Perpignan Arras Alsace

For further particulars of the French parliaments, read ‘Bernard de la

Rochefavin des Parlemens de France’, and other authors, who have treated

that subject constitutionally. But what will be still better, converse

upon it with people of sense and knowledge, who will inform you of the

particular objects of the several chambres, and the businesses of the

respective members, as, ‘les Presidens, les Presidens a Mortier’ (these

last so called from their black velvet caps laced with gold), ‘les

Maitres tres des Requetes, les Greffiers, le Procureur General, les

Avocats Generaux, les Conseillers’, etc. The great point in dispute is

concerning the powers of the parliament of Paris in matters of state, and

relatively to the Crown. They pretend to the powers of the States-General

of France when they used to be assembled (which, I think, they have not

been since the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth, in the year 1615). The

Crown denies those pretensions, and considers them only as courts of

justice. Mezeray seems to be on the side of the parliament in this

question, which is very well worth your inquiry. But, be that as it will,

the parliament of Paris is certainly a very respectable body, and much

regarded by the whole kingdom. The edicts of the Crown, especially those

for levying money on the subjects, ought to be registered in parliament;

I do not say to have their effect, for the Crown would take good care of

that; but to have a decent appearance, and to procure a willing

acquiescence in the nation. And the Crown itself, absolute as it is, does

not love that strong opposition, and those admirable remonstrances, which

it sometimes meets with from the parliaments. Many of those detached

pieces are very well worth your collecting; and I remember, a year or two

ago, a remonstrance of the parliament of Douay, upon the subject, as I

think, of the ‘Vingtieme’, which was in my mind one of the finest and

most moving compositions I ever read. They owned themselves, indeed, to

be slaves, and showed their chains: but humbly begged of his Majesty to

make them a little lighter, and less galling.

THE STATES OF FRANCE were general assemblies of the three states or

orders of the kingdom; the Clergy, the Nobility, and the ‘Tiers Etat’,

that is, the people. They used to be called together by the King, upon

the most important affairs of state, like our Lords and Commons in

parliament, and our Clergy in convocation. Our parliament is our states,

and the French parliaments are only their courts of justice. The Nobility

consisted of all those of noble extraction, whether belonging to the

SWORD or to the ROBE, excepting such as were chosen (which sometimes

happened) by the Tiers Etat as their deputies to the States-General. The

Tiers Etat was exactly our House of Commons, that is, the people,

represented by deputies of their own choosing. Those who had the most

considerable places, ‘dans la robe’, assisted at those assemblies, as

commissioners on the part of the Crown. The States met, for the first

time that I can find (I mean by the name of ‘les etats’), in the reign of

Pharamond, 424, when they confirmed the Salic law. From that time they

have been very frequently assembled, sometimes upon important occasions,

as making war and peace, reforming abuses, etc.; at other times, upon

seemingly trifling ones, as coronations, marriages, etc. Francis the

First assembled them, in 1526, to declare null and void his famous treaty

of Madrid, signed and sworn to by him during his captivity there. They

grew troublesome to the kings and to their ministers, and were but seldom

called after the power of the Crown grew strong; and they have never been

heard of since the year 1615. Richelieu came and shackled the nation, and

Mazarin and Lewis the Fourteenth riveted the shackles.

There still subsist in some provinces in France, which are called ‘pais d

etats’, an humble local imitation, or rather mimicry, of the great

‘etats’, as in Languedoc, Bretagne, etc. They meet, they speak, they

grumble, and finally submit to whatever the King orders.

Independently of the intrinsic utility of this kind of knowledge to every

man of business, it is a shame for any man to be ignorant of it,

especially relatively to any country he has been long in. Adieu.

LETTERS TO HIS SON

1752

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