After the third puncture, which took place on the 19th February, a
marked relief supervened, and the improvement lasted for some time; it
was the only moment when we saw a ray of hope.
Though keeping to his bed, he worked a great deal, read, and received
not only his friends but other visitors. At the beginning of March and
at the end of April he again expectorated blood, and the terrible,
tragical nights began again. Yet the days were fairly good.
During that period, he had the pleasure of seeing some of his pupils
again, and of receiving several Russian deputies and journalists. They
talked to him of political events, of the war, of the moral state of
Russia. All that interested him immensely; he plied them with the most
varied questions. It must be remembered that, before that interview, we
had lost all touch with Russia.
During the whole of May he again had ups and downs, but the progress of
the disease was indisputable.
Tachycardia was constant, urine more and more scanty, the swelling of
the legs never decreased, cough and oppression occurred frequently
even during the day. Elie awaited his seventy-first birthday with
impatience. Often during the night, after a painful attack, he would
count the days, hours, and minutes which separated him from that date.
At last it arrived. Here are the lines which he added to his notes on
that day:
16th May. Against all expectation, I have lived until this day. I
have reached my 71 years. My dream of a rapid death without a long
illness has not been realised. I have now been bedridden for five
months. After several crises of tachycardia, following upon a slight
grippe with asthma, I had congestion of one lung with pleuritic
exudate. Though some improvement followed after that, nevertheless I
am tormented by fits of sweating followed by cough and oppression. I
suffer chiefly in the night from those attacks; they provoke insomnia
which can only be combated by pantopon.
My psychical state is twofold. In one way, I should like to get well,
but, on the other hand, I see no sense in living any longer. Illness
has not provoked in me any fear of death, and I am more deprived than
formerly of the joy of living. The reawakening of spring leaves me
quite indifferent. There can be no question for me of that pleasure
which convalescents often feel, nor indeed of any pleasure. To the
despair that I feel in the face of medicine's powerlessness to cure
the ills of my friends is added the feeling of its powerlessness
towards my own illness. I think that my desire to recover and to
continue to live is connected with practical causes.
The war has compromised our finances, our income from Russia has
practically disappeared. If I die, my wife may find herself in a very
difficult situation. Given her lack of practical notions, that may
lead to very sad results. Yet it is quite impossible to straighten
our affairs before the end of the war and the re-establishment of
normal conditions.
These were the last words he wrote in his book of notes; his hand had
become weak and trembling; he tired very soon, and henceforth I wrote
under his dictation. On the 18th June, one month before his cremation,
he dictated to me for the last time, and this is what he said:
This is the seventh month that I have been ill and it brings my
thoughts back to the gravity of my condition. I therefore continually
realise how much satisfaction I have derived from life during my long
years. The gradual disappearance of my "life-instinct," which already
began a few years ago, is now more marked, more precise. I no longer
feel that degree of pleasure which I felt only a few years ago. My
affection for my nearest and dearest shows itself much more by the
anxiety and suffering provoked by their diseases and sorrows than by
the pleasure I derive from their joys or normal health.
Those to whom I describe my feelings tell me that satiety with living
is not normal at my age. To that I oppose the following: Longevity,
at least to a certain point, is hereditary. Now I have already
mentioned, on the occasion of my 70th anniversary, that my parents,
sister, and brothers died before reaching my present age. I knew
neither of my grandparents, which shows that they could not have been
very old when they died.
Let us now turn to the profession, since it is an established fact
that it has an influence on the duration of life. Pasteur died at 72,
but for a long time he had been unable to do scientific work. Koch
did not reach the age of 67. Other bacteriologists died at a much
earlier age than I (Duclaux, Nocard, Chamberland, Ehrlich, Büchner,
Loeffler, Pfeiffer, Carl Fraenkel, Emmerich, Escherich).
Among those bacteriologists of my generation who are still living the
majority have already ceased from working. All that should indicate
that my scientific life is over and confirm at the same time the fact
that my "orthobiosis" has actually reached the desirable limit.
He was anxious to prove that his end, which seemed premature at first
sight, did not contradict his theories, but had deep causes such as
heredity and the belated introduction of a rational diet. He had only
begun to follow it at fifty-three. Facts corroborated him after his
death, for the post-mortem examination showed that the heart lesions
were of long standing. He himself thought they went back at least to
1881, when he had had a very grave relapsing fever. The doctors even
wondered how he had lived with his heart in such a state, and only
accounted for it by the strict régime which he had followed during the
latter part of his life.
And indeed when it is remembered how pugnacious, how vehement he
was--always, so to speak, in a state of ebullition, feverishly active,
intensely sensitive--it must be admitted that his life really held more
than an ordinary life of longer duration.
He was very desirous that the example of his serenity in the face of
death should be encouraging and comforting. It should prove that, at
the end of his vital cycle, man fears death no longer; it has lost its
sting for him.
Early in June his condition became still worse. The nights were so
painful that, every evening, recourse had to be had to pantopon.[35] It
was with the greatest impatience that he awaited his "dear Darré and
dear Salimbeni," as he called them.
[35] Pantopon is a narcotic drug prepared from opium.
After Dr. Darré had finished his complete and thorough medical
examination, we three remained talking around Elie's bed for a short
hour. He often recalled his personal or scientific memories when he was
not too weary; we talked of the war, of medical questions; often, too,
we would evoke, with Salimbeni, recollections of our journey to the
Kalmuk Steppes.
We loved that peaceful hour, which ended by an injection of pantopon,
the only relief, alas, that could be procured for him. He would thank
Dr. Darré with gratitude, and drop his poor weary head on the pillow,
awaiting in absolute security the blessed sensation of warm heaviness
which pervaded him, for he knew that sleep and rest from his sufferings
would not be long in coming. The spectre of tragical nights never
ceased to haunt us.
Until the hot weather came, he was quite comfortable in the small flat
in the Pasteur hospital; the temperature there had been perfectly
regular all through the winter; but now he began to be incommoded by
the heat.
M. Roux then proposed that we should be transferred to Pasteur's old
flat; the rooms were spacious and much cooler. This idea rejoiced and
touched Elie very much. As he thanked M. Roux, he said to him: "See
how my life is bound with the Pasteur Institute. I have worked here
for years; I am nursed here during my illness; in order to complete
the connection I ought to be incinerated in the great oven where our
dead animals are burnt, and my ashes could be kept in an urn in one
of the cupboards in the library." "What a gruesome joke!" answered M.
Roux, really taking those words for a joke. But directly after he was
gone Elie turned to me with an anxious look and said, "Well, what do
you think of my idea?" I saw by his earnest expression that he meant
what he said, and I answered that I thought it a very good idea.
The Pasteur Institute had become his refuge, the centre of all his
scientific interests; he loved it; he had spent his best years there.
Let his ashes be laid there some day; it would be in perfect harmony
with his past. Let us only hope that would not be too soon! But why had
he given his words that jesting form which must have misled M. Roux? He
explained it to me: knowing how deeply conscientious his friend was,
he did not wish to express his desire as a dying wish in order that he
should feel no obligation. A simple jest, on the contrary, left him
absolutely free.
On the 26th June, Elie was carried into Pasteur's flat; it was a very
great satisfaction to him, it brought him nearer his laboratory. Now
and then, very seldom now, he thought he might return there one day;
he said I should wheel him there in his bath-chair. "I know I could
scarcely work there myself. But perhaps I might still play the part of
a ferment, be useful to my pupils by giving them advice. I am leaving
so much unfinished work which it would be interesting to go on with:
the question of intestinal flora, that of diabetes, which surely
is an infectious disease--but that will have to be proved,--and my
experiments on the subject were scarcely begun. I think the study of
gonorrhoea will give very interesting results when they succeed in
inoculating it in new-born animals. And the question of tuberculosis is
well started! I could still help my pupils and encourage them if I were
a little better!... But I have no illusions! I must live now only from
day to day...."
Those words were uttered with heart-rending resignation.
He continued to get worse....
It was fortunate that pantopon should have given him good nights, for
attacks of oppression now supervened several times during the day;
tachycardia was continuous, the heart was weakening. The quantity of
urine diminished; it often did not surpass 250 cubic centimetres, and
no diuretic succeeded in increasing it; the legs remained swollen,
ascitis was beginning to become visible; in the night he occasionally
grew slightly delirious.
At the beginning of July he wished to sit up; he spent part of the
afternoon in an armchair, his legs lying on cushions. We thought it
was a good sign, but in reality he found it difficult to breathe lying
down. Several times he asked me to play to him, very soft music, as
noisy sounds wearied him. I played him some Beethoven, some Mozart;
the last time it was a Chopin prelude.
On the 9th his temperature went down in an alarming way to 35.2° C.
(95 F.). For the first time he would not write down his ordinary
observations. "What is the good?" said he, "it has no longer any
interest." Yet the next day he did so, for the last time. On the 11th
and 12th he put down his temperature, and glanced superficially at the
notes I had written. On the 12th, about five o'clock in the morning, he
had a bad fit of breathlessness followed by coughing, and brought up
large clots of very red blood. He smiled faintly. "You understand what
that means," he said, adding some tender words.
I wheeled him to his bed, which he never left again.
On the 13th, in the early morning, he felt very ill. Calmly and gently
he warned me to be ready. "It will surely be to-day or to-morrow."
My heart breaking, I asked him why he said that; was he feeling very
weak? or suffering very much?
"No," he said, "it is difficult to say what I feel; I have never felt
anything like it; it is, so to speak, a death-_sensation_.... But I
feel very calm, with no fear. You will hold my hand, will you not?"
How can I describe those last three days? He preserved all his lucidity
and serenity, often smiling at me and drawing me towards him. He
inhaled oxygen very often, as breathlessness became almost continuous.
On the 14th there was to be a _matinée_ performance of _Manon Lescaut_,
and remembering that his god-children had long wished to see that
opera, he had had a box taken for them. He was now quite uneasy about
it. "What ill-luck," he said, "if _it_ happened just before and
prevented them from going. In any case they must not come here on their
way to the theatre, so that if _it_ happens they will not know, and can
still enjoy the performance."
Thanks to pantopon, he spent a very good night. He awoke about five
o'clock, but remained so quiet that I thought him asleep. When I rose
about six he held out his hand to me and told me he had been awake for
a long time. He talked to me tenderly, in the full intimacy of our
affection; he spoke sweet, unforgettable words. He made me promise once
again not to give way to grief. "At first, our friends will help you,
and then work, that infallible remedy, and duty.... You will have that
of writing my biography. Remember how much I wish the _last_ chapter to
be complete. You alone can write it, for you have seen me all the time;
I have told you all my thoughts, and yet...." I understood that he had
occasionally, out of pity for me, hidden his sufferings and his sad
thoughts. But he did not know how often I guessed what he did not say;
love and pain have a dumb language, more eloquent than any human words.
"You will hold my hand when the moment comes," he repeated. "But do
not think I am afraid, now that it is near. No, I assure you, I have
an absolute serenity of soul! I spent a divine night. It seemed to
me that I was already half outside life. This night has taught me
many things.... Everything which troubled me, everything that seemed
so disturbing, so terrible, like this war for instance, seems so
transitory now, such a small thing by the side of the great problems of
existence!... Science will solve them some day." He ceased speaking. He
seemed illumined by a very exalted feeling; it was like the last chord
of his harmonious soul. What a consolation if he could have died then!
But life is cruel. He lived through two more days of suffering. On
the 14th he inhaled oxygen almost continually. He asked for pantopon,
but we feared to give him too much. I told him it would induce such
continuous sleep that he would not even be able to enjoy it. "But an
eternal sleep is precisely what I want! Do understand that now nothing
is left to me but pantopon. What is the good of making me last? Is
this a life? A few days or a month have no importance when one is not
going to recover. And you cannot wish to prolong my sufferings." His
breathlessness increased; he said, "Give me your hand; stay near me!" I
knew what he meant; he had the "death-sensation."
His poor hands were hot and warmed my cold ones.... The next day I
could not warm his hands, ice-cold for ever.
The whole day he awaited with impatience the hour for pantopon. About
nine o'clock, when Dr. Darré came in, he said, "Dear Darré, at last!"
There was no talk that evening, he was so weary. With what anguish I
awaited the stroke of midnight, which ended those two dread days! He
had been mistaken by barely one day. The night was not bad, in spite
of breathlessness and some fits of coughing. The next morning he felt
better. He had not read the papers the day before, to-day I read him
the communiqués in the _Petit Parisien_, he said it was enough. He also
turned the pages of a book he had recently begun to read, _La Science
et les Allemands_.
I told him how pleased I was to see him better. "It is true," he said,
"to-day I have no death-sensation, but I beg you, have no illusions!"
Always that preoccupation of breaking the shock for me. He made me
bring a pocket-book with some money in it and a few envelopes; in each
of them he made me place notes of similar value, then with his already
shaking hand, he himself wrote on each envelope the value of the notes
multiplied by their number, and explained that it was to help me to
find quickly what I should require after the catastrophe.
He ate better at lunch than he had done lately; but already at two
o'clock the breathlessness increased. Yet he did not look pale; he had
preserved his rosy complexion. As he inhaled the oxygen, he was shaken
by a hiccough. He pressed my hand. "It is the end," he said, "the death
rattle; that is how people die." He looked at his watch on the small
table, it marked four o'clock.
"No," he said, "it must have stopped. Four o'clock struck some time
ago." And he smiled. "Is it not strange that it should have stopped
before I? Go and see what time it is."
I ran out to see the clock from the window of another room; it was
twenty minutes to five. I met some one in the passage and asked him to
go quickly to fetch one of the Institute doctors. Then I begged Elie
not to have such ideas, and tried to cheer him.
"But, my child, why do you want to calm me? I am quite calm; I am only
stating facts," he said, adding tender words.
At that moment Salimbeni came in. Elie said to him: "Salimbeni, you are
a friend; tell me, is it the end?" And as he protested, he added, "You
remember your promise? You will do my post-mortem? and look at the
intestines carefully, for I think there is something there now." MM.
Roux and Martin then arrived. The feeling of weight in the intestines
of which he complained was mentioned. He did not know that he had
ascitis in the peritoneum.
As I was attending to him I felt him move suddenly, and said, "I beg
you, do not make such sudden movements; you know it is not good for
you." He did not answer. I raised my head; his was thrown back on the
pillows, his face had assumed a blue tinge, the white of the eyes alone
could be seen under the half-closed lids.
Not a word, not a sound.
All was over.[36]
[36] It was 5.20 by the conventional war time, 4.20 in reality.
Then an abyss of oblivion....
I saw him again, stretched on his deathbed. He was white, cold, and
dumb. His face bore a calm and very serious expression. He looked like
a martyr who had at last entered into rest. Death had marked his face
with no dread seal. The lids had closed of their own accord, and he
seemed to be sleeping after great lassitude; one might have thought
that, with his usual kindness, he wished to spare us all too painful an
impression....
All through the night and the next morning his face preserved the same
expression.
In the afternoon Salimbeni performed the autopsy. Then he was laid in
his coffin; twenty-four hours had elapsed since the end. Wrapped in a
white sheet, which framed his fine face, he had the appearance of a
biblical prophet.
Now his expression had assumed absolute serenity, illumined by
gentleness and kindness. He had a look of elevation, grandeur, and
beauty which was really divine. It was an apotheosis. His beautiful
soul beamed in its full purity; neither suffering nor any earthly
preoccupation had any hold on it. He gave an impression of eternal rest.
It was his final image, a splendid one, the last ... for ever.
The bier was closed and covered with a heavy black pall. On life also a
blacker and heavier pall had fallen. The light had gone out.
Two days later, on the 18th July, he was carried to the cemetery of
the Père Lachaise, to be cremated in all simplicity, as he had wished.
Faithful to his ideas, he had wished for a lay funeral, with no
speeches, flowers, or invitations.
His bier disappeared into a large sarcophagus; on each side black
curtains fell to hide what was going on.... Then one hour of heavy
silence whilst the poor body was being consumed by the flames....
A death silence....
And that was all....
The mercurial, vivacious child, good-hearted, intelligent, and
precocious; the young man, ardent, impetuous, passionate, a lover of
science and of all that was exalted; the mature man, a bold thinker,
an indefatigable investigator, eager, generous, tender, and devoted;
the old man, in everything faithful to himself, but progressing in
serenity, shining with an ever softer light, like a mountain peak in
the setting sun; the martyr at last, enduring suffering with patience
and resignation, seeing the approach of death without fear, observing
it as he had observed life....
The hour of silence was over; the incineration accomplished. Of his
body, little was left--a handful of ashes. They were enclosed within an
urn and placed in the library of the Pasteur Institute.
But his beautiful, ardent soul, his audacious and fertile ideas, all
that rich inner life which had developed into a harmonious and puissant
symphony, all _that_ cannot be dead, cannot disappear! The ideas, the
influence we give to life must persist, must live; they are the sacred
flame which we hand on to others and are eternal.
EPILOGUE
The life and work of Elie Metchnikoff are so intimately bound together
that, in a biography, it is impossible to separate them. That is why
the description of his work necessarily has been dispersed along the
story of his life; but, just as, in order to judge of a work of art,
one has to draw back and contemplate the whole, we must also, after
following the evolution and successive stages of E. Metchnikoff's
scientific works, take a full view of his work as a whole.
He was a born biologist; everything connected with life interested
him. In his childhood, he observed plants and animals. At the age of
fifteen, he became acquainted with microscopic beings; they aroused in
him such powerful interest towards the primitive forms of life that,
from that moment, not only his future path was marked out for him but
also his method of starting from the simple to elucidate the complex.
He was imbued with Darwin's theory of evolution; having begun by the
study of inferior animals, he began to look for their connections with
other groups.
He endeavoured to establish the continuity and the unity of phenomena
in all living beings. According to his method of studying first what
was simplest, he turned to embryology, for in the egg and the embryo
it is possible to follow step by step the transformation of the
simple to the complex and to see the origin and development of all the
constituent parts of the organism. Moreover, the embryo is exempt from
secondary complications, due to the multiple external conditions of
post-embryonic life.
Metchnikoff was able to establish, from embryological data, that the
development of lower animals takes place according to the same plan
and under the same laws as that of higher animals. In all of them,
the segmentation of the egg is followed by the formation of embryonic
layers, of which each gives birth to cells and to definite organs.
Superior forms repeat, in their embryonic life, the evolution cycle of
inferior forms.[37]
[37] Thus the _parenchymella_, _phagocytella_, and _gastrula_
stages correspond in the embryo with the adult form of
certain very primitive Metazoa and even to a colony of
unicellular animals.
This common plan in the embryology of all animals established their
genealogical continuity and strengthened the Darwinian theory.
Metchnikoff's studies, carried out on the various groups of animals,
contributed towards the foundation of comparative embryology. Owing to
the comparative method, he had made himself familiar not only with the
morphological and functional continuity of divers organisms, but also
with that of their constituting cells; a comparison between the latter
and unicellular beings was inevitable. That is why, having ascertained
that the mobile cells of the lower Metazoa absorbed foreign bodies by
inclusion, he naturally concluded that that phenomenon was similar to
digestion in unicellular beings.
Having established the fact of intracellular digestion in lower
animals, he extended it to certain cells of the higher animals; thus
his phagocyte theory was born.
Seeing that unicellular beings, like the mobile cells of Metazoa,
englobe, not only food, but foreign bodies, he asked himself whether
this was not at the same time a defensive action. Such a possibility
brought no surprise to a zoologist, accustomed to see that, in the
struggle for existence, animals often devoured their enemies.
All the materials for the building up of the phagocyte theory were
therefore ready in Metchnikoff's mind when he asked himself, as by an
intuition, whether the white globules of our blood, globules so similar
to amoebæ, do not play the part of a defensive army in our organism
when they envelope in accumulated masses intrusive bodies injurious to
the organism.
The thought was but the result of a preparatory work already
accomplished; it was the butterfly escaping out of the chrysalis.
Metchnikoff had recourse to his method of simplification in order to
solve the question.
The organism of the higher animals being extremely complicated, he went
down as far as the transparent larva of the starfish (bipinnaria) in
order to watch with his own eyes the phenomena which take place within
it. He introduced a rose-thorn into the transparent body of the larva,
and noted the next day that the mobile cells in the latter had crowded
towards the splinter, like an army rushing to meet a foe.
The analogy of this phenomenon with inflammation and the formation
of an abscess was striking. Metchnikoff said to himself that since
most diseases in the higher animals are accompanied by inflammation
and provoked by microbes, it was chiefly against these microbes that
our defensive cells had to struggle. He named the defensive cells
_phagocytes_.
He confirmed his hypothesis by another observation, equally simple. In
a little transparent crustacean (Daphnia) infected by a small parasitic
fungus, (_Monospora bicuspidata_), he was easily able to observe the
struggle between the animal's mobile cells and its parasites.
These two simple observations served as foundation and supports to the
bridge by which Metchnikoff connected normal biology with pathological
biology. Having entered the domain of the latter, he studied various
microbian diseases, and asked himself why the organism was sometimes
liable and sometimes refractory. In order to elucidate this question,
he turned again to lower animals, in which he could easily observe the
most intimate phenomena, simplified.
He ascertained that liability in an animal corresponded with the fact
that microbes introduced into the organism remained free and invaded
it, whilst immunity coincided with the inclusion and digestion of the
microbes by phagocytes.
He also found that, in artificial immunity, the phagocytes are
accustomed gradually, by preventive inoculations, to digest microbes
and their toxins.
Thus he established the fact that phagocytosis and inflammation are
curative means employed by the organism.
All his ulterior researches, his studies on the various categories of
phagocytes and their properties, on their digestive liquids, on the
formation of antitoxins, on the different properties acquired by the
blood, etc., were but the natural development of those premises.
He had proved that the part played by the phagocytes consists, not only
in the struggle against microbes and their poisons, but also in the
destruction of all the mortified or enfeebled cells of the organism,
and that atrophies are nothing more than the absorption of cellular
elements by the phagocytes.
He found that senile atrophies have the same cause, and asked why the
cells of old people's organisms should become enfeebled.
He demonstrated that the principal cause is the chronic poisoning
of the cells by toxins manufactured by microbes in the intestine.
Premature senility was the result--a phenomenon as pathological as any
disease.
The source of the evil, therefore, resides in the intestinal flora.
Accordingly he started to study the latter, as also senility, in order
to find means of struggling against both.
His researches enabled him to indicate a series of means, based, on the
one hand, on the struggle against microbes, and, on the other, on the
defence of the noble cells against destructive ones.[38]
[38] Replacement of the wild and noxious flora of the intestines
by antagonistic cultivated microbes; strengthening and
vaccinating of noble cells.
The study of old age led him to that of syphilis, a disease which
provokes an arterio-sclerosis which is similar to that of old people;
the study of the normal intestinal flora was followed by that of
intestinal diseases, such as typhoid fever and infantile cholera.
Finally, he progressed towards the last phenomenon, the most mysterious
in nature, Death.
Researches on the silk-worm moth--a rare example of an animal the life
of which ends in natural death--allowed him to conclude that the latter
is due to an auto-intoxication of the organism.
But he only just raised the veil of the great mystery; it was his last
work....
* * * * *
Metchnikoff's philosophical evolution ran on parallel lines with his
scientific researches.
When studying the laws and the unity of vital phenomena he found that
their harmony was occasionally broken by the collision of internal
conditions with the environment and that regrettable consequences
ensued. He saw an example of that in human nature, full of disharmonies
due to its animal origin.
These considerations caused the pessimism of his youth. But his
energetic, pugnacious temperament could not remain content with a
passive acceptance of facts.
He started to study the lack of harmony in human nature and its causes,
and sought for means to combat these causes. Gradually he reached the
conclusion that the greatest human disharmonies are provoked by the
rupture of the normal cycle of our life, by the precocity of senility
and of death, chiefly arising from a chronic poisoning by the toxins of
intestinal microbes.
But having acquired the conviction that it is possible to struggle
against that intoxication, he concluded that science, which has already
done so much to fight diseases, would also find means of struggling
against _premature_ old age and _precocious_ death, thus leading us to
the normal vital cycle, _orthobiosis_.
Then disharmony, transformed into harmony, will cause the greatest of
ills to disappear.
Faith in the power of Science and in the possibility of modifying human
nature itself through Science was the foundation of the optimistic
philosophy of his maturity. Thoughts full of strength and hope shine
like leading stars all along his philosophical works.
"Alone, Rational Science is capable of showing humanity the true path."
"The real goal of human existence consists in an active life in
conformity with individual capacity; in a life prolonged until the
appearance of the _death-instinct_, and until Man, satisfied with the
duration of his existence, feels the desire for annihilation."
"Man is capable of great works; that is why it is desirable that
he should modify human nature and transform its disharmonies into
harmonies."
"If an ideal capable of uniting _men_ in a sort of religion is
possible, it can only be founded on scientific principles. And, if it
is true, as is often affirmed, that man cannot live without faith, it
must be faith in the power of Science."
Thus Elie Metchnikoff had begun by the study of nascent life in
inferior beings; by a logical and continuous chain, he had followed the
whole cycle of development of living beings in their continuity and
their whole.
From the initial question of intracellular digestion he had reached the
most exalted problems which can occupy our minds, the harmonising of
human discords through knowledge and will.
Such is the harmonious edifice which he has built.
No vital question was indifferent to him. He tackled the most difficult
and most mysterious among them with courage, moved by an invincible
impulse towards Truth and sustained by enthusiasm and faith in the
power of Science.
The beauty of a work of art consists in the harmony and unity of a
realised conception.
Thus a Gothic cathedral, by its graceful and harmonious lines,
expresses an impulse towards higher spheres; it leans solidly on the
earth only in order to soar better towards the heavens.
Such is also the character of Elie Metchnikoff's life-work.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX
WORKS OF ELIE METCHNIKOFF
1865. "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Chaetopoden," Zeitschrift für
wissenschaftliche Zoologie, xv. 3, p. 328.
"Über einige wenig bekannte Thierformen," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xv. 4, p. 450.
"Über Geodesmus bilineatus Nob. (Fasciola terrestris), eine
europäische Landplanarie, Mélanges biologiques" (Bull. de
l'Académie des Sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg, vol. v.).
1866. "Untersuchungen über die Embryologie der Hemipteren
(vorläufige Mitteilung)," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xvi. 1, p.
128.
"Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte von Myzostomum," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xvi. 1, p. 326.
"Apsilus lentiformis, ein Räderthier," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xvi. 3, p. 1.
"Embryologischen Studien an Insecten," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xvi. Entgegnung auf die Erwiederung des Her. Prof.
Leuckart in Giessen, in Betreff der Frage über die
Nematodenentwicklung (Göttingen, Verlag von Adalbert Rente).
1867. "Beiträge zur Naturgeschichte der Würmer," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xvii. 4, p. 539.
"Embryology of the Sepiola" (in Russian), Archives des Sciences
physiques et naturelles, Genève, vol. 21.
1868. "Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Entwicklungsgeschichte der
Chaetopoden" (in collaboration with Ed. Claparède), Zeit. f.
wissen. Zool. xviii.
1869. "Embryology of Nebalia" (in Russian), Mélanges biologiques
de l'Académie de Saint-Pétersbourg, vi. p. 730.
"Untersuchungen über die Metamorphose einiger Seethiere,
Tornaria," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xx. p. 131.
"Über ein Larvenstadium von Euphausia," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xix. 4, p. 179.
"Über die Entwicklung der Echinodermen und Nemertinen,"
Mémoires de l'Acad. de Saint-Pétersbourg, xiv. 8, p. 33.
1870. "Bemerkungen über Echinodermen," Bulletins de l'Acad. de
Saint-Pétersbourg, xiv. p. 51.
"Embryologie des Scorpions," Zeitschr. f. wissen. Zool. xxi.
1871. "Über die Metamorphose einiger Seethiere," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxi. 2, p. 235.
"Entwicklungsgeschichte des Chelifers," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xxi. p. 513.
"Über den Naupliuszustand von Euphausia," ibid. Bd. xix.
1872. "Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der einfachen Ascidien," Zeit.
f. wissen. Zool. xxii. 3, p. 339.
"Vorläufige Mitteilung über die Embryologie der Polydesmiden,"
Mélanges biologiques des Bullet. de l'Académie des Sciences
de Saint-Pétersbourg, vol. viii.
"Zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Kalkschwämme," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxiv. p. 1.
"Studien über die Entwicklung der Medusen und Siphonophoren,"
Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xxiv. p. 15.
"Embryologie der doppelfüssigen Myriapoden," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxiv. p. 253.
1874. "Embryologisches über Geophilus," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xxv. p. 313.
1876. "Beiträge zur Morphologie der Spongien," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxvii. p. 275.
1878. "Spongiologische Studien," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xxxii. p.
349.
1879. "Spongiologische Studien," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xxxii. p.
374.
1880. "Über die intracelluläre Verdauung bei Coelenteraten,"
Zoologischer Anzeiger, No. 56, p. 261.
"Untersuchungen über Orthonectiden," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xxxv. p. 282.
"Über die systematische Stellung von Balanoglossus,"
Zoologischer Anzeiger, pp. 139, 153.
1881. "Zur Lehre über die intracelluläre Verdauung niederer
Tiere," Zoologischer Anzeiger, p. 310.
_Vergleichend-embryologische Studien_:
1. Entodermbildung bei Geryoniden.
2. "Über einige Studien der Cunina," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool.
xxxvi. p. 433.
1882. 3. "Über die Gastrula einiger Metazoen," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxxvii. p. 286.
"Die Embryologie von Planaria polychroa," Zeit. f. wissen.
Zool. xxxviii. 3, p. 331.
1883. "Untersuchungen über die intracelluläre Verdauung bei
wirbellosen Tieren," Arbeiten d. zool. Instituts zu Wien, v.
2, p. 14 (Quarterly Journal of Micr. Science, vol. 93).
"Untersuchung über die mesodermalen Phagocyten einiger
Wirbeltiere," Biologisch. Centralblatt, No. 18, p. 560, Bd.
iii.
1884. "Embryologische Mitteilungen über Echinodermen,"
Zoologischer Anzeiger, vii. Nos. 158, 159.
"Über eine Sprosspilzkrankheit der Daphnien; Beitrag zur Lehre
über den Kampf der Phagocyten gegen Krankheitserreger,"
Virchow's Archiv, vol. 96, p. 177.
"Über die Beziehung der Phagocyten zu Milzbrandbacillen,"
Virchow's Archiv, vol. 97, p. 502.
"Über die pathologische Bedeutung der intracellulären
Verdauung," Fortschritte der Medizin, 1884, p. 558, No. 17.
1885. _Vergleichend-embryologische Studien_:
4. "Über die Gastrulation und Mesodermbildung der Ctenophoren,"
648.
5. "Über die Bildung der Wanderzellen bei Asterien und
Echiniden," Zeit. f. wissen. Zool. xlii. p. 656.
1886. "Medusologische Mittheilungen," Arbeiten d. zool. Instituts
zu Wien, vi. 2, p. 1.
Embryologische Studien an Medusen, ein Beitrag zur Genealogie
der Primitivorgane, Wien, 1886.
1887. "Sur l'atténuation des bactéridies charbonneuses dans le
sang des moutons réfractaires," Annales de l'Institut
Pasteur, i. p. 42, No. 1.
"Über den Kampf der Zellen gegen Erysipelkokken, ein Beitrag
zur Phagocytenlehre," Virchow's Archiv, vol. 107, p. 209.
"Über den Phagocytenkampf bei Rückfalltyphus," Virchow's
Archiv, vol. 109, p. 176.
"Sur la lutte des cellules de l'organisme contre l'invasion des
microbes," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, i. p. 321, No. 7.
"Kritische Bemerkungen über den Aufsatz des Herrn
Christmas-Dirckinck-Holmfeld, I. V.," Fortschritte der
Medizin, 17, p. 541.
1888. "Über die phagocytäre Rolle der Tuberkelriesenzellen,"
Virchow's Archiv, vol. 113, p. 63.
"Pasteuria Ramosa, un représentant des bactéries à division
longitudinale," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, p. 165, t.
ii. No. 4.
"Über das Verhalten der Milzbrandbakterien im Organismus,"
Virchow's Archiv, vol. 114, p. 465.
"Réponse à la critique de M. Weigert au sujet des cellules
géantes de la tuberculose," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
ii. p. 604.
1889. "Recherches sur la digestion intracellulaire," Annales de
l'Institut Pasteur, iii. p. 25, No. 1.
"Contribution à l'étude du pléomorphisme des bactéries,"
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, iii. p. 61, No. 2.
"Note sur le pléomorphisme, etc.," Annales de l'Institut
Pasteur, iii. p. 265, No. 5.
_Studies on Immunity_:
1. "Immunité des lapins contre le bacille du rouget des porcs,"
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, iii. p. 289, No. 6.
1890. 2. "Le Charbon des pigeons," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
iv. p. 65, No. 2.
3. "Le Charbon des rats blancs," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
iv. p. 193, No. 4.
1891. 4. "L'Immunité des cobayes vaccinés contre le Vibrio
Metchnikowii," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, v. p. 465, No.
8.
"Sur la propriété bactéricide du sang de rat" (in collaboration
with Dr. Roux), No. 8.
"Recherches sur l'accoutumance aux produits microbiens" (in
collaboration with Dr. Roudenko), Annales de l'Institut
Pasteur, v. p. 567, No. 9.
"Beiträge zur vergleichenden Pathologie der Entzündung,"
Virchow Festschrift, vol. 11.
1892. "La Phagocytose musculaire" (in collaboration with Dr.
Soudakevitch), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, vi. p. 1.
Leçons sur la pathologie comparée de l'inflammation. Paris,
1892.
"On Aqueous Humour, Micro-organisms and Immunity," Journal of
Pathology, i.
_Studies on Immunity_:
5. "Immunité des lapins vaccinés contre le microbe du
Hogcholéra," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, vi. p. 189, No.
5.
"Atrophie des muscles pendant la transformation des
batraciens," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, vi. No. 1.
"Note au sujet du mémoire de M. Soudakevitch (Parasitisme
intracellulaire des néoplasmes cancéreux)," No. 3.
"Über Muskelphagocytose," Centralblatt für Bakteriologie, 1892.
"La Lutte pour l'existence entre les diverses parties de
l'organisme," Revue scientifique, 10 sept. 1892, No. 11.
1893. "Recherches sur le choléra et les vibrions, 1er mémoire"
(Sur la propriété préventive du sang humain vis-à-vis du
vibrion de Koch), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, vii. p.
403, No. 5.
2. "Mémoire," idem (Sur la propriété pathogène des vibrions),
tome vii. p. 562, No. 7.
Comparative Pathology of Inflammation. Lectures at the Pasteur
Institute. Paul: London, 1893. 8vo. (The name of the
translator is not stated.)
1894. 3. "Mémoire," idem (Sur la vaccination artificielle du
vibrion cholérique), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, viii. p.
257, No. 5.
4. "Mémoire," idem (Sur l'immunité et la réceptivité vis-à-vis
du choléra intestinal), tome viii. p. 529, No. 8.
"L'état actuel de la question de l'immunité" (Rapport du
Congrès international de Budapest), Annales de l'Institut
Pasteur, viii. p. 706, No. 10.
1895. _Studies on Immunity_:
6. "Sur la destruction extracellulaire des bactéries dans
l'organisme," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, ix. p. 433, No.
6.
1896. "Toxine et antitoxine cholériques" (in collaboration with
Drs. Roux and Salimbeni), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, x.
p. 25, No. 5.
"Quelques remarques à propos de l'article de Gabritchevsky sur
la fièvre récurrente," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, x. No.
11.
_Recherches sur l'influence de l'organisme sur les toxines_:
1897. 1st Memoir. "Recherches sur l'influence de l'organisme sur
les toxines," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xi. p. 801.
"Réponse à M. Gabritchevsky," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
xi. No. 3.
"Immunität," Weyl's Handbuch der Hygiene. Jena, 1897.
"Recherches sur l'influence de l'organisme sur les toxines"
(Communication faite au congrès de Moscou en août 1897),
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xi. No. 10.
1898. 2nd Memoir. "Influence du système nerveux sur la toxine
tétanique," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xii. No. 2, p. 81.
3rd Memoir. "Toxine tétanique et leucocytes," Annales de
l'Institut Pasteur, xii. No. 4, p. 263.
1899. "Résorption des cellules," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
xiii. No. 10, p. 737.
1900. _Researches on the Influence of the Organism on Toxins_:
4ème mémoire. "Sur la spermotoxine et l'antispermotoxine,"
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xiv. p. 5.
"Sur les cytotoxines," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xiv. No.
6. p. 369.
"Recherches sur l'action de l'hémotoxine sur l'homme," Annales
de l'Institut Pasteur, xiv. No. 6, p. 402.
1901. _Biological Studies on Old Age_:
1st Memoir. "Sur le blanchiment des cheveux et des poils,"
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xv. No. 12, p. 865.
L'Immunité dans les maladies infectieuses. Paris, 1901.
1902. _Biological Studies on Old Age._ "Recherches sur la
vieillesse des perroquets" (in collaboration with Drs.
Mesnil and Weinberg), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xvi.
No. 12.
The Nature of Man. Studies in optimistic philosophy. The
English translation by P. Chalmers Mitchell. Heinemann:
London; Putnams: New York, 1903. 8vo.
1903. _Studies on Human Nature_: Paris, 1903.
Études expérimentales sur la syphilis (in collaboration with
Dr. Roux):
1st Memoir. Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xvii. No. 12, p. 809.
1904. 2nd Memoir. "Études expérimentales sur la syphilis" (in
collaboration with Dr. Roux), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur,
xviii. No. 1, p. 1.
3rd Memoir. Id. No. 11.
1905. 4th Memoir. Id. Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xix. No. 11.
Immunity in Infective Diseases. Translated from the French by
F. G. Binnie. University Press: Cambridge; The Macmillan
Co.: New York, 1905. 8vo.
1906. 5th Memoir. Id., Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xx. No. 10.
The New Hygiene: three lectures on the prevention of infectious
diseases. Translated and a preface written by E. Ray
Lankester. Heinemann: London, 1906. 8vo.
[Another edition.] Chicago Medical Book Co.: Chicago, 1906. 8vo.
1907. [Another edition.] W. T. Keener & Co.: Chicago, 1907. 8vo.
"Sur la prophylaxie de la syphilis" (Paper read at the XIIth
International Congress in Berlin), Annales de l'Institut
Pasteur, xxi. No. 10.
The Prolongation of Life: optimistic studies. The English
translation edited by P. Chalmers Mitchell. Heinemann:
London, 1907. 8vo.
_Essais optimistes._
1908. "Études sur la flore intestinale," "Putréfaction
intestinale," Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xxii. No. 12.
1909. Idem. "Roussettes et microbes" (in collaboration with MM.
Weinberg, Pozersky, Distaso, Berthelot), Annales de
l'Institut Pasteur, xxiii. No. 12.
Notes on Sour Milk and other Methods of administering Selected
Lactic Germs in Intestinal Bacterio-therapy. J. Bale, Sons &
Co.: London, 1909. 8vo.
1910. Idem. "Poisons intestinaux et scléroses," Annales de
l'Institut Pasteur, xxiv. No. 10.
The Prolongation of Life. New and revised edition, Heinemann:
London; Putnams: New York, 1910. 8vo.
1911. "Sur la fièvre typhoïde expérimentale" (Metchnikoff et
Besredka), Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, xxv. No. 3.
Annales de l'Institut Pasteur:
Tome xxv. No. 6. Quelques remarques sur la vaccination à propos
du mémoire de M. Choukevitch sur le choléra.
Tome xxv. No. 6. Réponse de MM. Metchnikoff et Besredka à M. le
Dr. Vincent (remarques sur la vaccination antityphique).
Tome xxv. No. 11. El. Metchnikoff, E. Burnet et L.
Tarassevitch, "Recherches sur l'épidémiologie de la
tuberculose dans les steppes Kalmouks."
Tome xxv. No. 12. El. Metchnikoff et A. Besredka, "Des
vaccinations antityphiques (2nd Memoir)."
1912. Tome xxvi. No. 11. El. Metchnikoff et Eug. Wollman, "Sur
quelques essais de désintoxication intestinale,"
"Bactériothérapie intestinale."
The Warfare against Tuberculosis--being the Priestley Lecture
of the National Health Society for the year 1912. Published
in Bedrock, January 1913. Constable: London.
1913. _Études sur la flore intestinale._
Tome xxvii. No. 8. "Des vaccinations antityphiques" (El.
Metchnikoff et A. Besredka).
Tome xxvii. No. 11. "Toxicité des sulfoconjugués de la série
aromatique."
1914. Tome xxviii. No. 2. "Études sur la flore intestinale" (4ème
mémoire). "Les diarrhées des nourrissons."
1915. Tome xxix. No. 8. "Causerie de El. Metchnikoff à l'occasion
de son jubilé."
Tome xxix. No. 10. "La Mort du papillon du mûrier."
"Founders of Modern Medicine: Pasteur, Lister, Koch" in Russian
(a French translation to appear shortly).
1915-16. "Introduction à 'Études sur la fonction sexuelle'"
(posthume, dans Le Mercure de France, 1917).
1916. The Nature of Man. Popular edition. Heinemann: London, 1916.
8vo.
_Note._--Sources consulted: British Museum Catalogue; English
Catalogue; American Catalogue.
INDEX
Acoelomata, development of, 73
Albaran, Dr., 231
Alexander I., Tsar of Russia, 26
Alexander II., 28;
assassination of, 101, 104, 218
Alexis Michailovitch, Tsar, sends Spatar on mission to China, 24;
death of, 25
Alhambra, the, 124
Amour (Amur) river, Spatar's exploration of, 24
_Anisoplia austriaca_, experiments on, 111
_Annales de l'Institut Pasteur_, 1915, 249-50 _n._
Anthrax vaccine experiment, unfortunate result of, 133-4
Anthropoid apes, Metchnikoff's desire to experiment with, 140, 189;
syphilis experiments with, 190, 191;
infantile cholera experiments with, 207, 220;
typhoid fever experiments with, 207
Antitoxins, Metchnikoff's experiments with, 162
_Arbeiten des zool. Inst. zu Wien_, publication of Metchnikoff's
"Untersuchung über die intracelluläre Verdauung bei wirbellosen
Tieren," 119 _n._
Arterio-sclerosis, 189, 206
Ascidia, Metchnikoff's difference with Kovalevsky _re_, 62, 73
Asiatic cholera, 220
Astrakhan steppes, 84, 85
Austria, declaration of war on Serbia, 1914, 240
Baer, Prof., and Baer Prize, 58
Bakounine, 52, 56
Bardach, Dr., 127, 133
Bassarab, Constantine, 24
Baumgarten, Prof., hostile criticism of phagocyte theory, 126, 129;
criticism refuted, 148
Behring, theory of immunity, 148;
discovery of antitoxins, 149, 150
Békétoff, Prof., 40, 58
_Bell_, the, 29
Berlin Congress, 1890, 148-9
Berthelot, M., pupil and collaborator of Metchnikoff, 197, 221
Besredka, Dr., researches, 161-2, 207-8
Birsch, 169 _n._
Bobrinsky, Count, 111, 112
Bogomoloff, 29
_Bombyx mori_ (moth of the silk-worm), Metchnikoff's experiments
with, 238-9, 251
Bordet, M. I., important researches and experiments, 165
Borrel, M., 162
Brockhaus and Effrone, _Encyclopædia_ quoted, 25-6
Bronn, _Classes and Orders of the Animal Kingdom_, 31
Büchner, 169, 265;
paper on humoral theory, 150
Buckle, _History of Civilisation_, 29
Buda-Pest Congress (International, 1894), 159
_Bulletin of the Moscow Society of Naturalists_, 33
Bunsen, 48
Burnet, M., 211
Caillaux affair, 240
Cantemir, Prince, 26
Casso, Minister of Public Instruction, 219
Cephalopoda, Metchnikoff's study of, 56, 57
Chamberland, 265
Chauveau, 169 and _n._
Cholera outbreak in France, 1892, 154;
Metchnikoff's experiments with cholera vibrio, 154-7, 158 _seq._
Choukevitch, Dr., 212
Cienkovsky, friendship for and interest in Metchnikoff, 59, 60, 73;
resigns from Odessa University, 75;
bacillus, 210
Claus, Prof., 48, 119
Coelentera and intracellular digestion, 107, 110, 116
Coelomata, development of, 73
Cohendy, M., research work of, 196
Cohn, association with and interest in Metchnikoff, 43, 45
"Conception of Nature and of Medical Science, A," Metchnikoff's
Stuttgart Lecture, 1909, 209, 224
Crimea, and Black Sea fauna, 59
Ctenophora, 73
"Curative Forces of the Organism, The," Metchnikoff Lecture on, in
Berlin, 1908, 208, 223
Curded milk, manufacture, Metchnikoff's connection with, 226-7
Daphniæ, experiments with, 121, 279
Darré, Dr., 256, 266, 271
Darwin, _The Origin of Species_, 41;
theories, 276, 277
Diabetes, 246
Dubois-Reymond, journal of, 48
Duclaux, M., 137, 265
Duniasha (Avdotia Maximovna), 4, 10
Eberth's bacillus, 207-8
Echinodermata, Metchnikoff's researches, etc., 61, 62, 70;
metamorphoses of, 72, 73;
and intracellular digestion, 107, 110, 116;
observations on larvæ transformation, 119
_Education from an Anthropological Point of View_, Metchnikoff's
paper on, 63, 74
Ehrlich, Prof., 199, 265
Embryology, comparative, Metchnikoff's studies in, 50-51, 56, 57,
107, 277
Emmerich, 265;
attack on phagocyte theory, 131;
attacks refuted, 148
Engelmann, 45
Ephemeridæ, Metchnikoff's study of, 105, 106, 193, 237
Escherich, 265
_Essais optimistes_, 191-2, 209
_Études sur la nature humaine_, 185, 191, 209;
quoted, 188
Evolution, Metchnikoff's researches in, 50-51
_Fabricia_, Metchnikoff's researches on, 43
Fédorovitch, Mlle. Ludmilla, afterwards Madame Elie Metchnikoff, 63;
engagement to Metchnikoff, 65-9;
marriage to Metchnikoff, 69;
illness of, 69-70;
a clever draughtswoman, 71;
temporary recovery of, 73;
relapse, 74, 75, 78;
death, 79
Fédorovitch, Mlle., 71, 74, 78, 80;
account of interview with Metchnikoff, 83
"Flora of the Human Body," Wilde Lecture, 1901, 182
_Flore du corps humain_, La, 224
"Forces curatives de l'organisme," quoted, 120-21
_Forty Years' Search for a Rational Conception of Life_, 223
_Founders of Modern Medicine, The_, extract from preface to, 247-8
Fraenkel, Carl, 265
Gamaléia, Dr., 127, 133
Garibaldi Movement, the, 47
Garnier, M., 21, 22
_Gastræa_, Haeckel's theory of the, 108
"Gastrotricha," Metchnikoff's establishment of, 42
Geneva, young revolutionary centre, 47-8
_Geodesmus bilineatus_, 106-7
Geophilus (_see_ Myriapoda)
George, Henry, 202
Germany, Metchnikoff's appreciation of scientists of, 55
Germany, declaration of war on Russia, 240;
on France, 242
Giessen, Naturalists' Congress at, 1864, 44-5
_Glycobacter peptonicus_, 221, 222
Goethe, _Faust_, 195, 204
Goldschmidt, Dr., 78, 79
_Göttingen News_, Leuckart's memoir on Nematodes in, 48
Granada, 124
Gravitz, 169 _n._
Grove, _The Unity of Physical Forces_, 32
Guancios, Caves of the, 77
Haeckel, theory of the _gastræa_, 108
Hayem, 169 _n._
Heitz, Dr., 231
Heligoland, flora and fauna of, 43
Helmholtz, 48
Henle, Prof., 54
Herzen, _Passé et pensées_, 47
Hirschfeld, 169 _n._
Hodounof, 19, 20, 22
Hueppe, Prof., 131
Hugo, Victor, 260 _n._
Iamanouchi, M., 211
Immunity, 122;
opposing theories of Behring and Metchnikoff, 148, 149, 150, 151;
ancient and modern theories of, 168-70;
Metchnikoff's exposition of, 171-180
_Immunity in Infectious Diseases_, 170
Infantile cholera, 207, 220-21
_Inflammation_, Metchnikoff's lectures on, 152-3
Intestinal flora, problem of, 196-8, 206;
further researches, 220, 235, 280;
experiments with rats, 221, 222
Intracellular digestion, Metchnikoff's studies of, 57, 105, 107, 110,
116, 170, 277, 278
Jaurès, assassination of, 240
Jelly-fish, Metchnikoff's monograph on embryology of, 126
Jenner and method of antivariolic vaccination, 168
_Journal de Moscou_, Elie Metchnikoff's first publication in, 33
Jupille, M., 155
Kalmuk steppes, Metchnikoff's journey to, 82-3;
description of, 215-16;
Metchnikoff's anthropological work among natives of, 84-5;
liability of natives to tuberculosis, 210-11;
Pasteur Institute expedition to, 212;
description of, 215-17
Keferstein, Prof., 54
Kent, Saville, discoveries of _Protospongia_, 110
Kharkoff, 1, 16, 20;
Lycée, progress in, 28;
University, ancient methods in, 31-2, 37, 40
Kherson, peasants' grievances and vexatious conduct in, 113, 114
Kirghiz steppes, endemic plague in, 211;
Russian plague mission to, 211, 215, 218;
description of, 214
Kleinenberg, Prof., encouragement of Metchnikoff, 118, 119
Kleps, 169 _n._
Koch, Prof., 265;
attitude to Metchnikoff's theory, 133, 149
Kölliker, Prof., 37
Kovalevsky, Alexander, friendship with Metchnikoff, 49, 58;
work of, 51, 52, 61, 62, 72, 73, 108;
divides Baer Prize with Metchnikoff, 58
Kriloff, 26
Kühne, 41
Latapie, M., 155
_Law of Life, The_, 223
_Leçons sur la pathologie comparée de l'inflammation_, 152-3
Leube, Dr., 231
Leuckart, Prof., 43-5, 46
Lilienfiorse, 199
Lister, Dr., 148
Loeffler, 265
London Congress, 149-50
Lubarsch, attacks on Metchnikoff's theory, 232
Lucernaria, 73
_Macaques_ or Barbary apes, 124;
Metchnikoff's typhoid experiments with, 207-8
Macrophages, 163-4, 166, 178, 184
Madeira, 75
Maeterlinck, Maurice, 228-9
Maisonneuve, M., 191
Malaga, gardens of, 124
Manoukhine, Dr., 231
Martin, Dr., 256, 273
Medusæ, 72, 73, 116
Mertens, 76, 79
_Messenger of Europe_, Metchnikoff's contributions to, 208-9,
239 _n._
Messina, Metchnikoff's work at, 61
Messina, the Metchnikoff home at, 115
Messina, earthquake at, 1908, 115, 116
Metazoa, 277
Metchnikoff, Dmitri Ivanovitch, devotion to his brother's family, 5,
17, 21, 28;
appearance and character, 5-6;
other references, 12, 14
Metchnikoff, Elie (or Ilia), parents' home at Panassovka, 1-3;
birth of, 3;
appearance and disposition in childhood, 8-11;
early indications of unusual intelligence, 9, 16, 20;
an adventurous journey to Slaviansk, 12-15;
life at Kharkoff, 16-18;
develops natural history tastes with Hodounof, 20-22;
ancestry, 23-7;
entry into and progress at Kharkoff Lycée, 28-34;
friendships and their influence, with Bogomoloff, 29,
with Tschelkoff, 32-3, 42,
with Kovalevsky, 48 _seq._,
with Cienkovsky, 59-60,
with Kleinenberg, Virchow, and others, 118-19,
with Pasteur, 132 _seq._,
various, 56, 58-9, 63, 65, 93, 137;
adopts atheism and shows continued interest in natural history,
29-30;
love of music, 31, 34, 54-5, 93;
plans a scientific career, 31;
early publications, 33, 41;
devotion to his mother, 35, 93-4;
early love affairs, 35-6;
abortive journey to Würzburg, 37-9;
at Kharkoff University, 40-42;
an early controversy with Kühne, 41;
influenced by Darwin, 41, 50;
early researches and privations in Heligoland, 43-5;
letters to his mother quoted, 44-6, 65-9;
at Giessen Congress, 45;
work and relations with Leuckart, 45-8;
eyesight troubles, 46, 62, 82-3, 105;
visit to Geneva, 46-8;
researches, Mediterranean, 48-53, 56-7, 61 _seq._,
in the Crimea, 59-60,
at Spezzia, etc., 70-73,
anthropological among Kalmuks, 84-5,
in intracellular digestion and Ephemeridæ, 105-11, 116,
in infectious diseases, 128,
in tuberculosis and phagocytosis, 133;
at Pasteur Institute, 135-6,
in cholera, 154-157,
in immunity, 168-80,
in senile atrophies and intestinal flora, 182-9, 191, 196-8,
206-8, 220 _seq._,
in syphilis, 189-91,
in infantile cholera and typhoid, 207-8, 220,
in tuberculosis and plague among Kalmuks, 210-19;
silk-worm moth, 238-9, 251;
contribution to foundation of comparative embryology, 51, 56;
studies in Germany and opinion of German scientists, 54-5, 57;
illnesses, 55-56, 65, 104, 181, 217, 222, 229 _seq._, 249;
return to Russia and Odessa University appointment, 58-60;
appointed Zoology Professor at Petersburg, 61;
interest in educational questions, 63, 100;
life at Petersburg, 63-4, 71 _seq._;
engagement and first marriage, 66-70;
reappointed to Odessa University and difficulties of appointment,
73, 75, 78, 98 _seq._;
his philosophical theory and its evolution, 74-7, 184-9, 191-5,
209, 222-4, 228-9, 281-3;
visit to and life at Madeira, 75-7;
death of first wife, 79;
attempts suicide, 80-81;
Mlle. Fédorovitch's description of, 83;
journey to Astrakhan steppes, 82-3;
studies of childhood, 86;
meeting with family of second wife and growing intimacy, 86-8, 94;
Setchénoff's description of, 88;
harmony of second marriage, 89-95;
character and disposition 96-8, 143-5;
views of women's scientific capacity, 103;
inoculates himself with relapsing fever, 104;
and the phagocyte theory, first statement of, 110,
describes first inception of, 116-17,
progress in, 117-22, 126, 128, 142, 148, 150-53, 158-66,
183, 208-9,
controversies and attacks on, 131, 133, 142, 147-9;
difficulties over Russian estate management, 112-14;
life at Messina, 115-19;
again returns to Russia, 119;
journey through Spain to Tangiers, 123-4;
life at Tangiers and Villefranche, 125-6;
describes work at Bacteriological Institute, Odessa, 127-8;
describes first meeting with Pasteur, 132;
Pasteur's offer, 132;
visit to Berlin and reception by German scientists, 133;
work and influence at Pasteur Institute, 135-146;
M. Roux's appreciations of, 138-9, 150, 159;
other appreciations, 141, 165;
life at Sèvres and Paris, 144-5;
visit to England, 149;
triumph at London Congress, 150;
interest in Pfeiffer's phenomenon, 158-60;
theory and studies of natural death, 192-5, 230-35, 237-8, 252;
receives Nobel Prize, 199;
journey to Sweden and Russia, 199-200;
visit to Tolstoï, 200-205;
expedition to Kalmuk steppes, 210 _seq._;
unpleasant incident of lacto-bacilli fabrication, 225-7;
kindness to friends, 227-8;
descriptions of his own symptoms, etc., 229-36, 250-51, 263-5;
holidays at St. Léger-en-Yvelines, 228, 237-9, 251;
effect of war on, 239-46, 261;
preface to _Founders of Modern Medicine_ quoted, 247-8;
plans a work on sexual questions, 249, 252, 260;
jubilee celebrations, 249-50;
last illness, 254-73;
last days at Pasteur Institute, 256-73;
death, 273;
synopsis of work and achievements, 276-81
Metchnikoff, Madame, meeting with Metchnikoff, 87,
parents and family, 87-8, 94,
marriage, 89, 90,
relations between husband and wife, 90-95,
illness of, in 1880, 104,
loss of both parents, 112,
illnesses of, 123, 181, 252
Metchnikoff, Emilia Lvovna (_née_ Nevahovna), appearance and
disposition, 2, 5, 6, 93;
a capable housewife, 3;
a devoted mother, 4, 6, 13, 14, 18, 37;
delicacy of, 22;
ancestors, 26;
influence on Elie Metchnikoff's choice of a career, 41;
endeavours to prevent Elie's first marriage, 66;
letters to, from Elie quoted, 44-5, 65-69;
death of, 94
Metchnikoff, Elena Samoïlovna, 4, 8, 10
Metchnikoff, Ilia Ivanovitch, home at Panassovka, 1,
appearance and character, 2,
marriage, 2,
easy-going temperament, and extravagance, 2-6,
attitude to his family and servants, 6-7
Metchnikoff, Ivan, 3, 8
Metchnikoff, Katia, appearance and character, 8,
marriage, 16, 21,
other references, 12, 14
Metchnikoff, Leo, 3, 8,
illness of, 19,
gifted but superficial nature of, 19, 46-7;
activities in Geneva and connection with Garibaldi Movement,
46-7, 80
Metchnikoff, Nicholas, birth of, 3;
appearance, 8;
his great-aunt's favourite, 8, 10;
boyhood pursuits, 17-18;
enters Kharkoff Lycée, 28;
life in Kharkoff, 31;
death of, 230
_Microphages_, 163-4, 166
Morosoffs, the, of Moscow, 189
Moscow, Anthropological Society of, Metchnikoff's report to, 85
Moscow, International Congress, 1897, 164-5;
Skin Disease Research Society, 189
Müller, Fritz, _For Darwin_, 50
_Müller's Archives_, Metchnikoff's memoir on the Vorticella in, 41
Myriapoda, embryology of, 76, 85
Naegeli, 169 _n._
Naples, cholera epidemic in, 1865, 53;
Metchnikoff's first stay at, 49-53,
second stay, 62
Napoleon, 260 _n._
Natural death, Metchnikoff's studies of, 237, 280-81
Natural science, Metchnikoff's campaign for the teaching of, 100
Nematodes, Metchnikoff's discoveries, etc., 42, 46
Nevahovitch, Leo, 26
Nicholas I., 28
Nobel Prize, the, 199
Nocard, M., 265;
appreciation of Metchnikoff, 165
Norden, Dr., 231
Odessa, University of, 58-9,
Metchnikoff's work at, 60-61, 98-9,
party intrigues at, 75, 101,
rights to autonomy threatened, 101-3,
Congress, 1883, 120,
bacteriological Institute founded at, 127
Oldenburg, Prince of, 129
Panassovka, the home of the Metchnikoffs, 1, 3,
fire at, 20-21
_Parenchymella_, explanation of, 109-110
Paris, International Congress, 1900, 170
Paris, air raids on, 246
Pasteur, antirabic inoculations, 127,
Metchnikoff's first interview with, 132,
friendship with Metchnikoff and interest in phagocyte theory, 137,
experiments in vaccination and immunity, 168-9,
death of, 181,
discovery of lactic fermentation microbe, 193,
age at death, 265
Pasteur Institute, the, 132,
Metchnikoff's work and influence at, 134-142, 144,
Metchnikoff's appreciation of, 139,
effect of outbreak of European War on, 244-5;
celebration of Metchnikoff's jubilee, 249
Peter the Great, Tsar of Russia, 24, 25, 26
Petersburg, 2, 19,
Congress of Russian Naturalists at, 1867, 60-61,
difficult conditions of Metchnikoff's work at, 63-4, 71,
foundation of Bacteriological Institute at, 129
Petersburg Geographical Society, 82
Petrushka, 4, 12, 13
Pettenkoffer, 154, 236
Pfeiffer, 265,
experiments in extracellular destruction of microbes, 158-60,
165-6, 175;
attacks on Metchnikoff's theory, 232
_Phagocytella_, 110, 126
Phagocytes, origin of Metchnikoff's theory of, 51, 57, 278,
development of theory, 110, 111, 113, 120-22, 142,
inception of theory, 116-19,
Baumgarten's hostile criticism of theory, 126;
application of theory to erysipelas, 128,
opposition to theory, 131, 151,
controversy, 148,
renewed experiments for proving theory, 148, 149, 150, 151,
152, 153, 279;
vindication of, at Buda-Pest Congress, 159, 160;
experiments with toxins and poisons, 160-62;
experiments with antitoxins, 162-164,
and doctrine of immunity, 170-80,
and senility, 183, 280
Phagocytosis, Metchnikoff's first paper on, read at Odessa Congress
of Physicians and Naturalists, 1883, 120
_Phyllirhoë_, 175
Picot, E., _Chronicle of John Neculua_ quoted, 23
Pirquet's test, 211
_Pleomorphism of Microbes_, Metchnikoff's memoir, 1888, 211
Poland, Revolution in, 1830, 26
Polypi, 72
_Popular Star_, 29
Preyer, theory of fatigue and sleep, 194
_Protospongia_, discovery of, by Saville Kent, 110
Pushkin, 2, 26
Radlkoffer, _The Crystals of Proteic Substances_, 33
Rasputin, 219
Recklinghausen, 169 _n._
Relapsing fever, experiments to prove phagocytic reaction, 129
Renon, Dr., 255
Rotifera, 193, 237-8
Rousseau, J. J., _Confessions and the Nouvelle Héloïse_, 260 _n._
Roux, Dr., 137, 255,
appreciation of Metchnikoff quoted, 138-9, 141, 159, 249;
collaboration with Metchnikoff, 150, 162, 163, 164,
wins Osiris Prize, 189;
reply to campaign against Metchnikoff, 226;
friendship with and visits to Metchnikoff in his last illness,
257, 267, 273
Rubinstein, M., 260
St. Léger-en-Yvelines, 228, 237
Salimbeni, Dr., 163, 184, 211, 215, 256, 266, 272-3
Sanarelli, Dr., discovery of choleriform bacilli, 156
Sarepta, 217-18
Schaudinn, discovery of syphilitic treponema, 190
Scorpion, the, Metchnikoff's researches concerning the development
of, 71
Senility and death, Metchnikoff's views on and researches, 182-8,
191-5
Serums, their action, 177
Setchénoff, Prof., 52-3, 71, 73, 78, 239;
autobiography quoted, 88
Sèvres, Metchnikoff Villa at, 144, 145
Siphonophora, 72
Slaviansk, adventurous journey of the Metchnikoff family to, 12
Spain, Metchnikoff's eventful journey through, 80
Spatar, Joury Stepanovitch, 26
Spatar, Nicholas Milescu, exploits and adventures of, 23-4,
mission to China, 24,
literary activities and services to Peter the Great, 25,
death of, 25
Spezzia, the Metchnikoffs sojourn at, 70-71
Sponges and Echinodermata, Metchnikoff's study of, 61, 72, 106, 117
Stepanita, Prince, his dealings with Nicholas Milescu Spatar, 24
Syphilis, Metchnikoff's researches on, 189-91, 280
Tangiers, journey to, through Spain, 123-4,
description of, 124-6
Tarassevitch, Dr., 212
Tchistovitch, Dr., 231
_Time for Marriage, The_, Metchnikoff's paper on, 77
Tolstoï, Léon, a day at Iasnaïa Paliana, 200-205
Tolstoï, Countess, 203
Tornaria, Metchnikoff's discovery concerning, 70
Toxins and the phagocyte theory, experiments, 160 seq.
_Trattoria della Harmonia_, the, 53
Trieste, Metchnikoff's work at, 62
Tschelkoff, Prof., 32, 33, 40, 41, 42
Tshori, Convent of, 217
Tuberculosis, researches on phagocytosis, in, 133;
Metchnikoff's theory of natural vaccination, 210-11, 218
Typhoid fever, 207-8
Vaquez, Dr., 230
Veillon, Dr., 256
Vienna, Hygienists' Conference at, 1887, 131
Villa Orotava, giant dragon-tree at, 77
Virchow, cellular theory, 32, 48, 169 _n._;
encouragement of Metchnikoff, 118-19;
_Archives_, publication of Metchnikoff's researches in, 122, 129
Volga, description of, 212-13
von Noorden, 182
von Siebold, Prof., 54
Vorticella, the, Metchnikoff's memoir on, 41
Waldeyer, 169 _n._
Weinberg, M., 184
Widal, Dr., 255, 256
Wollman, pupil and collaborator of Metchnikoff, 196-7, 221
Würzburg, University of, Metchnikoff's abortive journey to, 37
Zalensky, 32
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Transcriber's note:
Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been retained except in
obvious cases of typographical error.
Names and terms which deviated between chapter headings and text have
been made consistent.