afternoon of his last day of consciousness; and I have thought there
might be some interest in a facsimile of the greater part of this final
page of manuscript that ever came from his hand, at which he had worked
unusually late in order to finish the chapter. It has very much the
character, in its excessive care of correction and interlineation, of
all his later manuscripts; and in order that comparison may be made
with his earlier and easier method, I place beside it a portion of a
page of the original of _Oliver Twist_. His greater pains and
elaboration of writing, it may be mentioned, become first very obvious
in the later parts of _Martin Chuzzlewit_; but not the least remarkable
feature in all his manuscripts, is the accuracy with which the portions
of each representing the several numbers are exactly adjusted to the
space the printer had to fill. Whether without erasure or so interlined
as to be illegible, nothing is wanting, and there is nothing in excess.
So assured was the habit, that he has himself remarked upon an instance
the other way, in _Our Mutual Friend_, as not having happened to him for
thirty years. But _Edwin Drood_ more startlingly showed him how
unsettled the habit he most prized had become, in the clashing of old
and new pursuits. "When I had written" (22nd of December 1869) "and, as
I thought, disposed of the first two Numbers of my story, Clowes
informed me to my horror that they were, together, _twelve printed pages
too short_!!! Consequently I had to transpose a chapter from number two
to number one, and remodel number two altogether! This was the more
unlucky, that it came upon me at the time when I was obliged to leave
the book, in order to get up the Readings" (the additional twelve for
which Sir Thomas Watson's consent had been obtained), "quite gone out of
my mind since I left them off. However, I turned to it and got it done,
and both numbers are now in type. Charles Collins has designed an
excellent cover." It was his wish that his son-in-law should have
illustrated the story; but, this not being practicable, upon an opinion
expressed by Mr. Millais which the result thoroughly justified, choice
was made of Mr. S. L. Fildes.
* * * * *
[Illustration: Handwritten Notes]
[Illustration: Handwritten Notes]
This reference to the last effort of Dickens's genius had been written
as it thus stands, when a discovery of some interest was made by the
writer. Within the leaves of one of Dickens's other manuscripts were
found some detached slips of his writing, on paper only half the size of
that used for the tale, so cramped, interlined, and blotted as to be
nearly illegible, which on close inspection proved to be a scene in
which Sapsea the auctioneer is introduced as the principal figure, among
a group of characters new to the story. The explanation of it perhaps
is, that, having become a little nervous about the course of the tale,
from a fear that he might have plunged too soon into the incidents
leading on to the catastrophe, such as the Datchery assumption in the
fifth number (a misgiving he had certainly expressed to his
sister-in-law), it had occurred to him to open some fresh veins of
character incidental to the interest, though not directly part of it,
and so to handle them in connection with Sapsea as a little to suspend
the final development even while assisting to strengthen it. Before
beginning any number of a serial he used, as we have seen in former
instances, to plan briefly what he intended to put into it chapter by
chapter; and his first number-plan of _Drood_ had the following: "Mr.
Sapsea. Old Tory jackass. Connect Jasper with him. (He will want a
solemn donkey by and by):" which was effected by bringing together
both Durdles and Jasper, for connection with Sapsea, in the matter of
the epitaph for Mrs. Sapsea's tomb. The scene now discovered might in
this view have been designed to strengthen and carry forward that
element in the tale; and otherwise it very sufficiently expresses
itself. It would supply an answer, if such were needed, to those who
have asserted that the hopeless decadence of Dickens as a writer had set
in before his death. Among the lines last written by him, these are the
very last we can ever hope to receive; and they seem to me a delightful
specimen of the power possessed by him in his prime, and the rarest
which any novelist can have, of revealing a character by a touch. Here
are a couple of people, Kimber and Peartree, not known to us before,
whom we read off thoroughly in a dozen words; and as to Sapsea himself,
auctioneer and mayor of Cloisterham, we are face to face with what
before we only dimly realised, and we see the solemn jackass, in his
business pulpit, playing off the airs of Mr. Dean in his Cathedral
pulpit, with Cloisterham laughing at the impostor.
"HOW MR. SAPSEA CEASED TO BE A MEMBER OF THE EIGHT CLUB.
"TOLD BY HIMSELF.
"Wishing to take the air, I proceeded by a circuitous route to the Club,
it being our weekly night of meeting. I found that we mustered our full
strength. We were enrolled under the denomination of the Eight Club. We
were eight in number; we met at eight o'clock during eight months of the
year; we played eight games of four-handed cribbage, at eightpence the
game; our frugal supper was composed of eight rolls, eight mutton chops,
eight pork sausages, eight baked potatoes, eight marrow-bones, with
eight toasts, and eight bottles of ale. There may, or may not, be a
certain harmony of colour in the ruling idea of this (to adopt a phrase
of our lively neighbours) reunion. It was a little idea of mine.
"A somewhat popular member of the Eight Club, was a member by the name
of Kimber. By profession, a dancing-master. A commonplace, hopeful sort
of man, wholly destitute of dignity or knowledge of the world.
"As I entered the Club-room, Kimber was making the remark: 'And he still
half-believes him to be very high in the Church.'
"In the act of hanging up my hat on the eighth peg by the door, I caught
Kimber's visual ray. He lowered it, and passed a remark on the next
change of the moon. I did not take particular notice of this at the
moment, because the world was often pleased to be a little shy of
ecclesiastical topics in my presence. For I felt that I was picked out
(though perhaps only through a coincidence) to a certain extent to
represent what I call our glorious constitution in Church and State. The
phrase may be objected to by captious minds; but I own to it as mine. I
threw it off in argument some little time back. I said: 'OUR GLORIOUS
CONSTITUTION in CHURCH and STATE.'
"Another member of the Eight Club was Peartree; also member of the Royal
College of Surgeons. Mr. Peartree is not accountable to me for his
opinions, and I say no more of them here than that he attends the poor
gratis whenever they want him, and is not the parish doctor. Mr.
Peartree may justify it to the grasp of _his_ mind thus to do his
republican utmost to bring an appointed officer into contempt. Suffice
it that Mr. Peartree can never justify it to the grasp of _mine_.
"Between Peartree and Kimber there was a sickly sort of feeble-minded
alliance. It came under my particular notice when I sold off Kimber by
auction. (Goods taken in execution). He was a widower in a white
under-waistcoat, and slight shoes with bows, and had two daughters not
ill-looking. Indeed the reverse. Both daughters taught dancing in
scholastic establishments for Young Ladies--had done so at Mrs.
Sapsea's; nay, Twinkleton's--and both, in giving lessons, presented the
unwomanly spectacle of having little fiddles tucked under their chins.
In spite of which, the younger one might, if I am correctly informed--I
will raise the veil so far as to say I KNOW she might--have soared for
life from this degrading taint, but for having the class of mind
allotted to what I call the common herd, and being so incredibly devoid
of veneration as to become painfully ludicrous.
"When I sold off Kimber without reserve, Peartree (as poor as he can
hold together) had several prime household lots knocked down to him. I
am not to be blinded; and of course it was as plain to me what he was
going to do with them, as it was that he was a brown hulking sort of
revolutionary subject who had been in India with the soldiers, and ought
(for the sake of society) to have his neck broke. I saw the lots shortly
afterwards in Kimber's lodgings--through the window--and I easily made
out that there had been a sneaking pretence of lending them till better
times. A man with a smaller knowledge of the world than myself might
have been led to suspect that Kimber had held back money from his
creditors, and fraudulently bought the goods. But, besides that I knew
for certain he had no money, I knew that this would involve a species of
forethought not to be made compatible with the frivolity of a caperer,
inoculating other people with capering, for his bread.
"As it was the first time I had seen either of those two since the sale,
I kept myself in what I call Abeyance. When selling him up, I had
delivered a few remarks--shall I say a little homely?--concerning
Kimber, which the world did regard as more than usually worth notice. I
had come up into my pulpit;, it was said, uncommonly like--and a murmur
of recognition had repeated his (I will not name whose) title, before I
spoke. I had then gone on to say that all present would find, in the
first page of the catalogue that was lying before them, in the last
paragraph before the first lot, the following words: 'Sold in pursuance
of a writ of execution issued by a creditor.' I had then proceeded to
remind my friends, that however frivolous, not to say contemptible, the
business by which a man got his goods together, still his goods were as
dear to him, and as cheap to society (if sold without reserve), as
though his pursuits had been of a character that would bear serious
contemplation. I had then divided my text (if I may be allowed so to
call it) into three heads: firstly, Sold; secondly, In pursuance of a
writ of execution; thirdly, Issued by a creditor; with a few moral
reflections on each, and winding up with, 'Now to the first lot' in a
manner that was complimented when I afterwards mingled with my hearers.
"So, not being certain on what terms I and Kimber stood, I was grave, I
was chilling. Kimber, however, moving to me, I moved to Kimber. (I was
the creditor who had issued the writ. Not that it matters.)
"'I was alluding, Mr. Sapsea,' said Kimber, 'to a stranger who entered
into conversation with me in the street as I came to the Club. He had
been speaking to you just before, it seemed, by the churchyard; and
though you had told him who you were, I could hardly persuade him that
you were not high in the Church.'
"'Idiot!' said Peartree.
"'Ass!' said Kimber.
"'Idiot and Ass!" said the other five members.
"'Idiot and Ass, gentlemen,' I remonstrated, looking around me, 'are
strong expressions to apply to a young man of good appearance and
address.' My generosity was roused; I own it.
"'You'll admit that he must be a Fool,' said Peartree.
"'You can't deny that he must be a Blockhead, said Kimber.
"Their tone of disgust amounted to being offensive. Why should the young
man be so calumniated? What had he done? He had only made an innocent
and natural mistake. I controlled my generous indignation, and said so.
"'Natural?' repeated Kimber; '_He's_ a Natural!'
"The remaining six members of the Eight Club laughed unanimously. It
stung me. It was a scornful laugh. My anger was roused in behalf of an
absent, friendless stranger. I rose (for I had been sitting down).
"'Gentlemen,' I said with dignity, 'I will not remain one of this Club
allowing opprobrium to be cast on an unoffending person in his absence.
I will not so violate what I call the sacred rites of hospitality.
Gentlemen, until you know how to behave yourselves better, I leave you.
Gentlemen, until then I withdraw, from this place of meeting, whatever
personal qualifications I may have brought into it. Gentlemen, until
then you cease to be the Eight Club, and must make the best you can of
becoming the Seven.'
"I put on my hat and retired. As I went down stairs I distinctly heard
them give a suppressed cheer. Such is the power of demeanour and
knowledge of mankind. I had forced it out of them.
"II.
"Whom should I meet in the street, within a few yards of the door of the
inn where the Club was held, but the self-same young man whose cause I
had felt it my duty so warmly--and I will add so disinterestedly--to
take up.
"Is it Mr. Sapsea,' he said doubtfully, 'or is it----'
"'It is Mr. Sapsea,' I replied.
"'Pardon me, Mr. Sapsea; you appear warm, sir,'
"'I have been warm,' I said, 'and on your account.' Having stated the
circumstances at some length (my generosity almost overpowered him), I
asked him his name.
"'Mr. Sapsea,' he answered, looking down, 'your penetration is so acute,
your glance into the souls of your fellow men is so penetrating, that if
I was hardy enough to deny that my name is Poker, what would it avail
me?'
"I don't know that I had quite exactly made out to a fraction that his
name _was_ Poker, but I daresay I had been pretty near doing it.
"'Well, well,' said I, trying to put him at his ease by nodding my head
in a soothing way. 'Your name is Poker, and there is no harm in being
named Poker.'
"'Oh Mr. Sapsea!' cried the young man, in a very well-behaved manner.
'Bless you for those words!' He then, as if ashamed of having given way
to his feelings, looked down again.
"'Come, Poker,' said I, 'let me hear more about you. Tell me. Where are
you going to, Poker? and where do you come from?'
"'Ah Mr. Sapsea!' exclaimed the young man. 'Disguise from you is
impossible. You know already that I come from somewhere, and am going
somewhere else. If I was to deny it, what would it avail me?'
"'Then don't deny it,' was my remark.
"'Or,' pursued Poker, in a kind of despondent rapture, 'or if I was to
deny that I came to this town to see and hear you sir, what would it
avail me? Or if I was to deny----'"
The fragment ends there, and the hand that could alone have completed it
is at rest for ever.
* * * * *
Some personal characteristics remain for illustration before the end is
briefly told.
FOOTNOTES:
[285] In drawing the agreement for the publication, Mr. Ouvry had, by
Dickens's wish, inserted a clause thought to be altogether needless, but
found to be sadly pertinent. It was the first time such a clause had
been inserted in one of his agreements. "That if the said Charles
Dickens shall die during the composition of the said work of the
_Mystery of Edwin Drood_, or shall otherwise become incapable of
completing the said work for publication in twelve monthly numbers as
agreed, it shall be referred to John Forster, Esq, one of Her Majesty's
Commissioners in Lunacy, or in the case of his death, incapacity, or
refusal to act, then to such person as shall be named by Her Majesty's
Attorney-General for the time being, to determine the amount which shall
be repaid by the said Charles Dickens, his executors or administrators,
to the said Frederic Chapman as a fair compensation for so much of the
said work as shall not have been completed for publication." The sum to
be paid at once for 25,000 copies was L7500; publisher and author
sharing equally in the profit of all sales beyond that impression; and
the number reached, while the author yet lived, was 50,000. The sum paid
for early sheets to America was L1000; and Baron Tauchnitz paid
liberally, as he always did, for his Leipzig reprint. "All Mr. Dickens's
works," M. Tauchnitz writes to me, "have been published under agreement
by me. My intercourse with him lasted nearly twenty-seven years. The
first of his letters dates in October 1843, and his last at the close of
March 1870. Our long relations were not only never troubled by the least
disagreement, but were the occasion of most hearty personal feeling; and
I shall never lose the sense of his kind and friendly nature. On my
asking him his terms for _Edwin Drood_, he replied 'Your terms shall be
mine.'"
[286] "I have a very remarkable story indeed for you to read. It is in
only two chapters. A thing never to melt into other stories in the mind,
but always to keep itself apart." The story was published in the 37th
number of the new series of _All the Year Round_, with the title of "An
Experience." The "new series" had been started to break up the too great
length of volumes in sequence, and the only change it announced was the
discontinuance of Christmas Numbers. He had tired of them himself; and,
observing the extent to which they were now copied in all directions (as
usual with other examples set by him), he supposed them likely to become
tiresome to the public.
[287] The reader curious in such matters will be helped to the clue for
much of this portion of the plot by reference to pp. 90, 103, and 109,
in Chapters XII, XIII, and XIV.
[288] I subjoin what has been written to me by an American
correspondent. "I went lately with the same inspector who accompanied
Dickens to see the room of the opium-smokers, old Eliza and her Lascar
or Bengalee friend. There a fancy seized me to buy the bedstead which
figures so accurately in _Edwin Drood_, in narrative and picture. I gave
the old woman a pound for it, and have it now packed and ready for
shipment to New York. Another American bought a pipe. So you see we have
heartily forgiven the novelist his pleasantries at our expense. Many
military men who came to England from America refuse to register their
titles, especially if they be Colonels; all the result of the basting we
got on that score in _Martin Chuzzlewit_."
CHAPTER XIX.
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS.
1836-1870.
Dickens not a Bookish Man--Character of his
Talk--Dickens made to tell his Own Story--Lord
Russell on Dickens's Letters--No Self-conceit
in Dickens--Letter to his Youngest
Son--Personal Prayer--Hymn in a Christmas
Tale--Objection to Posthumous Honours--Source
of Quarrel with Literary Fund--Small Poets--On
"Royalty" Bargains--Editorship--Relations with
Contributors--Foreign Views of English
People--Editorial Pleasures--Adverse Influences
of Periodical Writing--Anger and Satire--No
desire to enter the House of Commons--Reforms
he took most Interest in--The Liverpool Dinner
in 1869--Tribute to Lord Russell--The People
governing and the People governed--Tone of Last
Book--Alleged Offers from the Queen--The
Queen's Desire to see Dickens act--Her
Majesty's Wish to hear Dickens read--Interview
with the Queen--Dickens's Grateful Impression
from it--"In Memoriam" by Arthur Helps--Rural
Enjoyments--A Winner in the Games--Dickens's
Habits of Life everywhere--Centre and Soul of
his Home--Daily Habits--London Haunts--First
Attack of Lameness--How it affected his Large
Dogs--His Hatred of Indifference--At Social
Meetings--Agreeable Pleasantries--Ghost
Stories--Marvels of Coincidence--Predominant
Impression of his Life--Effects on his Career.
OBJECTION has been taken to this biography as likely to disappoint its
readers in not making them "talk to Dickens as Boswell makes them talk
to Johnson." But where will the blame lie if a man takes up _Pickwick_
and is disappointed to find that he is not reading _Rasselas_? A book
must be judged for what it aims to be, and not for what it cannot by
possibility be. I suppose so remarkable an author as Dickens hardly ever
lived who carried so little of authorship into ordinary social
intercourse. Potent as the sway of his writings was over him, it
expressed itself in other ways. Traces or triumphs of literary labour,
displays of conversational or other personal predominance, were no part
of the influence he exerted over friends. To them he was only the
pleasantest of companions, with whom they forgot that he had ever
written anything, and felt only the charm which a nature of such
capacity for supreme enjoyment causes every one around it to enjoy. His
talk was unaffected and natural, never bookish in the smallest degree.
He was quite up to the average of well read men, but as there was no
ostentation of it in his writing, so neither was there in his
conversation. This was so attractive because so keenly observant, and
lighted up with so many touches of humorous fancy; but, with every
possible thing to give relish to it, there were not many things to bring
away.
Of course a book must stand or fall by its contents. Macaulay said very
truly that the place of books in the public estimation is fixed, not by
what is written about them, but by what is written in them. I offer no
complaint of any remark made upon these volumes, but there have been
some misapprehensions. Though Dickens bore outwardly so little of the
impress of his writings, they formed the whole of that inner life which
essentially constituted the man; and as in this respect he was actually,
I have thought that his biography should endeavour to present him. The
story of his books, therefore, at all stages of their progress, and of
the hopes or designs connected with them, was my first care. With that
view, and to give also to the memoir what was attainable of the value of
autobiography, letters to myself, such as were never addressed to any
other of his correspondents, and covering all the important incidents in
the life to be retraced, were used with few exceptions exclusively; and
though the exceptions are much more numerous in the present volume, this
general plan has guided me to the end. Such were my limits indeed, that
half even of those letters had to be put aside; and to have added all
such others as were open to me would have doubled the size of my book,
not contributed to it a new fact of life or character, and altered
materially its design. It would have been so much lively illustration
added to the subject, but out of place here. The purpose here was to
make Dickens the sole central figure in the scenes revived, narrator as
well as principal actor; and only by the means employed could
consistency or unity be given to the self-revelation, and the picture
made definite and clear. It is the peculiarity of few men to be to their
most intimate friend neither more nor less than they are to themselves,
but this was true of Dickens; and what kind or quality of nature such
intercourse expressed in him, of what strength, tenderness, and delicacy
susceptible, of what steady level warmth, of what daily unresting
activity of intellect, of what unbroken continuity of kindly impulse
through the change and vicissitude of three-and-thirty years, the
letters to myself given in these volumes could alone express. Gathered
from various and differing sources, their interest could not have been
as the interest of these; in which everything comprised in the
successive stages of a most attractive career is written with unexampled
candour and truthfulness, and set forth in definite pictures of what he
saw and stood in the midst of, unblurred by vagueness or reserve. Of the
charge of obtruding myself to which their publication has exposed me, I
can only say that I studied nothing so hard as to suppress my own
personality, and have to regret my ill success where I supposed I had
even too perfectly succeeded. But we have all of us frequent occasion to
say, parodying Mrs. Peachem's remark, that we are bitter bad judges of
ourselves.
The other properties of these letters are quite subordinate to this main
fact that the man who wrote them is thus perfectly seen in them. But
they do not lessen the estimate of his genius. Admiration rises higher
at the writer's mental forces, who, putting so much of himself into his
work for the public, had still so much overflowing for such private
intercourse. The sunny health of nature in them is manifest; its
largeness, spontaneity, and manliness; but they have also that which
highest intellects appreciate best. "I have read them," Lord Russell
wrote to me, "with delight and pain. His heart, his imagination, his
qualities of painting what is noble, and finding diamonds hidden far
away, are greater here than even his works convey to me. How I lament he
was not spared to us longer. I shall have a fresh grief when he dies in
your volumes." Shallower people are more apt to find other things. If
the bonhommie of a man's genius is obvious to all the world, there are
plenty of knowing ones ready to take the shine out of the genius, to
discover that after all it is not so wonderful, that what is grave in it
wants depth, and the humour has something mechanical. But it will be
difficult even for these to look over letters so marvellous in the art
of reproducing to the sight what has once been seen, so natural and
unstudied in their wit and fun, and with such a constant well-spring of
sprightly runnings of speech in them, point of epigram, ingenuity of
quaint expression, absolute freedom from every touch of affectation, and
to believe that the source of this man's humour, or of whatever gave
wealth to his genius, was other than habitual, unbounded, and
resistless.
There is another consideration of some importance. Sterne did not more
incessantly fall back from his works upon himself than Dickens did, and
undoubtedly one of the impressions left by the letters is that of the
intensity and tenacity with which he recognized, realized, contemplated,
cultivated, and thoroughly enjoyed, his own individuality in even its
most trivial manifestations. But if any one is led to ascribe this to
self-esteem, to a narrow exclusiveness, or to any other invidious form
of egotism, let him correct the impression by observing how Dickens bore
himself amid the universal blazing-up of America, at the beginning and
at the end of his career. Of his hearty, undisguised, and unmistakeable
enjoyment of his astonishing and indeed quite bewildering popularity,
there can be as little doubt as that there is not a particle of vanity
in it, any more than of false modesty or grimace.[289] While realizing
fully the fact of it, and the worth of the fact, there is not in his
whole being a fibre that answers falsely to the charmer's voice. Few men
in the world, one fancies, could have gone through such grand displays
of fireworks, not merely with so marvellous an absence of what the
French call _pose_, but unsoiled by the smoke of a cracker. No man's
strong individuality was ever so free from conceit.
Other personal incidents and habits, and especially some matters of
opinion of grave importance, will help to make his character better
known. Much questioning followed a brief former reference to his
religious belief, but, inconsistent or illogical as the conduct
described may be, there is nothing to correct or to modify in my
statement of it;[290] and, to what otherwise appeared to be in doubt,
explicit answer will be afforded by a letter, written upon the youngest
of his children leaving home in September 1868 to join his brother in
Australia, than which none worthier appears in his story. "I write this
note to-day because your going away is much upon my mind, and because I
want you to have a few parting words from me, to think of now and then
at quiet times. I need not tell you that I love you dearly, and am very,
very sorry in my heart to part with you. But this life is half made up
of partings, and these pains must be borne. It is my comfort and my
sincere conviction that you are going to try the life for which you are
best fitted. I think its freedom and wildness more suited to you than
any experiment in a study or office would have been; and without that
training, you could have followed no other suitable occupation. What you
have always wanted until now, has been a set, steady, constant purpose.
I therefore exhort you to persevere in a thorough determination to do
whatever you have to do, as well as you can do it. I was not so old as
you are now, when I first had to win my food, and to do it out of this
determination; and I have never slackened in it since. Never take a mean
advantage of any one in any transaction, and never be hard upon people
who are in your power. Try to do to others as you would have them do to
you, and do not be discouraged if they fail sometimes. It is much better
for you that they should fail in obeying the greatest rule laid down by
Our Saviour than that you should. I put a New Testament among your books
for the very same reasons, and with the very same hopes, that made me
write an easy account of it for you, when you were a little child.
Because it is the best book that ever was, or will be, known in the
world; and because it teaches you the best lessons by which any human
creature, who tries to be truthful and faithful to duty, can possibly be
guided. As your brothers have gone away, one by one, I have written to
each such words as I am now writing to you, and have entreated them all
to guide themselves by this Book, putting aside the interpretations and
inventions of Man. You will remember that you have never at home been
harassed about religious observances, or mere formalities. I have always
been anxious not to weary my children with such things, before they are
old enough to form opinions respecting them. You will therefore
understand the better that I now most solemnly impress upon you the
truth and beauty of the Christian Religion, as it came from Christ
Himself, and the impossibility of your going far wrong if you humbly but
heartily respect it. Only one thing more on this head. The more we are
in earnest as to feeling it, the less we are disposed to hold forth
about it. Never abandon the wholesome practice of saying your own
private prayers, night and morning. I have never abandoned it myself,
and I know the comfort of it. I hope you will always be able to say in
after life, that you had a kind father. You cannot show your affection
for him so well, or make him so happy, as by doing your duty." They who
most intimately knew Dickens will know best that every word there is
written from his heart, and is radiant with the truth of his nature.
To the same effect, in the leading matter, he expressed himself twelve
years before, and again the day before his death; replying in both cases
to correspondents who had addressed him as a public writer. A clergyman,
the Rev. R. H. Davies, had been struck by the hymn in the Christmas tale
of the Wreck of the Golden Mary (_Household Words_, 1856). "I beg to
thank you" Dickens answered (Christmas Eve, 1856) "for your very
acceptable letter--not the less gratifying to me because I am myself the
writer you refer to. . . . There cannot be many men, I believe, who have a
more humble veneration for the New Testament, or a more profound
conviction of its all-sufficiency, than I have. If I am ever (as you
tell me I am) mistaken on this subject, it is because I discountenance
all obtrusive professions of and tradings in religion, as one of the
main causes why real Christianity has been retarded in this world; and
because my observation of life induces me to hold in unspeakable dread
and horror, those unseemly squabbles about the letter which drive the
spirit out of hundreds of thousands." In precisely similar tone, to a
reader of _Edwin Drood_ (Mr. J. M. Makeham), who had pointed out to him
that his employment as a figure of speech of a line from Holy Writ in
his tenth chapter might be subject to misconstruction, he wrote from
Gadshill on Wednesday the eighth of June, 1870. "It would be quite
inconceivable to me, but for your letter, that any reasonable reader
could possibly attach a scriptural reference to that passage. . . . I am
truly shocked to find that any reader can make the mistake. I have
always striven in my writings to express veneration for the life and
lessons of our Saviour; because I feel it; and because I re-wrote that
history for my children--every one of whom knew it, from having it
repeated to them, long before they could read, and almost as soon as
they could speak. But I have never made proclamation of this from the
house tops."[291]
A dislike of all display was rooted in him; and his objection to
posthumous honours, illustrated by the instructions in his will, was
very strikingly expressed two years before his death, when Mr. Thomas
Fairbairn asked his help to a proposed recognition of Rajah Brooke's
services by a memorial in Westminster Abbey. "I am very strongly
impelled" (24th of June 1868) "to comply with any request of yours. But
these posthumous honours of committee, subscriptions, and Westminster
Abbey are so profoundly unsatisfactory in my eyes that--plainly--I would
rather have nothing to do with them in any case. My daughter and her
aunt unite with me in kindest regards to Mrs. Fairbairn, and I hope you
will believe in the possession of mine until I am quietly buried without
any memorial but such as I have set up in my lifetime." Asked a year
later (August 1869) to say something on the inauguration of Leigh Hunt's
bust at his grave in Kensal-green, he told the committee that he had a
very strong objection to speech-making beside graves. "I do not expect
or wish my feelings in this wise to guide other men; still, it is so
serious with me, and the idea of ever being the subject of such a
ceremony myself is so repugnant to my soul, that I must decline to
officiate."
His aversion to every form of what is called patronage of
literature[292] was part of the same feeling. A few months earlier a
Manchester gentleman[293] wrote for his support to such a scheme. "I beg
to be excused," was his reply, "from complying with the request you do
me the honour to prefer, simply because I hold the opinion that there is
a great deal too much patronage in England. The better the design, the
less (as I think) should it seek such adventitious aid, and the more
composedly should it rest on its own merits." This was the belief
Southey held; it extended to the support by way of patronage given by
such societies as the Literary Fund, which Southey also strongly
resisted; and it survived the failure of the Guild whereby it was hoped
to establish a system of self-help, under which men engaged in literary
pursuits might be as proud to receive as to give. Though there was no
project of his life into which he flung himself with greater eagerness
than the Guild, it was not taken up by the class it was meant to
benefit, and every renewed exertion more largely added to the failure.
There is no room in these pages for the story, which will add its
chapter some day to the vanity of human wishes; but a passage from a
letter to Bulwer Lytton at its outset will be some measure of the height
from which the writer fell, when all hope for what he had so set his
heart upon ceased. "I do devoutly believe that this plan, carried by the
support which I trust will be given to it, will change the status of the
literary man in England, and make a revolution in his position which no
government, no power on earth but his own, could ever effect. I have
implicit confidence in the scheme--so splendidly begun--if we carry it
out with a stedfast energy. I have a strong conviction that we hold in
our hands the peace and honour of men of letters for centuries to come,
and that you are destined to be their best and most enduring
benefactor. . . . Oh what a procession of new years may walk out of all
this for the class we belong to, after we are dust."
These views about patronage did not make him more indulgent to the
clamour with which it is so often invoked for the ridiculously small.
"You read that life of Clare?" he wrote (15th of August 1865). "Did you
ever see such preposterous exaggeration of small claims? And isn't it
expressive, the perpetual prating of him in the book as _the Poet_? So
another Incompetent used to write to the Literary Fund when I was on the
committee: 'This leaves the Poet at his divine mission in a corner of
the single room. The Poet's father is wiping his spectacles. The Poet's
mother is weaving'--Yah!'" He was equally intolerant of every
magnificent proposal that should render the literary man independent of
the bookseller, and he sharply criticized even a compromise to replace
the half-profits system by one of royalties on copies sold. "What does
it come to?" he remarked of an ably-written pamphlet in which this was
urged (10th of November 1866): "what is the worth of the remedy after
all? You and I know very well that in nine cases out of ten the author
is at a disadvantage with the publisher because the publisher has
capital and the author has not. We know perfectly well that in nine
cases out of ten money is advanced by the publisher before the book is
producible--often, long before. No young or unsuccessful author (unless
he were an amateur and an independent gentleman) would make a bargain
for having that royalty, to-morrow, if he could have a certain sum of
money, or an advance of money. The author who could command that
bargain, could command it to-morrow, or command anything else. For the
less fortunate or the less able, I make bold to say--with some knowledge
of the subject, as a writer who made a publisher's fortune long before
he began to share in the real profits of his books--that if the
publishers met next week, and resolved henceforth to make this royalty
bargain and no other, it would be an enormous hardship and misfortune
because the authors could not live while they wrote. The pamphlet seems
to me just another example of the old philosophical chess-playing, with
human beings for pieces. 'Don't want money.' 'Be careful to be born with
means, and have a banker's account.' 'Your publisher will settle with
you, at such and such long periods according to the custom of his trade,
and you will settle with your butcher and baker weekly, in the meantime,
by drawing cheques as I do.' 'You must be sure not to want money, and
then I have worked it out for you splendidly.'"
Less has been said in this work than might perhaps have been wished, of
the way in which his editorship of _Household Words_ and _All the Year
Round_ was discharged. It was distinguished above all by liberality; and
a scrupulous consideration and delicacy, evinced by him to all his
contributors, was part of the esteem in which he held literature itself.
It was said in a newspaper after his death, evidently by one of his
contributors, that he always brought the best out of a man by
encouragement and appreciation; that he liked his writers to feel
unfettered; and that his last reply to a proposition for a series of
articles had been: "Whatever you see your way to, I will see mine to,
and we know and understand each other well enough to make the best of
these conditions." Yet the strong feeling of personal responsibility was
always present in his conduct of both journals; and varied as the
contents of a number might be, and widely apart the writers, a certain
individuality of his own was never absent. He took immense pains (as
indeed was his habit about everything) with numbers in which he had
written nothing; would often accept a paper from a young or unhandy
contributor, because of some single notion in it which he thought it
worth rewriting for; and in this way, or by helping generally to give
strength and attractiveness to the work of others, he grudged no
trouble.[294] "I have had a story" he wrote (22nd of June 1856) "to
hack and hew into some form for _Household Words_ this morning, which
has taken me four hours of close attention. And I am perfectly addled by
its horrible want of continuity after all, and the dreadful spectacle I
have made of the proofs--which look like an inky fishing-net." A few
lines from another letter will show the difficulties in which he was
often involved by the plan he adopted for Christmas numbers, of putting
within a framework by himself a number of stories by separate writers to
whom the leading notion had before been severally sent. "As yet" (25th
of November 1859), "not a story has come to me in the least belonging to
the idea (the simplest in the world; which I myself described in
writing, in the most elaborate manner); and everyone of them turns, by a
strange fatality, on a criminal trial!" It had all to be set right by
him, and editorship on such terms was not a sinecure.
It had its pleasures as well as pains, however, and the greatest was
when he fancied he could descry unusual merit in any writer. A letter
will give one instance for illustration of many; the lady to whom it was
addressed, admired under her assumed name of Holme Lee, having placed it
at my disposal. (Folkestone: 14th of August 1855.) "I read your tale
with the strongest emotion, and with a very exalted admiration of the
great power displayed in it. Both in severity and tenderness I thought
it masterly. It moved me more than I can express to you. I wrote to Mr.
Wills that it had completely unsettled me for the day, and that by
whomsoever it was written, I felt the highest respect for the mind that
had produced it. It so happened that I had been for some days at work
upon a character externally like the Aunt. And it was very strange to me
indeed to observe how the two people seemed to be near to one another at
first, and then turned off on their own ways so wide asunder. I told Mr.
Wills that I was not sure whether I could have prevailed upon myself to
present to a large audience the terrible consideration of hereditary
madness, when it was reasonably probable that there must be many--or
some--among them whom it would awfully, because personally, address. But
I was not obliged to ask myself the question, inasmuch as the length of
the story rendered it unavailable for _Household Words_. I speak of its
length in reference to that publication only; relatively to what is told
in it, I would not spare a page of your manuscript. Experience shows me
that a story in four portions is best suited to the peculiar
requirements of such a journal, and I assure you it will be an uncommon
satisfaction to me if this correspondence should lead to your enrolment
among its contributors. But my strong and sincere conviction of the
vigour and pathos of this beautiful tale, is quite apart from, and not
to be influenced by, any ulterior results. You had no existence to me
when I read it. The actions and sufferings of the characters affected me
by their own force and truth, and left a profound impression on
me."[295] The experience there mentioned did not prevent him from
admitting into his later periodical, _All the Year Round_, longer serial
stories published with the names of known writers; and to his own
interference with these he properly placed limits. "When one of my
literary brothers does me the honour to undertake such a task, I hold
that he executes it on his own personal responsibility, and for the
sustainment of his own reputation; and I do not consider myself at
liberty to exercise that control over his text which I claim as to other
contributions." Nor had he any greater pleasure, even in these cases,
than to help younger novelists to popularity. "You asked me about new
writers last night. If you will read _Kissing the Rod_, a book I have
read to-day, you will not find it hard to take an interest in the author
of such a book." That was Mr. Edmund Yates, in whose literary successes
he took the greatest interest himself, and with whom he continued to the
last an intimate personal intercourse which had dated from kindness
shown at a very trying time. "I think" he wrote of another of his
contributors, Mr. Percy Fitzgerald, for whom he had also much personal
liking, and of whose powers he thought highly, "you will find _Fatal
Zero_ a very curious bit of mental development, deepening as the story
goes on into a picture not more startling than true." My mention of
these pleasures of editorship shall close with what I think to him was
the greatest. He gave to the world, while yet the name of the writer was
unknown to him, the pure and pathetic verse of Adelaide Procter. "In the
spring of the year 1853 I observed a short poem among the proffered
contributions, very different, as I thought, from the shoal of verses
perpetually setting through the office of such a periodical."[296] The
contributions had been large and frequent under an assumed name, when at
Christmas 1854 he discovered that Miss Mary Berwick was the daughter of
his old and dear friend Barry Cornwall.
But periodical writing is not without its drawbacks, and its effect on
Dickens, who engaged in it largely from time to time, was observable in
the increased impatience of allusion to national institutions and
conventional distinctions to be found in his later books. Party
divisions he cared for less and less as life moved on; but the decisive,
peremptory, dogmatic style, into which a habit of rapid remark on topics
of the day will betray the most candid and considerate commentator,
displayed its influence, perhaps not always consciously to himself, in
the underlying tone of bitterness that runs through the books which
followed _Copperfield_. The resentment against remediable wrongs is as
praiseworthy in them as in the earlier tales; but the exposure of
Chancery abuses, administrative incompetence, politico-economic
shortcomings, and social flunkeyism, in _Bleak House_, _Little Dorrit_,
_Hard Times_, and _Our Mutual Friend_, would not have been made less
odious by the cheerier tone that had struck with much sharper effect at
prison abuses, parish wrongs, Yorkshire schools, and hypocritical
humbug, in _Pickwick_, _Oliver Twist_, _Nickleby_, and _Chuzzlewit_. It
will be remembered of him always that he desired to set right what was
wrong, that he held no abuse to be unimprovable, that he left none of
the evils named exactly as he found them, and that to influences drawn
from his writings were due not a few of the salutary changes which
marked the age in which he lived; but anger does not improve satire, and
it gave latterly, from the causes named, too aggressive a form to what,
after all, was but a very wholesome hatred of the cant that everything
English is perfect, and that to call a thing _un_English is to doom it
to abhorred extinction.
"I have got an idea for occasional papers in _Household Words_ called
the Member for Nowhere. They will contain an account of his views,
votes, and speeches; and I think of starting with his speeches on the
Sunday question. He is a member of the Government of course. The moment
they found such a member in the House, they felt that he must be dragged
(by force, if necessary) into the Cabinet." "I give it up reluctantly,"
he wrote afterwards, "and with it my hope to have made every man in
England feel something of the contempt for the House of Commons that I
have. We shall never begin to do anything until the sentiment is
universal." That was in August 1854; and the break-down in the Crimea
that winter much embittered his radicalism. "I am hourly strengthened in
my old belief," he wrote (3rd of February 1855) "that our political
aristocracy and our tuft-hunting are the death of England. In all this
business I don't see a gleam of hope. As to the popular spirit, it has
come to be so entirely separated from the Parliament and Government, and
so perfectly apathetic about them both, that I seriously think it a most
portentous sign." A couple of months later: "I have rather a bright
idea, I think, for _Household Words_ this morning: a fine little bit of
satire: an account of an Arabic MS. lately discovered very like the
_Arabian Nights_--called the Thousand and One Humbugs. With new versions
of the best known stories." This also had to be given up, and is only
mentioned as another illustration of his political discontents and of
their connection with his journal-work. The influences from his early
life which unconsciously strengthened them in certain social directions
has been hinted at, and of his absolute sincerity in the matter there
can be no doubt. The mistakes of Dickens were never such as to cast a
shade on his integrity. What he said with too much bitterness, in his
heart he believed; and had, alas! too much ground for believing. "A
country," he wrote (27th of April 1855) "which is discovered to be in
this tremendous condition as to its war affairs; with an enormous black
cloud of poverty in every town which is spreading and deepening every
hour, and not one man in two thousand knowing anything about, or even
believing in, its existence; with a non-working aristocracy, and a
silent parliament, and everybody for himself and nobody for the rest;
this is the prospect, and I think it a very deplorable one." Admirably
did he say, of a notorious enquiry at that time: "O what a fine aspect
of political economy it is, that the noble professors of the science on
the adulteration committee should have tried to make Adulteration a
question of Supply and Demand! We shall never get to the Millennium,
sir, by the rounds of that ladder; and I, for one, won't hold by the
skirts of that Great Mogul of impostors, Master M'Culloch!" Again he
wrote (30th of September 1855): "I really am serious in thinking--and I
have given as painful consideration to the subject as a man with
children to live and suffer after him can honestly give to it--that
representative government is become altogether a failure with us, that
the English gentilities and subserviences render the people unfit for
it, and that the whole thing has broken down since that great
seventeenth-century time, and has no hope in it."
With the good sense that still overruled all his farthest extremes of
opinion he yet never thought of parliament for himself. He could not
mend matters, and for him it would have been a false position. The
people of the town of Reading and others applied to him during the first
half of his life, and in the last half some of the Metropolitan
constituencies. To one of the latter a reply is before me in which he
says: "I declare that as to all matters on the face of this teeming
earth, it appears to me that the House of Commons and Parliament
altogether is become just the dreariest failure and nuisance that ever
bothered this much-bothered world." To a private enquiry of apparently
about the same date he replied: "I have thoroughly satisfied myself,
having often had occasion to consider the question, that I can be far
more usefully and independently employed in my chosen sphere of action
than I could hope to be in the House of Commons; and I believe that no
consideration would induce me to become a member of that extraordinary
assembly." Finally, upon a reported discussion in Finsbury whether or
not he should be invited to sit for that borough, he promptly wrote
(November 1861): "It may save some trouble if you will kindly confirm a
sensible gentleman who doubted at that meeting whether I was quite the
man for Finsbury. I am not at all the sort of man; for I believe nothing
would induce me to offer myself as a parliamentary representative of
that place, or of any other under the sun." The only direct attempt to
join a political agitation was his speech at Drury-lane for
administrative reform, and he never repeated it. But every movement for
practical social reforms, to obtain more efficient sanitary
legislation, to get the best compulsory education practicable for the
poor, and to better the condition of labouring people, he assisted
earnestly to his last hour; and the readiness with which he took the
chair at meetings having such objects in view, the help he gave to
important societies working in beneficent ways for themselves or the
community, and the power and attractiveness of his oratory, made him one
of the forces of the time. His speeches derived singular charm from the
buoyancy of his perfect self-possession, and to this he added the
advantages of a person and manner which had become as familiar and as
popular as his books. The most miscellaneous assemblages listened to him
as to a personal friend.
Two incidents at the close of his life will show what upon these matters
his latest opinions were. At the great Liverpool dinner after his
country readings in 1869, over which Lord Dufferin eloquently presided,
he replied to a remonstrance from Lord Houghton against his objection to
entering public life,[297] that when he took literature for his
profession he intended it to be his sole profession; that at that time
it did not appear to him to be so well understood in England, as in some
other countries, that literature was a dignified profession by which any
man might stand or fall; and he resolved that in his person at least it
should stand "by itself, of itself, and for itself;" a bargain which "no
consideration on earth would now induce him to break." Here however he
probably failed to see the entire meaning of Lord Houghton's regret,
which would seem to have been meant to say, in more polite form, that to
have taken some part in public affairs might have shown him the
difficulty in a free state of providing remedies very swiftly for evils
of long growth. A half reproach from the same quarter for alleged
unkindly sentiments to the House of Lords, he repelled with vehement
warmth; insisting on his great regard for individual members, and
declaring that there was no man in England he respected more in his
public capacity, loved more in his private capacity, or from whom he had
received more remarkable proofs of his honour and love of literature,
than Lord Russell.[298] In Birmingham shortly after, discoursing on
education to the members of the Midland Institute, he told them they
should value self-improvement not because it led to fortune but because
it was good and right in itself; counselled them in regard to it that
Genius was not worth half so much as Attention, or the art of taking an
immense deal of pains, which he declared to be, in every study and
pursuit, the one sole, safe, certain, remunerative quality; and summed
up briefly his political belief.--"My faith in the people governing is,
on the whole, infinitesimal; my faith in the People governed is, on the
whole, illimitable." This he afterwards (January 1870) explained to mean
that he had very little confidence in the people who govern us ("with a
small p"), and very great confidence in the People whom they govern
("with a large P"). "My confession being shortly and elliptically
stated, was, with no evil intention I am absolutely sure, in some
quarters inversely explained." He added that his political opinions had
already been not obscurely stated in an "idle book or two"; and he
reminded his hearers that he was the inventor "of a certain fiction
called the Circumlocution Office, said to be very extravagant, but which
I _do_ see rather frequently quoted as if there were grains of truth at
the bottom of it." It may nevertheless be suspected, with some
confidence, that the construction of his real meaning was not far wrong
which assumed it as the condition precedent to his illimitable faith,
that the people, even with the big P, should be "governed." It was his
constant complaint that, being much in want of government, they had only
sham governors; and he had returned from his second American visit, as
he came back from his first, indisposed to believe that the political
problem had been solved in the land of the free. From the pages of his
last book, the bitterness of allusion so frequent in the books just
named was absent altogether; and his old unaltered wish to better what
was bad in English institutions, carried with it no desire to replace
them by new ones.
In a memoir published shortly after his death there appeared this
statement. "For many years past Her Majesty the Queen has taken the
liveliest interest in Mr. Dickens's literary labours, and has frequently
expressed a desire for an interview with him. . . . This interview took
place on the 9th of April, when he received her commands to attend her
at Buckingham Palace, and was introduced by his friend Mr. Arthur Helps,
the clerk of the Privy Council. . . . Since our author's decease the
journal with which he was formerly connected has said: 'The Queen was
ready to confer any distinction which Mr. Dickens's known views and
tastes would permit him to accept, and after more than one title of
honour had been declined, Her Majesty desired that he would, at least,
accept a place in her Privy Council.'" As nothing is too absurd[299] for
belief, it will not be superfluous to say that Dickens knew of no such
desire on her Majesty's part; and though all the probabilities are on
the side of his unwillingness to accept any title or place of honour,
certainly none was offered to him.
It had been hoped to obtain her Majesty's name for the Jerrold
performances in 1857, but, being a public effort in behalf of an
individual, assent would have involved "either perpetual compliance or
the giving of perpetual offence." Her Majesty however then sent, through
Colonel Phipps, a request to Dickens that he would select a room in the
palace, do what he would with it, and let her see the play there. "I
said to Col. Phipps thereupon" (21st of June 1857) "that the idea was
not quite new to me; that I did not feel easy as to the social position
of my daughters, &c. at a Court under those circumstances; and that I
would beg her Majesty to excuse me, if any other way of her seeing the
play could be devised. To this Phipps said he had not thought of the
objection, but had not the slightest doubt I was right. I then proposed
that the Queen should come to the Gallery of Illustration a week before
the subscription night, and should have the room entirely at her own
disposal, and should invite her own company. This, with the good sense
that seems to accompany her good nature on all occasions, she resolved
within a few hours to do." The effect of the performance was a great
gratification. "My gracious sovereign" (5th of July 1857) "was so
pleased that she sent round begging me to go and see her and accept her
thanks. I replied that I was in my Farce dress, and must beg to be
excused. Whereupon she sent again, saying that the dress 'could not be
so ridiculous as that,' and repeating the request. I sent my duty in
reply, but again hoped her Majesty would have the kindness to excuse my
presenting myself in a costume and appearance that were not my own. I
was mighty glad to think, when I woke this morning, that I had carried
the point."
The opportunity of presenting himself in his own costume did not arrive
till the year of his death, another effort meanwhile made having proved
also unsuccessful. "I was put into a state of much perplexity on Sunday"
(30th of March 1858). "I don't know who had spoken to my informant, but
it seems that the Queen is bent upon hearing the _Carol_ read, and has
expressed her desire to bring it about without offence; hesitating about
the manner of it, in consequence of my having begged to be excused from
going to her when she sent for me after the _Frozen Deep_. I parried the
thing as well as I could; but being asked to be prepared with a
considerate and obliging answer, as it was known the request would be
preferred, I said, 'Well! I supposed Col. Phipps would speak to me about
it, and if it were he who did so, I should assure him of my desire to
meet any wish of her Majesty's, and should express my hope that she
would indulge me by making one of some audience or other--for I thought
an audience necessary to the effect.' Thus it stands: but it bothers
me." The difficulty was not surmounted, but her Majesty's continued
interest in the _Carol_ was shown by her purchase of a copy of it with
Dickens's autograph at Thackeray's sale;[300] and at last there came,
in the year of his death, the interview with the author whose popularity
dated from her accession, whose books had entertained larger numbers of
her subjects than those of any other contemporary writer, and whose
genius will be counted among the glories of her reign. Accident led to
it. Dickens had brought with him from America some large and striking
photographs of the Battle Fields of the Civil War, which the Queen,
having heard of them through Mr. Helps, expressed a wish to look at.
Dickens sent them at once; and went afterwards to Buckingham Palace with
Mr. Helps, at her Majesty's request, that she might see and thank him in
person.
It was in the middle of March, not April. "Come now sir, this is an
interesting matter, do favour us with it," was the cry of Johnson's
friends after his conversation with George the Third; and again and
again the story was told to listeners ready to make marvels of its
commonplaces. But the romance even of the eighteenth century in such a
matter is clean gone out of the nineteenth. Suffice it that the Queen's
kindness left a strong impression on Dickens. Upon her Majesty's regret
not to have heard his Readings, Dickens intimated that they were become
now a thing of the past, while he acknowledged gratefully her Majesty's
compliment in regard to them. She spoke to him of the impression made
upon her by his acting in the _Frozen Deep_; and on his stating, in
reply to her enquiry, that the little play had not been very successful
on the public stage, said this did not surprise her, since it no longer
had the advantage of his performance in it. Then arose a mention of some
alleged discourtesy shown to Prince Arthur in New York, and he begged
her Majesty not to confound the true Americans of that city with the
Fenian portion of its Irish population; on which she made the quiet
comment that she was convinced the people about the Prince had made too
much of the affair. He related to her the story of President Lincoln's
dream on the night before his murder. She asked him to give her his
writings, and could she have them that afternoon? but he begged to be
allowed to send a bound copy. Her Majesty then took from a table her own
book upon the Highlands, with an autograph inscription "to Charles
Dickens"; and, saying that "the humblest" of writers would be ashamed to
offer it to "one of the greatest" but that Mr. Helps, being asked to
give it, had remarked that it would be valued most from herself, closed
the interview by placing it in his hands. "Sir," said Johnson, "they may
say what they like of the young King, but Louis the Fourteenth could not
have shown a more refined courtliness"; and Dickens was not disposed to
say less of the young King's granddaughter. That the grateful impression
sufficed to carry him into new ways, I had immediate proof, coupled with
intimation of the still surviving strength of old memories. "As my
sovereign desires" (26th of March 1870) "that I should attend the next
levee, don't faint with amazement if you see my name in that unwonted
connexion. I have scrupulously kept myself free for the second of April,
in case you should be accessible." The name appeared at the levee
accordingly, his daughter was at the drawing-room that followed, and
Lady Houghton writes to me "I never saw Mr. Dickens more agreeable than
at a dinner at our house about a fortnight before his death, when he met
the King of the Belgians and the Prince of Wales at the special desire
of the latter." Up to nearly the hour of dinner, it was doubtful if he
could go. He was suffering from the distress in his foot; and on arrival
at the house, being unable to ascend the stairs, had to be assisted at
once into the dining-room.
The friend who had accompanied Dickens to Buckingham Palace, writing of
him[301] after his death, briefly but with admirable knowledge and
taste, said that he ardently desired, and confidently looked forward to,
a time when there would be a more intimate union than exists at present
between the different classes in the state, a union that should embrace
alike the highest and the lowest. This perhaps expresses, as well as a
few words could, what certainly was always at his heart; and he might
have come to think it, when his life was closing, more possible of
realisation some day than he ever thought it before. The hope of it was
on his friend Talfourd's lips when he died, and his own most jarring
opinions might at last have joined in the effort to bring about such
reconcilement. More on this head it needs not to say. Whatever may be
the objection to special views held by him, he would, wanting even the
most objectionable, have been less himself. It was by something of the
despot seldom separable from genius, joined to a truthfulness of nature
belonging to the highest characters, that men themselves of a rare
faculty were attracted to find in Dickens what Sir Arthur Helps has
described, "a man to confide in, and look up to as a leader, in the
midst of any great peril."
Mr. Layard also held that opinion of him. He was at Gadshill during the
Christmas before Dickens went for the last time to America, and
witnessed one of those scenes, not infrequent there, in which the master
of the house was pre-eminently at home. They took generally the form of
cricket matches; but this was, to use the phrase of his friend Bobadil,
more popular and diffused; and of course he rose with the occasion. "The
more you want of the master, the more you'll find in him," said the
gasman employed about his readings. "Foot-races for the villagers," he
wrote on Christmas Day, "come off in my field to-morrow. We have been
all hard at work all day, building a course, making countless flags, and
I don't know what else. Layard is chief commissioner of the domestic
police. The country police predict an immense crowd." There were between
two and three thousand people; and somehow, by a magical kind of
influence, said Layard, Dickens seemed to have bound every creature
present, upon what honour the creature had, to keep order. What was the
special means used, or the art employed, it might have been difficult to
say; but that was the result. Writing on New Year's Day, Dickens himself
described it to me. "We had made a very pretty course, and taken great
pains. Encouraged by the cricket matches experience, I allowed the
landlord of the Falstaff to have a drinking-booth on the ground. Not to
seem to dictate or distrust, I gave all the prizes (about ten pounds in
the aggregate) in money. The great mass of the crowd were labouring men
of all kinds, soldiers, sailors, and navvies. They did not, between
half-past ten, when we began, and sunset, displace a rope or a stake;
and they left every barrier and flag as neat as they found it. There was
not a dispute, and there was no drunkenness whatever. I made them a
little speech from the lawn, at the end of the games, saying that please
God we would do it again next year. They cheered most lustily and
dispersed. The road between this and Chatham was like a Fair all day;
and surely it is a fine thing to get such perfect behaviour out of a
reckless seaport town. Among other oddities we had a Hurdle Race for
Strangers. One man (he came in second) ran 120 yards and leaped over ten
hurdles, in twenty seconds, _with a pipe in his mouth, and smoking it
all the time_. 'If it hadn't been for your pipe,' I said to him at the
winning-post, 'you would have been first.' 'I beg your pardon, sir,' he
answered, 'but if it hadn't been for my pipe, I should have been
nowhere.'" The close of the letter had this rather memorable
announcement. "The sale of the Christmas number was, yesterday evening,
255,380." Would it be absurd to say that there is something in such a
vast popularity in itself electrical, and, though founded on books, felt
where books never reach?
It is also very noticeable that what would have constituted the strength
of Dickens if he had entered public life, the attractive as well as the
commanding side of his nature, was that which kept him most within the
circle of home pursuits and enjoyments. This "better part" of him had
now long survived that sorrowful period of 1857-8, when, for reasons
which I have not thought myself free to suppress, a vaguely disturbed
feeling for the time took possession of him, and occurrences led to his
adoption of other pursuits than those to which till then he had given
himself exclusively. It was a sad interval in his life; but, though
changes incident to the new occupation then taken up remained, and with
them many adverse influences which brought his life prematurely to a
close, it was, with any reference to that feeling, an interval only; and
the dominant impression of the later years, as of the earlier, takes the
marvellously domestic home-loving shape in which also the strength of
his genius is found. It will not do to draw round any part of such a man
too hard a line, and the writer must not be charged with inconsistency
who says that Dickens's childish sufferings,[302] and the sense they
burnt into him of the misery of loneliness and a craving for joys of
home, though they led to what was weakest in him, led also to what was
greatest. It was his defect as well as his merit in maturer life not to
be able to live alone. When the fancies of his novels were upon him and
he was under their restless influence, though he often talked of
shutting himself up in out of the way solitary places, he never went
anywhere unaccompanied by members of his family. His habits of daily
life he carried with him wherever he went. In Albaro and Genoa, at
Lausanne and Geneva, in Paris and Boulogne, his ways were as entirely
those of home as in London and Broadstairs. If it is the property of a
domestic nature to be personally interested in every detail, the
smallest as the greatest, of the four walls within which one lives, then
no man had it so essentially as Dickens. No man was so inclined
naturally to derive his happiness from home concerns. Even the kind of
interest in a house which is commonly confined to women, he was full of.
Not to speak of changes of importance, there was not an additional hook
put up wherever he inhabited, without his knowledge, or otherwise than
as part of some small ingenuity of his own. Nothing was too minute for
his personal superintendence. Whatever might be in hand, theatricals for
the little children, entertainments for those of larger growth, cricket
matches, dinners, field sports, from the first new year's eve dance in
Doughty Street to the last musical party in Hyde Park Place, he was the
centre and soul of it. He did not care to take measure of its greater or
less importance. It was enough that a thing was to do, to be worth his
while to do it as if there was nothing else to be done in the world.
The cry of Laud and Wentworth was his, alike in small and great things;
and to no man was more applicable the German "Echt," which expresses
reality as well as thoroughness. The usual result followed, in all his
homes, of an absolute reliance on him for everything. Under every
difficulty, and in every emergency, his was the encouraging influence,
the bright and ready help. In illness, whether of the children or any of
the servants, he was better than a doctor. He was so full of resource,
for which every one eagerly turned to him, that his mere presence in the
sick-room was a healing influence, as if nothing could fail if he were
only there. So that at last, when, all through the awful night which
preceded his departure, he lay senseless in the room where he had
fallen, the stricken and bewildered ones who tended him found it
impossible to believe that what they saw before them alone was left, or
to shut out wholly the strange wild hope that he might again be suddenly
among them _like_ himself, and revive what they could not connect, even
then, with death's despairing helplessness.
It was not a feeling confined to the relatives whom he had thus taught
to have such exclusive dependence on him. Among the consolations
addressed to those mourners came words from one whom in life he had most
honoured, and who also found it difficult to connect him with death, or
to think that he should never see that blithe face anymore. "It is
almost thirty years," Mr. Carlyle wrote, "since my acquaintance with him
began; and on my side, I may say, every new meeting ripened it into more
and more clear discernment of his rare and great worth as a brother
man: a most cordial, sincere, clear-sighted, quietly decisive, just and
loving man: till at length he had grown to such a recognition with me as
I have rarely had for any man of my time. This I can tell you three, for
it is true and will be welcome to you: to others less concerned I had as
soon _not_ speak on such a subject." "I am profoundly sorry, for _you_,"
Mr. Carlyle at the same time wrote to me; "and indeed for myself and for
us all. It is an event world-wide; a _unique_ of talents suddenly
extinct; and has 'eclipsed,' we too may say, 'the harmless gaiety of
nations.' No death since 1866 has fallen on me with such a stroke. No
literary man's hitherto ever did. The good, the gentle, high-gifted,
ever-friendly, noble Dickens,--every inch of him an Honest Man."
Of his ordinary habits of activity I have spoken, and they were
doubtless carried too far. In youth it was all well, but he did not make
allowance for years. This has had abundant illustration, but will admit
of a few words more. To all men who do much, rule and order are
essential; method in everything was Dickens's peculiarity; and between
breakfast and luncheon, with rare exceptions, was his time of work. But
his daily walks were less of rule than of enjoyment and necessity. In
the midst of his writing they were indispensable, and especially, as it
has often been shown, at night. Mr. Sala is an authority on London
streets, and, in the eloquent and generous tribute he was among the
first to offer to his memory, has described himself encountering Dickens
in the oddest places and most inclement weather, in Ratcliffe-highway,
on Haverstock-hill, on Camberwell-green, in Gray's-inn-lane, in the
Wandsworth-road, at Hammersmith Broadway, in Norton Folgate, and at
Kensal New Town. "A hansom whirled you by the Bell and Horns at
Brompton, and there he was striding, as with seven-league boots,
seemingly in the direction of North-end, Fulham. The Metropolitan
Railway sent you forth at Lisson-grove, and you met him plodding
speedily towards the Yorkshire Stingo. He was to be met rapidly skirting
the grim brick wall of the prison in Coldbath-fields, or trudging along
the Seven Sisters-road at Holloway, or bearing, under a steady press of
sail, underneath Highgate Archway, or pursuing the even tenor of his way
up the Vauxhall-bridge-road." But he was equally at home in the
intricate byways of narrow streets and in the lengthy thoroughfares.
Wherever there was "matter to be heard and learned," in back streets
behind Holborn, in Borough courts and passages, in city wharfs or
alleys, about the poorer lodging-houses, in prisons, workhouses,
ragged-schools, police-courts, rag-shops, chandlers' shops, and all
sorts of markets for the poor, he carried his keen observation and
untiring study. "I was among the Italian Boys from 12 to 2 this
morning," says one of his letters. "I am going out to-night in their
boat with the Thames Police," says another. It was the same when he was
in Italy or Switzerland, as we have seen; and when, in later life, he
was in French provincial places. "I walk miles away into the country,
and you can scarcely imagine by what deserted ramparts and silent little
cathedral closes, or how I pass over rusty drawbridges and stagnant
ditches out of and into the decaying town." For several consecutive
years I accompanied him every Christmas Eve to see the marketings for
Christmas down the road from Aldgate to Bow; and he had a surprising
fondness for wandering about in poor neighbourhoods on Christmas-day,
past the areas of shabby genteel houses in Somers or Kentish Towns, and
watching the dinners preparing or coming in. But the temptations of his
country life led him on to excesses in walking. "Coming in just now," he
wrote in his third year at Gadshill, "after twelve miles in the rain, I
was so wet that I have had to change and get my feet into warm water
before I could do anything." Again, two years later: "A south-easter
blowing, enough to cut one's throat. I am keeping the house for my cold,
as I did yesterday. But the remedy is so new to me, that I doubt if it
does me half the good of a dozen miles in the snow. So, if this mode of
treatment fails to-day, I shall try that to-morrow." He tried it perhaps
too often. In the winter of 1865 he first had the attack in his left
foot which materially disabled his walking-power for the rest of his
life. He supposed its cause to be overwalking in the snow, and that this
had aggravated the suffering is very likely; but, read by the light of
what followed, it may now be presumed to have had more serious origin.
It recurred at intervals, before America, without any such provocation;
in America it came back, not when he had most been walking in the snow,
but when nervous exhaustion was at its worst with him; after America, it
became prominent on the eve of the occurrence at Preston which first
revealed the progress that disease had been making in the vessels of the
brain; and in the last year of his life, as will immediately be seen,
it was a constant trouble and most intense suffering, extending then
gravely to his left hand also, which had before been only slightly
affected.
It was from a letter of the 21st of February 1865 I first learnt that he
was suffering tortures from a "frost-bitten" foot, and ten days later
brought more detailed account. "I got frost-bitten by walking
continually in the snow, and getting wet in the feet daily. My boots
hardened and softened, hardened and softened, my left foot swelled, and
I still forced the boot on; sat in it to write, half the day; walked in
it through the snow, the other half; forced the boot on again next
morning; sat and walked again; and being accustomed to all sorts of
changes in my feet, took no heed. At length, going out as usual, I fell
lame on the walk, and had to limp home dead lame, through the snow, for
the last three miles--to the remarkable terror, by-the-bye, of the two
big dogs." The dogs were Turk and Linda. Boisterous companions as they
always were, the sudden change in him brought them to a stand-still; and
for the rest of the journey they crept by the side of their master as
slowly as he did, never turning from him. He was greatly moved by the
circumstance, and often referred to it. Turk's look upward to his face
was one of sympathy as well as fear, he said; but Linda was wholly
struck down.
The saying in his letter to his youngest son that he was to do to others
what he would that they should do to him, without being discouraged if
they did not do it; and his saying to the Birmingham people that they
were to attend to self-improvement not because it led to fortune, but
because it was right; express a principle that at all times guided
himself. Capable of strong attachments, he was not what is called an
effusive man; but he had no half-heartedness in any of his likings. The
one thing entirely hateful to him, was indifference. "I give my heart to
very few people; but I would sooner love the most implacable man in the
world than a careless one, who, if my place were empty to-morrow, would
rub on and never miss me." There was nothing he more repeatedly told his
children than that they were not to let indifference in others appear to
justify it in themselves. "All kind things," he wrote, "must be done on
their own account, and for their own sake, and without the least
reference to any gratitude." Again he laid it down, while he was making
some exertion for the sake of a dead friend that did not seem likely to
win proper appreciation from those it was to serve. "As to gratitude
from the family--as I have often remarked to you, one does a generous
thing because it is right and pleasant, and not for any response it is
to awaken in others." The rule in another form frequently appears in his
letters; and it was enforced in many ways upon all who were dear to him.
It is worth while to add his comment on a regret of a member of his
family at an act of self-devotion supposed to have been thrown away:
"Nothing of what is nobly done can ever be lost." It is also to be noted
as in the same spirit, that it was not the loud but the silent heroisms
he most admired. Of Sir John Richardson, one of the few who have lived
in our days entitled to the name of a hero, he wrote from Paris in 1856.
"Lady Franklin sent me the whole of that Richardson memoir; and I think
Richardson's manly friendship, and love of Franklin, one of the noblest
things I ever knew in my life. It makes one's heart beat high, with a
sort of sacred joy." (It is the feeling as strongly awakened by the
earlier exploits of the same gallant man to be found at the end of
Franklin's first voyage, and never to be read without the most exalted
emotion.) It was for something higher than mere literature he valued the
most original writer and powerful teacher of the age. "I would go at all
times farther to see Carlyle than any man alive."
Of his attractive points in society and conversation I have
particularized little, because in truth they were himself. Such as they
were, they were never absent from him. His acute sense of enjoyment gave
such relish to his social qualities that probably no man, not a great
wit or a professed talker, ever left, in leaving any social gathering, a
blank so impossible to fill up. In quick and varied sympathy, in ready
adaptation to every whim or humour, in help to any mirth or game, he
stood for a dozen men. If one may say such a thing, he seemed to be
always the more himself for being somebody else, for continually putting
off his personality. His versatility made him unique. What he said once
of his own love of acting, applied to him equally when at his happiest
among friends he loved; sketching a character, telling a story, acting a
charade, taking part in a game; turning into comedy an incident of the
day, describing the last good or bad thing he had seen, reproducing in
quaint, tragical, or humorous form and figure, some part of the
passionate life with which all his being overflowed. "Assumption has
charms for me so delightful--I hardly know for how many wild
reasons--that I feel a loss of Oh I can't say what exquisite foolery,
when I lose a chance of being some one not in the remotest degree like
myself." How it was, that, from one of such boundless resource in
contributing to the pleasure of his friends, there was yet, as I have
said, so comparatively little to bring away, may be thus explained. But
it has been also seen that no one at times said better things, and to
happy examples formerly given I will add one or two of a kind he more
rarely indulged. "He is below par on the Exchange," a friend remarked of
a notorious puffing actor; "he doesn't stand well at Lloyds." "Yet no
one stands so well with the under-writers," said Dickens; a pun that
Swift would have envied. "I call him an Incubus!" said a non-literary
friend, at a loss to express the boredom inflicted on him by a popular
author. "Pen-and-ink-ubus, you mean," interposed Dickens. So, when
Stanfield said of his mid-shipman son, then absent on his first cruise,
"the boy has got his sea-legs on by this time!" "I don't know," remarked
Dickens, "about his getting his sea-legs on; but if I may judge from his
writing, he certainly has not got his A B C legs on."
Other agreeable pleasantries might be largely cited from his letters.
"An old priest" (he wrote from France in 1862), "the express image of
Frederic Lemaitre got up for the part, and very cross with the
toothache, told me in a railway carriage the other day, that we had no
antiquities in heretical England. 'None at all?' I said. 'You have some
ships however.' 'Yes; a few.' 'Are they strong?' 'Well,' said I, 'your
trade is spiritual, my father: ask the ghost of Nelson.' A French
captain who was in the carriage, was immensely delighted with this small
joke. I met him at Calais yesterday going somewhere with a detachment;
and he said--Pardon! But he had been so limited as to suppose an
Englishman incapable of that bonhommie!" In humouring a joke he was
excellent, both in letters and talk; and for this kind of enjoyment his
least important little notes are often worth preserving. Take one small
instance. So freely had he admired a tale told by his friend and
solicitor Mr. Frederic Ouvry, that he had to reply to a humorous
proposal for publication of it, in his own manner, in his own
periodical. "Your modesty is equal to your merit. . . . I think your way of
describing that rustic courtship in middle life, quite matchless. . . . A
cheque for L1000 is lying with the publisher. We would willingly make it
more, but that we find our law charges so exceedingly heavy." His
letters have also examples now and then of what he called his
conversational triumphs. "I have distinguished myself" (28th of April
1861) "in two respects lately. I took a young lady, unknown, down to
dinner, and, talking to her about the Bishop of Durham's nepotism in the
matter of Mr. Cheese, I found she was Mrs. Cheese. And I expatiated to
the member for Marylebone, Lord Fermoy, generally conceiving him to be
an Irish member, on the contemptible character of the Marylebone
constituency and Marylebone representation."
Among his good things should not be omitted his telling of a ghost
story. He had something of a hankering after them, as the readers of his
briefer pieces will know; and such was his interest generally in things
supernatural that, but for the strong restraining power of his common
sense, he might have fallen into the follies of spiritualism. As it was,
the fanciful side of his nature stopped short at such pardonable
superstitions as those of dreams, and lucky days, or other marvels of
natural coincidence; and no man was readier to apply sharp tests to a
ghost story or a haunted house, though there was just so much tendency
to believe in any such, "well-authenticated," as made perfect his manner
of telling one. Such a story is related in the 125th number of _All the
Year Round_, which before its publication both Mr. Layard and myself saw
at Gadshill, and identified as one related by Lord Lytton. It was
published in September, and in a day or two led to what Dickens will
relate. "The artist himself who is the hero of that story" (to Lord
Lytton, 15th of September 1861) "has sent me in black and white his own
account of the whole experience, so very original, so very
extraordinary, so very far beyond the version I have published, that all
other like stories turn pale before it." The ghost thus reinforced came
out in the number published on the 5th of October; and the reader who
cares to turn to it, and compare what Dickens in the interval (17th of
September) wrote to myself, will have some measure of his readiness to
believe in such things. "Upon the publication of the ghost story, up has
started the portrait-painter who saw the phantoms! His own written story
is out of all distance the most extraordinary that ever was produced;
and is as far beyond my version or Bulwer's, as Scott is beyond James.
Everything connected with it is amazing; but conceive this--the
portrait-painter had been engaged to write it elsewhere as a story for
next Christmas, and not unnaturally supposed, when he saw himself
anticipated in _All the Year Round_, that there had been treachery at
his printer's. 'In particular,' says he, 'how else was it possible that
the date, the 13th of September, could have been got at? For I never
told the date, until I wrote it.' Now, _my_ story had NO DATE; but
seeing, when I looked over the proof, the great importance of having _a_
date, I (C. D.) wrote in, unconsciously, the exact date on the margin of
the proof!" The reader will remember the Doncaster race story; and to
other like illustrations of the subject already given, may be added this
dream. "Here is a curious case at first-hand" (30th of May 1863). "On
Thursday night in last week, being at the office here, I dreamed that I
saw a lady in a red shawl with her back towards me (whom I supposed to
be E.). On her turning round I found that I didn't know her, and she
said 'I am Miss Napier.' All the time I was dressing next morning, I
thought--What a preposterous thing to have so very distinct a dream
about nothing! and why Miss Napier? for I never heard of any Miss
Napier. That same Friday night, I read. After the reading, came into my
retiring-room, Mary Boyle and her brother, and _the_ Lady in the red
shawl whom they present as 'Miss Napier!' These are all the
circumstances, exactly told."
Another kind of dream has had previous record, with no superstition to
build itself upon but the loving devotion to one tender memory. With
longer or shorter intervals this was with him all his days. Never from
his waking thoughts was the recollection altogether absent; and though
the dream would leave him for a time, it unfailingly came back. It was
the feeling of his life that always had a mastery over him. What he said
on the sixth anniversary of the death of his sister-in-law, that friend
of his youth whom he had made his ideal of all moral excellence, he
might have said as truly after twenty-six years more. In the very year
before he died, the influence was potently upon him. "She is so much in
my thoughts at all times, especially when I am successful, and have
greatly prospered in anything, that the recollection of her is an
essential part of my being, and is as inseparable from my existence as
the beating of my heart is." Through later troubled years, whatever was
worthiest in him found in this an ark of safety; and it was the nobler
part of his being which had thus become also the essential. It gave to
success what success by itself had no power to give; and nothing could
consist with it, for any length of time, that was not of good report and
pure. What more could I say that was not better said from the pulpit of
the Abbey where he rests?
"He whom we mourn was the friend of mankind, a philanthropist in the
true sense; the friend of youth, the friend of the poor, the enemy of
every form of meanness and oppression. I am not going to attempt to draw
a portrait of him. Men of genius are different from what we suppose them
to be. They have greater pleasures and greater pains, greater affections
and greater temptations, than the generality of mankind, and they can
never be altogether understood by their fellow men. . . . But we feel that
a light has gone out, that the world is darker to us, when they depart.
There are so very few of them that we cannot afford to lose them one by
one, and we look vainly round for others who may supply their places. He
whose loss we now mourn occupied a greater space than any other writer
in the minds of Englishmen during the last thirty-three years. We read
him, talked about him, acted him; we laughed with him; we were roused by
him to a consciousness of the misery of others, and to a pathetic
interest in human life. Works of fiction, indirectly, are great
instructors of this world; and we can hardly exaggerate the debt of
gratitude which is due to a writer who has led us to sympathize with
these good, true, sincere, honest English characters of ordinary life,
and to laugh at the egotism, the hypocrisy, the false respectability of
religious professors and others. To another great humourist who lies in
this Church the words have been applied that his death eclipsed the
gaiety of nations. But of him who has been recently taken I would rather
say, in humbler language, that no one was ever so much beloved or so
much mourned."
FOOTNOTES:
[289] Mr. Grant Wilson has sent me an extract from a letter by
Fitz-Greene Halleck (author of one of the most delightful poems ever
written about Burns) which exactly expresses Dickens as he was, not only
in 1842, but, as far as the sense of authorship went, all his life. It
was addressed to Mrs. Rush of Philadelphia, and is dated the 8th of
March 1842. "You ask me about Mr. Boz. I am quite delighted with him. He
is a thorough good fellow, with nothing of the author about him but the
reputation, and goes through his task as Lion with exemplary grace,
patience, and good nature. He has the brilliant face of a man of
genius. . . . His writings you know. I wish you had listened to his
eloquence at the dinner here. It was the only real specimen of eloquence
I have ever witnessed. Its charm was not in its words, but in the manner
of saying them."
[290] In a volume called _Home and Abroad_, by Mr. David Macrae, is
printed a correspondence with Dickens on matters alluded to in the text,
held in 1861, which will be found to confirm all that is here said.
[291] This letter is facsimile'd in _A Christmas Memorial of Charles
Dickens by A. B. Hume_ (1870), containing an Ode to his Memory written
with feeling and spirit.
[292] I may quote here from a letter (Newcastle-on-Tyne, 5th Sept. 1858)
sent me by the editor of the _Northern Express_. "The view you take of
the literary character in the abstract, or of what it might and ought to
be, expresses what I have striven for all through my literary
life--never to allow it to be patronized, or tolerated, or treated like
a good or a bad child. I am always animated by the hope of leaving it a
little better understood by the thoughtless than I found it."--To James
B. Manson, Esq.
[293] Henry Ryder-Taylor, Esq. Ph.D. 8th Sept. 1868.
[294] By way of instance I subjoin an amusing insertion made by him in
an otherwise indifferently written paper descriptive of the typical
Englishman on the foreign stage, which gives in more comic detail
experiences of his own already partly submitted to the reader (ii. 127).
"In a pretty piece at the Gymnase in Paris, where the prime minister of
England unfortunately ruined himself by speculating in railway shares, a
thorough-going English servant appeared under that thorough-going
English name Tom Bob--the honest fellow having been christened Tom, and
born the lawful son of Mr. and Mrs. Bob. In an Italian adaptation of
DUMAS' preposterous play of KEAN, which we once saw at the great theatre
of Genoa, the curtain rose upon that celebrated tragedian, drunk and
fast asleep in a chair, attired in a dark blue blouse fastened round the
waist with a broad belt and a most prodigious buckle, and wearing a dark
red hat of the sugar-loaf shape, nearly three feet high. He bore in his
hand a champagne-bottle, with the label RHUM, in large capital letters,
carefully turned towards the audience; and two or three dozen of the
same popular liquor, which we are nationally accustomed to drink neat as
imported, by the half gallon, ornamented the floor of the apartment.
Every frequenter of the Coal Hole tavern in the Strand, on that
occasion, wore a sword and a beard. Every English lady, presented on the
stage in Italy, wears a green veil; and almost every such specimen of
our fair countrywomen carries a bright red reticule, made in the form of
a monstrous heart. We do not remember to have ever seen an Englishman on
the Italian stage, or in the Italian circus, without a stomach like
Daniel Lambert, an immense shirt-frill, and a bunch of watch-seals each
several times larger than his watch, though the watch itself was an
impossible engine. And we have rarely beheld this mimic Englishman,
without seeing present, then and there, a score of real Englishmen
sufficiently characteristic and unlike the rest of the audience, to whom
he bore no shadow of resemblance." These views as to English people and
society, of which Count d'Orsay used always to say that an average
Frenchman knew about as much as he knew of the inhabitants of the moon,
may receive amusing addition from one of Dickens's letters during his
last visit to France; which enclosed a cleverly written Paris journal
containing essays on English manners. In one of these the writer
remarked that he had heard of the venality of English politicians, but
could not have supposed it to be so shameless as it is, for, when he
went to the House of Commons, he heard them call out "Places! Places!"
"Give us Places!" when the Minister entered.
[295] The letter is addressed to Miss Harriet Parr, whose book called
_Gilbert Massenger_ is the tale referred to.
[296] See the introductory memoir from his pen now prefixed to every
edition of the popular and delightful _Legends and Lyrics_.
[297] On this remonstrance and Dickens's reply the _Times_ had a leading
article of which the closing sentences find fitting place in his
biography. "If there be anything in Lord Russell's theory that Life
Peerages are wanted specially to represent those forms of national
eminence which cannot otherwise find fitting representation, it might be
urged, for the reasons we have before mentioned, that a Life Peerage is
due to the most truly national representative of one important
department of modern English literature. Something may no doubt be said
in favour of this view, but we are inclined to doubt if Mr. Dickens
himself would gain anything by a Life Peerage. Mr. Dickens is
pre-eminently a writer of the people and for the people. To our
thinking, he is far better suited for the part of the 'Great Commoner'
of English fiction than for even a Life Peerage. To turn Charles Dickens
into Lord Dickens would be much the same mistake in literature that it
was in politics to turn William Pitt into Lord Chatham."
[298] One of the many repetitions of the same opinion in his letters may
be given. "Lord John's note" (September 1853) "confirms me in an old
impression that he is worth a score of official men; and has more
generosity in his little finger than a Government usually has in its
whole corporation." In another of his public allusions, Dickens
described him as a statesman of whom opponents and friends alike felt
sure that he would rise to the level of every occasion, however exalted;
and compared him to the seal of Solomon in the old Arabian story
inclosing in a not very large casket the soul of a giant.
[299] In a memoir by Dr. Shelton McKenzie which has had circulation in
America, there is given the following statement, taken doubtless from
publications at the time, of which it will be strictly accurate to say,
that, excepting the part of its closing averment which describes Dickens
sending a copy of his works to her Majesty by her own desire, _there is
in it not a single word of truth_. "Early in 1870 the Queen presented a
copy of her book upon the Highlands to Mr. Dickens, with the modest
autographic inscription, 'from the humblest to the most distinguished
author of England.' This was meant to be complimentary, and was accepted
as such by Mr. Dickens, who acknowledged it in a manly, courteous
letter. Soon after, Queen Victoria wrote to him, requesting that he
would do her the favour of paying her a visit at Windsor. He accepted,
and passed a day, very pleasantly, in his Sovereign's society. It is
said that they were mutually pleased, that Mr. Dickens caught the royal
lady's particular humour, that they chatted together in a very friendly
manner, that the Queen was never tired of asking questions about certain
characters in his books, that they had almost a _tete-a-tete_ luncheon,
and that, ere he departed, the Queen pressed him to accept a baronetcy
(a title which descends to the eldest son), and that, on his declining,
she said, 'At least, Mr. Dickens, let me have the gratification of
making you one of my Privy Council.' This, which gives the personal
title of 'Right Honourable,' he also declined--nor, indeed, did Charles
Dickens require a title to give him celebrity. The Queen and the author
parted, well pleased with each other. The newspapers reported that a
peerage had been offered and declined--_but even newspapers are not
invariably correct_. Mr. Dickens presented his Royal Mistress with a
handsome set of all his works, and, on the very morning of his death, a
letter reached Gad's Hill, written by Mr. Arthur Helps, by her desire,
acknowledging the present, and describing the exact position the books
occupied at Balmoral--so placed that she could see them before her when
occupying the usual seat in her sitting-room. When this letter arrived,
Mr. Dickens was still alive, but wholly unconscious. What to him, at
that time, was the courtesy of an earthly sovereign?" I repeat that the
only morsel of truth in all this rigmarole is that the books were sent
by Dickens, and acknowledged by Mr. Helps at the Queen's desire. The
letter did not arrive on the day of his death, the 9th of June, but was
dated from Balmoral on that day.
[300] The book was thus entered in the catalogue. "DICKENS (C.), A
CHRISTMAS CAROL, in prose, 1843; _Presentation Copy_, inscribed '_W. M.
Thackeray, from Charles Dickens (whom he made very happy once a long way
from home_).'" Some pleasant verses by his friend had affected him much
while abroad. I quote the Life of Dickens published by Mr. Hotten. "Her
Majesty expressed the strongest desire to possess this presentation
copy, and sent an unlimited commission to buy it. The original published
price of the book was 5_s._ It became Her Majesty's property for L25
10_s._, and was at once taken to the palace."
[301] "In Memoriam" by Arthur Helps, in _Macmillan's Magazine_ for July
1870.
[302] An entry, under the date of July 1833, from a printed but
unpublished Diary by Mr. Payne Collier, appeared lately in the
_Athenaeum_, having reference to Dickens at the time when he first
obtained employment as a reporter, and connecting itself with what my
opening volume had related of those childish sufferings. "Soon
afterwards I observed a great difference in C. D.'s dress, for he had
bought a new hat and a very handsome blue cloak, which he threw over his
shoulder _a l' Espagnole_. . . . We walked together through Hungerford
Market, where we followed a coal-heaver, who carried his little rosy but
grimy child looking over his shoulder; and C. D. bought a
halfpenny-worth of cherries, and as we went along he gave them one by
one to the little fellow without the knowledge of the father. . . . He
informed me as we walked through it that he knew Hungerford Market
well. . . . He did not affect to conceal the difficulties he and his family
had had to contend against."
CHAPTER XX.
THE END.
1869-1870.
Visit from Mr. and Mrs. Fields--Places shown to
Visitor--Last Paper in _All the Year
Round_--Son Henry's Scholarship--A Reading of
_Edwin Drood_--Medical Attendance at
Readings--Excitement after _Oliver Twist_
Scenes--Farewell Address--Results of Over
Excitement--Last Appearances in Public--Death
of Daniel Maclise--Temptations of
London--Another Attack in the Foot--Noteworthy
Incident--Tribute of Gratitude for his
Books--Last Letter from him--Last
Days--Thoughts on his Last Day of
Consciousness--The Close--General
Mourning--Wish to bury him in the Abbey--His
Own Wish--The Burial--Unbidden Mourners--The
Grave.
THE summer and autumn of 1869 were passed quietly at Gadshill. He
received there, in June, the American friends to whom he had been most
indebted for unwearying domestic kindness at his most trying time in the
States. In August, he was at the dinner of the International boat-race;
and, in a speech that might have gone far to reconcile the victors to
changing places with the vanquished, gave the healths of the Harvard and
the Oxford crews. He went to Birmingham, in September, to fulfil a
promise that he would open the session of the Institute; and there,
after telling his audience that his invention, such as it was, never
would have served him as it had done, but for the habit of commonplace,
patient, drudging attention, he declared his political creed to be
infinitesimal faith in the people governing and illimitable faith in the
People governed. In such engagements as these, with nothing of the kind
of strain he had most to dread, there was hardly more movement or change
than was necessary to his enjoyment of rest.
He had been able to show Mr. Fields something of the interest of London
as well as of his Kentish home. He went over its "general post-office"
with him, took him among its cheap theatres and poor lodging-houses, and
piloted him by night through its most notorious thieves' quarter. Its
localities that are pleasantest to a lover of books, such as Johnson's
Bolt-court and Goldsmith's Temple-chambers, he explored with him; and,
at his visitor's special request, mounted a staircase he had not
ascended for more than thirty years, to show the chambers in Furnival's
Inn where the first page of _Pickwick_ was written. One more book,
unfinished, was to close what that famous book began; and the original
of the scene of its opening chapter, the opium-eater's den, was the last
place visited. "In a miserable court at night," says Mr. Fields, "we
found a haggard old woman blowing at a kind of pipe made of an old
ink-bottle; and the words which Dickens puts into the mouth of this
wretched creature in _Edwin Drood_, we heard her croon as we leaned over
the tattered bed in which she was lying."
Before beginning his novel he had written his last paper for his weekly
publication. It was a notice of my _Life of Landor_, and contained some
interesting recollections of that remarkable man. His memory at this
time dwelt much, as was only natural, with past pleasant time, as he saw
familiar faces leaving us or likely to leave; and, on the death of one
of the comedians associated with the old bright days of Covent Garden, I
had intimation of a fancy that had never quitted him since the
Cheltenham reading. "I see in the paper to-day that Meadows is dead. I
had a talk with him at Coutts's a week or two ago, when he said he was
seventy-five, and very weak. Except for having a tearful eye, he looked
just the same as ever. My mind still constantly misgives me concerning
Macready. Curiously, I don't think he has been ever, for ten minutes
together, out of my thoughts since I talked with Meadows last. Well, the
year that brings trouble brings comfort too: I have a great success in
the boy-line to announce to you. Harry has won the second scholarship at
Trinity Hall, which gives him L50 a year as long as he stays there; and
I begin to hope that he will get a fellowship." I doubt if anything ever
more truly pleased him than this little success of his son Henry at
Cambridge. Henry missed the fellowship, but was twenty-ninth wrangler in
a fair year, when the wranglers were over forty.
He finished his first number of _Edwin Drood_ in the third week of
October, and on the 26th read it at my house with great spirit. A few
nights before we had seen together at the Olympic a little drama taken
from his _Copperfield_, which he sat out with more than patience, even
with something of enjoyment; and another pleasure was given him that
night by its author, Mr. Halliday, who brought into the box another
dramatist, Mr. Robertson, to whom Dickens, who then first saw him, said
that to himself the charm of his little comedies was "their unassuming
form," which had so happily shown that "real wit could afford to put off
any airs of pretension to it." He was at Gadshill till the close of the
year; coming up for a few special occasions, such as Procter's
eighty-second birthday; and at my house on new-year's eve he read to us,
again aloud, a fresh number of his book. Yet these very last days of
December had not been without a reminder of the grave warnings of April.
The pains in somewhat modified form had returned in both his left hand
and his left foot a few days before we met; and they were troubling him
still on that day. But he made so light of them himself; so little
thought of connecting them with the uncertainties of touch and tread of
which they were really part; and read with such an overflow of humour
Mr. Honeythunder's boisterous philanthropy; that there was no room,
then, for anything but enjoyment. His only allusion to an effect from
his illness was his mention of a now invincible dislike which he had to
railway travel. This had decided him to take a London house for the
twelve last readings in the early months of 1870, and he had become Mr.
Milner-Gibson's tenant at 5, Hyde Park Place.
St. James's Hall was to be the scene of these Readings, and they were to
occupy the interval from the 11th of January to the 15th of March; two
being given in each week to the close of January, and the remaining
eight on each of the eight Tuesdays following. Nothing was said of any
kind of apprehension as the time approached; but, with a curious absence
of the sense of danger, there was certainly both distrust and fear.
Sufficient precaution was supposed to have been taken[303] by
arrangement for the presence, at each reading, of his friend and medical
attendant, Mr. Carr Beard; but this resolved itself, not into any
measure of safety, the case admitting of none short of stopping the
reading altogether, but simply into ascertainment of the exact amount of
strain and pressure, which, with every fresh exertion, he was placing on
those vessels of the brain where the Preston trouble too surely had
revealed that danger lay. No supposed force in reserve, no dominant
strength of will, can turn aside the penalties sternly exacted for
disregard of such laws of life as were here plainly overlooked; and
though no one may say that it was not already too late for any but the
fatal issue, there will be no presumption in believing that life might
yet have been for some time prolonged if these readings could have been
stopped.
"I am a little shaken," he wrote on the 9th of January, "by my journey
to Birmingham to give away the Institution's prizes on Twelfth Night,
but I am in good heart; and, notwithstanding Lowe's worrying scheme for
collecting a year's taxes in a lump, which they tell me is damaging
books, pictures, music, and theatres beyond precedent, our 'let' at St.
James's Hall is enormous." He opened with _Copperfield_ and the
_Pickwick Trial_; and I may briefly mention, from the notes taken by Mr.
Beard and placed at my disposal, at what cost of exertion to himself he
gratified the crowded audiences that then and to the close made these
evenings memorable. His ordinary pulse on the first night was at 72; but
never on any subsequent night was lower than 82, and had risen on the
later nights to more than 100. After _Copperfield_ on the first night it
went up to 96, and after _Marigold_ on the second to 99; but on the
first night of the _Sikes and Nancy_ scenes (Friday the 21st of January)
it went from 80 to 112, and on the second night (the 1st of February) to
118. From this, through the six remaining nights, it never was lower
than 110 after the first piece read; and after the third and fourth
readings of the _Oliver Twist_ scenes it rose, from 90 to 124 on the
15th of February, and from 94 to 120 on the 8th of March; on the former
occasion, after twenty minutes' rest, falling to 98, and on the latter,
after fifteen minutes' rest, falling to 82. His ordinary pulse on
entering the room, during these last six nights, was more than once
over 100, and never lower than 84; from which it rose, after _Nickleby_
on the 22nd of February, to 112. On the 8th of February, when he read
_Dombey_, it had risen from 91 to 114; on the 1st of March, after
_Copperfield_, it rose from 100 to 124; and when he entered the room on
the last night it was at 108, having risen only two beats more when the
reading was done. The pieces on this occasion were the _Christmas
Carol_, followed by the _Pickwick Trial_; and probably in all his life
he never read so well. On his return from the States, where he had to
address his effects to audiences composed of immense numbers of people,
a certain loss of refinement had been observable; but the old delicacy
was now again delightfully manifest, and a subdued tone, as well in the
humorous as the serious portions, gave something to all the reading as
of a quiet sadness of farewell. The charm of this was at its height when
he shut the volume of _Pickwick_ and spoke in his own person. He said
that for fifteen years he had been reading his own books to audiences
whose sensitive and kindly recognition of them had given him instruction
and enjoyment in his art such as few men could have had; but that he
nevertheless thought it well now to retire upon older associations, and
in future to devote himself exclusively to the calling which had first
made him known. "In but two short weeks from this time I hope that you
may enter, in your own homes, on a new series of readings at which my
assistance will be indispensable; but from these garish lights I vanish
now for evermore, with a heartfelt, grateful, respectful, affectionate
farewell." The brief hush of silence as he moved from the platform; and
the prolonged tumult of sound that followed suddenly, stayed him, and
again for another moment brought him back; will not be forgotten by any
present.
Little remains to be told that has not in it almost unmixed pain and
sorrow. Hardly a day passed, while the readings went on or after they
closed, unvisited by some effect or other of the disastrous excitement
shown by the notes of Mr. Beard. On the 23rd of January, when for the
last time he met Carlyle, he came to us with his left hand in a sling;
on the 7th of February, when he passed with us his last birthday, and on
the 25th, when he read the third number of his novel, the hand was still
swollen and painful; and on the 21st of March, when he read admirably
his fourth number, he told us that as he came along, walking up the
length of Oxford-street, the same incident had recurred as on the day of
a former dinner with us, and he had not been able to read, all the way,
more than the right-hand half of the names over the shops. Yet he had
the old fixed persuasion that this was rather the effect of a medicine
he had been taking than of any grave cause, and he still strongly
believed his other troubles to be exclusively local. Eight days later he
wrote: "My uneasiness and hemorrhage, after having quite left me, as I
supposed, has come back with an aggravated irritability that it has not
yet displayed. You have no idea what a state I am in to-day from a
sudden violent rush of it; and yet it has not the slightest effect on my
general health that I know of." This was a disorder which troubled him
in his earlier life; and during the last five years, in his intervals of
suffering from other causes, it had from time to time taken aggravated
form.
His last public appearances were in April. On the 5th he took the chair
for the Newsvendors, whom he helped with a genial address in which even
his apology for little speaking overflowed with irrepressible humour. He
would try, he said, like Falstaff, "but with a modification almost as
large as himself," less to speak himself than to be the cause of
speaking in others. "Much in this manner they exhibit at the door of a
snuff-shop the effigy of a Highlander with an empty mull in his hand,
who, apparently having taken all the snuff he can carry, and discharged
all the sneezes of which he is capable, politely invites his friends and
patrons to step in and try what they can do in the same line." On the
30th of the same month he returned thanks for "Literature" at the Royal
Academy dinner, and I may preface my allusion to what he then said with
what he had written to me the day before. Three days earlier Daniel
Maclise had passed away. "Like you at Ely, so I at Higham, had the shock
of first reading at a railway station of the death of our old dear
friend and companion. What the shock would be, you know too well. It has
been only after great difficulty, and after hardening and steeling
myself to the subject by at once thinking of it and avoiding it in a
strange way, that I have been able to get any command over it or over
myself. If I feel at the time that I can be sure of the necessary
composure, I shall make a little reference to it at the Academy
to-morrow. I suppose you won't be there."[304] The reference made was
most touching and manly. He told those who listened that since he first
entered the public lists, a very young man indeed, it had been his
constant fortune to number among his nearest and dearest friends members
of that Academy who had been its pride; and who had now, one by one, so
dropped from his side that he was grown to believe, with the Spanish
monk of whom Wilkie spoke, that the only realities around him were the
pictures which he loved, and all the moving life but a shadow and a
dream. "For many years I was one of the two most intimate friends and
most constant companions of Mr. Maclise, to whose death the Prince of
Wales has made allusion, and the President has referred with the
eloquence of genuine feeling. Of his genius in his chosen art, I will
venture to say nothing here; but of his fertility of mind and wealth of
intellect I may confidently assert that they would have made him, if he
had been so minded, at least as great a writer as he was a painter. The
gentlest and most modest of men, the freshest as to his generous
appreciation of young aspirants and the frankest and largest hearted as
to his peers, incapable of a sordid or ignoble thought, gallantly
sustaining the true dignity of his vocation, without one grain of
self-ambition, wholesomely natural at the last as at the first, 'in wit
a man, simplicity a child,'--no artist of whatsoever denomination, I
make bold to say, ever went to his rest leaving a golden memory more
pure from dross, or having devoted himself with a truer chivalry to the
art-goddess whom he worshipped." These were the last public words of
Dickens, and he could not have spoken any worthier.
Upon his appearance at the dinner of the Academy had followed some
invitations he was led to accept; greatly to his own regret, he told me
on the night (7th of May) when he read to us the fifth number of _Edwin
Drood_; for he was now very eager to get back to the quiet of Gadshill.
He dined with Mr. Motley, then American minister; had met Mr. Disraeli
at a dinner at Lord Stanhope's; had breakfasted with Mr. Gladstone; and
on the 17th was to attend the Queen's ball with his daughter. But she
had to go there without him; for on the 16th I had intimation of a
sudden disablement. "I am sorry to report, that, in the old preposterous
endeavour to dine at preposterous hours and preposterous places, I have
been pulled up by a sharp attack in my foot. And serve me right. I hope
to get the better of it soon, but I fear I must not think of dining with
you on Friday. I have cancelled everything in the dining way for this
week, and that is a very small precaution after the horrible pain I have
had and the remedies I have taken." He had to excuse himself also from
the General Theatrical Fund dinner, where the Prince of Wales was to
preside; but at another dinner a week later, where the King of the
Belgians and the Prince were to be present, so much pressure was put
upon him that he went, still suffering as he was, to dine with Lord
Houghton.
We met for the last time on Sunday the 22nd of May, when I dined with
him in Hyde Park Place. The death of Mr. Lemon, of which he heard that
day, had led his thoughts to the crowd of friendly companions in letters
and art who had so fallen from the ranks since we played Ben Jonson
together that we were left almost alone. "And none beyond his sixtieth
year," he said, "very few even fifty." It is no good to talk of it, I
suggested. "We shall not think of it the less" was his reply; and an
illustration much to the point was before us, afforded by an incident
deserving remembrance in his story. Not many weeks before, a
correspondent had written to him from Liverpool describing himself as a
self-raised man, attributing his prosperous career to what Dickens's
writings had taught him at its outset of the wisdom of kindness, and
sympathy for others; and asking pardon for the liberty he took in hoping
that he might be permitted to offer some acknowledgment of what not only
had cheered and stimulated him through all his life, but had contributed
so much to the success of it. The letter enclosed L500. Dickens was
greatly touched by this; and told the writer, in sending back his
cheque, that he would certainly have taken it if he had not been, though
not a man of fortune, a prosperous man himself; but that the letter, and
the spirit of its offer, had so gratified him, that if the writer
pleased to send him any small memorial of it in another form he would
gladly receive it. The memorial soon came. A richly worked basket of
silver, inscribed "from one who has been cheered and stimulated by Mr.
Dickens's writings, and held the author among his first remembrances
when he became prosperous," was accompanied by an extremely handsome
silver centrepiece for the table, of which the design was four figures
representing the Seasons. But the kindly donor shrank from sending
Winter to one whom he would fain connect with none but the brighter and
milder days, and he had struck the fourth figure from the design. "I
never look at it," said Dickens, "that I don't think most of the
Winter."
A matter discussed that day with Mr. Ouvry was briefly resumed in a note
of the 29th of May, the last I ever received from him; which followed me
to Exeter, and closed thus. "You and I can speak of it at Gads by and
by. Foot no worse. But no better." The old trouble was upon him when we
parted, and this must have been nearly the last note written before he
quitted London. He was at Gadshill on the 30th of May; and I heard no
more until the telegram reached me at Launceston on the night of the 9th
of June, which told me that the "by and by" was not to come in this
world.
The few days at Gadshill had been given wholly to work on his novel. He
had been easier in his foot and hand; and, though he was suffering
severely from the local hemorrhage before named, he made no complaint of
illness. But there was observed in him a very unusual appearance of
fatigue. "He seemed very weary." He was out with his dogs for the last
time on Monday the 6th of June, when he walked with his letters into
Rochester. On Tuesday the 7th, after his daughter Mary had left on a
visit to her sister Kate, not finding himself equal to much fatigue, he
drove to Cobhamwood with his sister-in-law, there dismissed the
carriage, and walked round the park and back. He returned in time to put
up in his new conservatory some Chinese lanterns sent from London that
afternoon; and, the whole of the evening, he sat with Miss Hogarth in
the dining-room that he might see their effect when lighted. More than
once he then expressed his satisfaction at having finally abandoned all
intention of exchanging Gadshill for London; and this he had done more
impressively some days before. While he lived, he said, he should like
his name to be more and more associated with the place; and he had a
notion that when he died he should like to lie in the little graveyard
belonging to the Cathedral at the foot of the Castle wall.
On the 8th of June he passed all the day writing in the Chalet. He came
over for luncheon; and, much against his usual custom, returned to his
desk. Of the sentences he was then writing, the last of his long life of
literature, a portion has been given in facsimile on a previous page;
and the reader will observe with a painful interest, not alone its
evidence of minute labour at this fast-closing hour of time with him,
but the direction his thoughts had taken. He imagines such a brilliant
morning as had risen with that eighth of June shining on the old city of
Rochester. He sees in surpassing beauty, with the lusty ivy gleaming in
the sun, and the rich trees waving in the balmy air, its antiquities and
its ruins; its Cathedral and Castle. But his fancy, then, is not with
the stern dead forms of either; but with that which makes warm the cold
stone tombs of centuries, and lights them up with flecks of brightness,
"fluttering there like wings." To him, on that sunny summer morning, the
changes of glorious light from moving boughs, the songs of birds, the
scents from garden, woods, and fields, have penetrated into the
Cathedral, have subdued its earthy odour, and are preaching the
Resurrection and the Life.
* * * * *
He was late in leaving the Chalet; but before dinner, which was ordered
at six o'clock with the intention of walking afterwards in the lanes, he
wrote some letters, among them one to his friend Mr. Charles Kent
appointing to see him in London next day; and dinner was begun before
Miss Hogarth saw, with alarm, a singular expression of trouble and pain
in his face. "For an hour," he then told her, "he had been very ill;"
but he wished dinner to go on. These were the only really coherent words
uttered by him. They were followed by some, that fell from him
disconnectedly, of quite other matters; of an approaching sale at a
neighbour's house, of whether Macready's son was with his father at
Cheltenham, and of his own intention to go immediately to London; but at
these latter he had risen, and his sister-in-law's help alone prevented
him from falling where he stood. Her effort then was to get him on the
sofa, but after a slight struggle he sank heavily on his left side. "On
the ground" were the last words he spoke. It was now a little over ten
minutes past six o'clock. His two daughters came that night with Mr.
Beard, who had also been telegraphed for, and whom they met at the
station. His eldest son arrived early next morning, and was joined in
the evening (too late) by his younger son from Cambridge. All possible
medical aid had been summoned. The surgeon of the neighbourhood was
there from the first, and a physician from London was in attendance as
well as Mr. Beard. But all human help was unavailing. There was effusion
on the brain; and though stertorous breathing continued all night, and
until ten minutes past six o'clock on the evening of Thursday the 9th of
June, there had never been a gleam of hope during the twenty-four hours.
He had lived four months beyond his 58th year.
* * * * *
The excitement and sorrow at his death are within the memory of all.
Before the news of it even reached the remoter parts of England, it had
been flashed across Europe; was known in the distant continents of
India, Australia, and America; and not in English-speaking communities
only, but in every country of the civilised earth, had awakened grief
and sympathy. In his own land it was as if a personal bereavement had
befallen every one. Her Majesty the Queen telegraphed from Balmoral "her
deepest regret at the sad news of Charles Dickens's death;" and this was
the sentiment alike of all classes of her people. There was not an
English journal that did not give it touching and noble utterance; and
the _Times_ took the lead in suggesting[305] that the only fit
resting-place for the remains of a man so dear to England was the Abbey
in which the most illustrious Englishmen are laid.
With the expression thus given to a general wish, the Dean of
Westminster lost no time in showing ready compliance; and on the morning
of the day when it appeared was in communication with the family and
representatives. The public homage of a burial in the Abbey had to be
reconciled with his own instructions to be privately buried without
previous announcement of time or place, and without monument or
memorial. He would himself have preferred to lie in the small graveyard
under Rochester Castle wall, or in the little churches of Cobham or
Shorne; but all these were found to be closed; and the desire of the
Dean and Chapter of Rochester to lay him in their Cathedral had been
entertained, when the Dean of Westminster's request, and the considerate
kindness of his generous assurance that there should be only such
ceremonial as would strictly obey all injunctions of privacy, made it a
grateful duty to accept that offer. The spot already had been chosen by
the Dean; and before mid-day on the following morning, Tuesday the 14th
of June, with knowledge of those only who took part in the burial, all
was done. The solemnity had not lost by the simplicity. Nothing so grand
or so touching could have accompanied it, as the stillness and the
silence of the vast Cathedral. Then, later in the day and all the
following day, came unbidden mourners in such crowds, that the Dean had
to request permission to keep open the grave until Thursday; but after
it was closed they did not cease to come, and "all day long," Doctor
Stanley wrote on the 17th, "there was a constant pressure to the spot,
and many flowers were strewn upon it by unknown hands, many tears shed
from unknown eyes." He alluded to this in the impressive funeral
discourse delivered by him in the Abbey on the morning of Sunday the
19th, pointing to the fresh flowers that then had been newly thrown (as
they still are thrown, in this fourth year after the death), and saying
that "the spot would thenceforward be a sacred one with both the New
World and the Old, as that of the representative of the literature, not
of this island only, but of all who speak our English tongue." The stone
placed upon it is inscribed
CHARLES DICKENS.
BORN FEBRUARY THE SEVENTH 1812. DIED JUNE THE
NINTH 1870.
[Illustration]
The highest associations of both the arts he loved surround him where
he lies. Next to him is RICHARD CUMBERLAND. Mrs. PRITCHARD'S monument
looks down upon him, and immediately behind is DAVID GARRICK'S. Nor is
the actor's delightful art more worthily represented than the nobler
genius of the author. Facing the grave, and on its left and right, are
the monuments of CHAUCER, SHAKESPEARE, and DRYDEN, the three immortals
who did most to create and settle the language to which CHARLES DICKENS
has given another undying name.
FINIS.
FOOTNOTES:
[303] I desire to guard myself against any possible supposition that I
think these Readings might have been stopped by the exercise of medical
authority. I am convinced of the contrary. Dickens had pledged himself
to them; and the fact that others' interests were engaged rather than
his own supplied him with an overpowering motive for being determinedly
set on going through with them. At the sorrowful time in the preceding
year, when, yielding to the stern sentence passed by Sir Thomas Watson,
he had dismissed finally the staff employed on his country readings, he
had thus written to me. "I do believe" (3rd of May 1869) "that such
people as the Chappells are very rarely to be found in human affairs. To
say nothing of their noble and munificent manner of sweeping away into
space all the charges incurred uselessly, and all the immense
inconvenience and profitless work thrown upon their establishment, comes
a note this morning from the senior partner, to the effect that they
feel that my overwork has been 'indirectly caused by them, and by my
great and kind exertions to make their venture successful to the
extreme.' There is something so delicate and fine in this, that I feel
it deeply." That feeling led to his resolve to make the additional
exertion of these twelve last readings, and nothing would have turned
him from it as long as he could stand at the desk.