livres
The national expence of the month of _Nivose_ last was 23,374,450 - or - £.18,522,632
The receipt of taxes in the same month was 57,168,733 - or - 2,501,132
---------- -----------
Excess of expenditure, rejecting shillings and pence, and
reckoning a livre at 10½_d._b 366,205,717 - or - £.16,021,500
----------- ------------
In the succeeding month, _Pluviose_, the difference was still more
enormous: it exceeded the receipt by 443,164,244 livres, or
£.19,388,435. “The trappings of royalty” would poorly keep pace with
this unprecedented profusion, which is hourly increasing, by the
inevitable augmentation of salaries to all the public servants, both
civil and military. The naval officers have had a considerable addition
to their pay since I left Brest; and, as a signal to all beneath, the
stipend of the members of the convention has been increased from
eighteen to thirty-six livres a day.
I do not pretend to know the nature and extent of the present taxes; but
I remember the favourite scheme of a heavy land-tax, in lieu of all
others, was trumpeted forth at the commencement of the revolution, not
that it dates its birth at so recent a period. Our principle of taxing
consumption, they treated with great contempt; but I have reason to
believe they will soon adopt it, as I have lately read a most spirited
and ingenious attack on Cambon, and some of his predecessors, in which
it is extolled. The most considerable of the present imposts is a duty
of 20 _per cent._ on all lands and houses. This was calculated to
produce 260 millions, and makes the annual value of landed property
(including buildings) to be 1300 millions of livres. Let us suppose
(dreadful supposition!) that a third part of this is sequestrated, and
in the disposal of the government. Call this 440 millions; and farther,
let us presume, that all these houses and lands will be sold at 25 years
purchase (which, if the nature of a part of the property, and the fears
of reclamation, particularly of the estates of the later emigrants, be
considered, is perhaps too much) the amount will be 11 milliards. This
is the calculation of the most sanguine of the French with whom I have
conversed on the subject; and even this, terrifying as it is to compute
or read, seems likely to be insufficient. Johannot reckons the national
means at 15 milliards 226 millions, even after the allowances, which
justice and humanity dictate, shall be deducted from them; and proposes
to coin immediately 150 millions of copper, in order to afford support
to the declining credit of _assignats_. I need not tell you, that I
possess no _data_ to formally controvert this statement of the
financier; but I beg leave to observe, that his whole report, which I
have carefully read, is conceived in those sanguine and flattering
terms, which appear to me to have sprung from a pre-concerted
determination of exhibiting the favourable side of the picture, and
keeping the people in good-humour. I have heard it publickly derided,
and have been told that both its premises and conclusions are false. In
addition to the allowance which he hints is to be made to the relations
and creditors of emigrants, under certain restrictions, is to be placed
a complete restitution of the properties of the Brissotine party, and
all who suffered under the tyranny of Robespierre: at least such
expectations have been holden out in the convention. He also states,
that there are now eight milliards of _assignats_ in circulation, and
that only three milliards more need be added to them. For the justness
of this last declaration his word must be taken, as he does not tell us
why he limits to this sum the future emission.----Query, How are the
creditors of the old government to be considered, when the day of
liquidation shall arrive? A lottery, it seems, is projected, of all the
forfeited houses; and the scheme, at least here, appears to be
relished.----There is yet another source of revenue, of a delicate nature,
which I sometimes hear and read boasted of:----requisitions from the
conquered countries; and confiscations of the church lands in the
Austrian Netherlands.----How far these will be practicable to any great
amount, I leave to you to determine. Remember, that the comparatively
trifling levies, which have been already made upon the Belgians, are
said to have rendered the French name odious in that country.
But little facts sometimes impress conviction on the mind, when a
laboured detail has failed.----Until lately there were not any _assignats_
in circulation of more than two thousand livres each in value; but, on
the petition of the army contractors, _assignats_ of ten thousand livres
each have been fabricated, “in order to lessen the _expence of
carriage_, which is become enormous.”----One of the Paris papers, two
months ago, assigned as a reason for raising its price, the increasing
value of paper, which was then 80 livres a ream. “How,” asks the editor,
“can it be otherwise, when government, by contract, is every day
supplied with six thousand reams for its consumption in printing off
_assignats_!!”
All _assignats_ of the value of more than 100 livres, bearing the effigy
of Louis XVI. were proscribed some time since, except in the purchasing
of national domains. This was one of the last piratical manœuvres of
Cambon, and was every way worthy of the financier or Robespierre.
However it somewhat contributed to lessen the immense load of
circulating paper.
When I sum up the component parts of this stupendous system, and
contemplate it in the aggregate, I must confess myself to be staggered,
and almost ready to pronounce against the ability of this wonderful
people to continue the contest in which they are engaged. But, after
revolving the subject in every point of view in which it presents itself
to my mind, I am decidedly of opinion, that not even a national
insolvency would produce the effect, which some of the powers combined
against them sought in its commencement. The dismemberment of France
cannot be accomplished, without the extermination of its inhabitants,
even though Mr. Playfair write a second profound disquisition to
demonstrate its necessity and practicability; and how far a “_bellum
internecinum_,” against twenty-four millions of people is either in its
principle to be desired, or in its accomplishment to be expected, may
at least exercise the casuistry of humble searchers of truth, like you
and me.
That the French wish for peace, cannot be doubted by those who are in a
habit of reading their daily chronicles, and listening to their
sentiments; but even this event, desirable as they feel it to be, they
will not purchase at the expence of the integrity of the empire, or by
suffering any power, or combination of powers, on earth, to dictate to
them what shall be their form of government, or even to interfere in the
most inconsiderable point about their internal regulations. Such, upon
my honour, I believe to be the unalterable determination of a large
majority of the French nation. A peace with us they especially covet. I
shall not now stay to examine what are the impediments on our side to
its completion. We are accused of wishing to monopolize the trade of
Europe to both the Indies. According to the latest accounts I have read
from one of them, notwithstanding our rapid conquests in the beginning,
the tide of victory seems to be so far balanced, as to render the event
dubious; and even if we finally succeed in that quarter, it may become
a question, whether “_le jeu vaut la chandelle_.” The yellow fever, and
the resistance of a million of men, suddenly awakened to a perception of
their rights, are antagonists not to be despised. “Emancipate the
negroes, and the commercial ascendancy of England is for ever
destroyed,” said Danton. My opinion is very different; and I am
persuaded, that if the Charibean islands were at this moment independant
states, our shipping would not be less numerous (for our immense capital
would flow into other channels) nor would sugar, rum, coffee, and
Barbadoes water, be less attainable to administer to our luxury. If the
opulence of England be founded on the basis of African slavery; if the
productions of the tropics can be dispensed to us only by the blood and
tears of the negro, I do not hesitate to exclaim----“Perish our commerce;”
let our humanity live!
By the way, I am often asked, why we joined against them in a
confederacy, whose aims (they say) were as irreconcileable to each
other, as to justice. This query I have so little satisfaction in
answering, that, for the sake of argument, and to prevent being totally
overborne, I retort it upon them, and accuse them of being the
aggressors: a contest in which nothing is gained or lost, for both
affirm, and both deny.
It is, nevertheless, certain in the mean time, that a hatred of us, as a
nation, is universally diffused among the favourers of the revolution.
When declaiming on this head, their extravagance is sometimes not
unentertaining. They have collected, and believed, without examination
of their absurdity, a number of wild and ridiculous tales about us: such
as that there existed a scheme to set the Duke of York upon the throne
of France; that Marat and Robespierre were in the pay of Mr. Pitt, and
acted by his directions, &c. &c. They stun one, indeed, with repetitions
of the name of Mr. Pitt, and execrations of his politics, which, I often
tell them, is the highest compliment they can pay him. “His father,”
said an orator in the convention, “infused into him, in his infancy, his
hatred of France, and, like Hamilcar of old, swore him to eternal enmity
against the French name.” But, perhaps, another great man, whose share
in provoking the war, and sounding the knell of peace, has not been
inconsiderable, may feel disappointed on being told, that his name in
this part of France is never mentioned, and is even unknown. The
splendid pebble, with which Mr. Burke, after the first revolution,
endeavoured to perturb the lake of French tranquillity, has not yet
spread its undulations to this distant shore.----To descend from Mr. Burke
to his vaunted antagonist Tom Paine, I was, on coming into France,
curious to learn what had become of this wandering demagogue, whom the
delirium of the moment had rendered conspicuous. For a long time I could
get no intelligence of him: to some his name was new; and others, with
difficulty recollecting it, said he was guillotined. My enquiries
remained unsatisfied, until I chanced to read in a news-paper a decree
of the convention for his release from arrest, with other deputies of
the party of Brissot. From this time, until a few days since, I had
ceased to think about a being, whose name was never mentioned when a
news-paper again presented it to me, in a report of Courtois to the
convention, dignified by the title of “founder of liberty in the two
worlds.” Notwithstanding this consolatory panegyric, I am of opinion
that Mr. Paine is not destined to shine on the theatre of French
politics. But whither shall he retire to better his fortune, and re-lume
his fame? America would _now_ prove a sterile and unproductive soil for
the transplantation of such a genius; while ungrateful Europe (the
French dominions excepted) shutting every avenue against him, bids him
wander, like a second Cain, without an asylum, or a resting-place.
To return to my subject.----The present period is certainly an interesting
one in the history of the revolution. The convention is not popular, and
every day loses ground in the affection of the people. You can form no
adequate idea of the closeness with which its proceedings are
scrutinized, and the asperity with which they are attacked, in the
news-papers, and in private circles. Since I have resided among the
French, freedom of opinion and speech has made an extraordinary
progress. Heads which, six months ago would have “’bided but the
whetting of the axe,” now declaim unintimidated, and unrestrained. Has
the proposition of Merlin de Thionville, for the dissolution of the
convention, and the election of a national assembly, yet reached you? It
was strongly defended, and strongly reprobated. For the present, Merlin
has been prevailed upon to withdraw his motion; but, I think, it will be
resumed soon: the royalists eagerly long for it, and predict, from the
moment it shall be decreed, the restoration of monarchy, provided the
election be free and general; but this is not expected, as a proposal,
in case it must be adopted, has been already started, to oblige the
people to elect a majority of the present legislators. In the mean time
the new constitution is loudly clamoured for by the republicans. Sieyes,
who is at length emerged from behind the curtain which had so long
concealed him, and others, are said to be preparing it; and a very
beautiful metaphysical theory of impracticability, I doubt not, it will
prove. Let this be as it may, I dread an agitation of these questions,
and become doubly desirous to get out of France before they are started;
for, during the time of the election, we shall at least be locked up
and half starved, if no worse befal us.
But another question, which involves more important consequences than at
first appear, _viz._ Whether the leaders of the ancient committee of
public safety, Barrere, Collot d’Herbois, and Billaud de Varennes
(Vadier having escaped) shall be tried, or not? has during the last six
weeks almost absorbed every other consideration. It was, in fact, an
experiment of the strength of the two parties, the moderates and
terrorists, which divide the convention. The latter are generally
supposed to be completely overthrown; but, in my opinion, the middle
step, of inflicting, without a trial, the punishment of exile (some say
to Cayenne, others to an island on the coast of Brittany) upon culprits
whose crimes exceed credibility, is not only unjust, but evinces
something like a compromise. The royalists, the Brissotines, and all
others who have been lately freed from confinement, greatly dreaded the
escape of these monsters, in the consequent triumph of their party. Poor
Madame Kérvélligan, while it was pending, did us the honour, with some
more ladies, to dine with us. You cannot picture to yourself terror like
her’s, lest the moderates should be defeated. She took from her pocket a
paper, and read to us from it, with great encomiums, the speeches in the
convention of Legendre, Isnard, and others who had declaimed against the
_prevenus_; while she was enraged in an equal degree against those who
had defended them, and resisted the return of the proscribed deputies
(her husband is of the number) into the bosom of the convention, until
they should be purified by trial. Lecointre of Versailles was not spared
upon this occasion. Mr. Kérvélligan is now in Paris; and who can wonder
at her perturbation? Of the seventeen months which he lay concealed, she
was shut up eleven a close prisoner in the château of Brest. If she do
not hear from him by every post, she is miserable; not knowing, in the
present temper of the times, who may be spared in a popular commotion.
She and others declared to me, while the struggle lasted, that so
exasperated were the two parties against each other, that they should
not be surprized to hear, that they had had recourse to arms, and
butchered one another in the senate-house. The days and nights of the
12th and 13th of _Germinal_ were particularly terrible. The convention
during the whole of them remained at its post, most of the members being
armed with pistols to prevent assassination. In this commotion, of which
part of a narrative, written by one who was on the spot, has been read
to me, the cry of “_Vive Louis dix-sept!_” was once or twice heard, but
it was faintly uttered, whilst “_Vive la republique_, and give us a
constitution!” resounded on every side.
Immediately after this disturbance was quelled, expresses communicative
of the event were dispatched into all the districts. The courier to this
place arrived a little before noon on the 9th instant, and the drum was
forthwith beat in every quarter of the town, inviting all “_good
citizens_” to repair at two o’clock to the cathedral, to hear the
account from Paris read, and to adopt measures in consequence of it.
Being assured of not giving offence, I went at three to the place of
appointment, and found the municipality, and about 150 people of the
lower order, including a few officers, several soldiers, and many
women, collected. They were listening to a man who was mounted into the
pulpit, and reading to them a _bulletin_, stating the circumstances of
the attempt which had been committed on the national representatives,
and of its suppression; also the names of certain members whose arrest
had been decreed; and lastly, that General Pichegru was called in, to
preserve by an armed force the peace of Paris from the machinations of
royalists and terrorists. Every body wore their hats, and no insult was
offered to us Englishmen, several of whom were present. When the reading
was finished, an address to the convention was voted, on the patriotism
and energy they had displayed; and several people got into the pulpit,
and spoke in their turns. From these orators, a blacksmith was
universally allowed to bear away the palm, haranguing with great fluency
against the terrorists, and surprizing his auditors by the keenness of
his sarcasms, and the justness of his observations. The speech of one
who ascended the tribune was simply, “_Vive la republique!_” which was
received with many plaudits. In conclusion they decreed, that the
members of the ancient committee of _surveillance_ of the town (which
has long been suppressed) shall be deemed suspected persons, be
disarmed, and obliged to appear every day before the municipality; and
that henceforth they shall not be eligible to any office of trust or
power in their commune.
A mention of the committee of _surveillance_ leads me to bring you
acquainted with that infernal institution, which, of all engines that
ever were placed in the hands of a government, was surely the most
effectual to over-awe the citizens, and to promote the cause of
despotism. The number and cost of this host of licensed spies were not
less extraordinary than their power, which authorized them, without
assigning any reason but a suspicion of incivism, to enter the houses of
all the inhabitants, whom they pleased to say had been denounced to
them; to seize upon their persons, in order to deliver them over to the
revolutionary tribunal; and to break open their cabinets, and inspect
their papers. There are in France forty thousand communes, and every
commune had its committee, which, upon an average, contained ten
members, the number in part depending upon that of the inhabitants. The
salary of every member was five livres a day.
If therefore we multiply 40,000
by 10
------------------------
the number of members will be 400,000
5
------------------------
and the expence per day 2,000,000 livres;
which multiplied by 365
------------------------
makes the annual expence 730,000,000 livres, or, at
10½_d._ each, £.31,937,500.
The committee of _surveillance_ of Quimper consisted of twelve members,
whose names and occupations were as follows:
Botibon, retail shopkeeper,
Harier, butcher,
Moreau, musician,
Becam, taylor,
Cariou, taylor,
Keroch, barber,
Rose, barber,
Roland, merchant’s clerk,
Morivan, hog-butcher,
Le Moine, gardener,
Montaigne, brazier,
L’Hot, printer’s devil.
They were to a man the creatures of the creatures, ten gradations deep,
of the committee of public safety. In such hands were the liberties and
lives of Frenchmen deposited! Even on the day I write, the institution
is not totally abolished, but is momently expected to be so. It is still
retained in towns which contain forty thousand inhabitants, or more, but
is seldom allowed to exercise its powers.
The number of persons guillotined in Quimper was only four, two priests
and two women. The _guillotine_ was kept in the cathedral, but performed
its office on the parade. It was customary to send to Brest those who
were denounced, which was more convenient than to try them on the spot,
where witnesses might have established their innocence: of this class
there were many victims. I was told, when at Brest, that 172 persons of
both sexes had been executed there. The operation is said to have been
performed on 32 of the number in somewhat less than nineteen minutes.
It is impossible to pronounce the word _guillotine_, without associating
with it its grand mover Robespierre, that modern Procrustes, who sought
to contract or extend to the standard of his own opinion, a mighty
people; before whom neither elevation of virtue or talents could erect
a shield, or insignificancy of birth and situation creep beneath a
shelter. Without aiming to become his defender, I must, however, be
permitted to observe, that many of the relations, which, on authority
seemingly good, I every day hear and read of his towering ambition and
capricious cruelty, are too extravagant to be credited, and, if true,
too degrading to our nature to be repeated. In the general horror and
indignation excited by his remembrance, I am sensible (especially among
this declamatory people) that truth will often be sacrificed to passion.
There is, besides, a second reason, that increases the distrust with
which I listen:----to screen themselves from odium, all the subordinate
tyrants fix upon him, and attribute to his orders, the innumerable
butcheries and acts of oppression which they have perpetrated.----They who
were once his closest imitators, are now loudest in their outcries
against his memory; which, in many instances, is loaded with the crimes
of his contemporaries. I had not been taken twenty-four hours when
Captain Le Franq, either from credulity, or a wish to impress me with an
early belief of his not being attached to a sinking party, told me,
among similar tales, that Robespierre had, in the townhall of Paris,
caused himself to be proclaimed, “Maximilian the First, Emperor of the
French.” Upon finding that a man, whose relative rank and situation in
life entitled him to respectable sources of information, could thus,
either from ignorance, prejudice, or a less laudable motive, be guilty
of so gross a misrepresentation, it became doubly incumbent upon me to
restrain my belief.
However outrageous the execrations of the French now are on hearing his
name, they do not surpass the adulation with which they once approached
the idol of his power. I wish I could send to you the _Gazette
Nationale_ of the 30th of _Pluviose_, which belongs to a collection of
news-papers that I have access to, and contains a report of the 16th of
_Nivose_, made to the convention by Courtois, in the name of the
committee appointed to examine the papers of Robespierre. Never before
was flattery so gross and servile used as some of these productions,
which were addresses to him from different districts, _communes_, and
popular societies. The statue inscribed to the “_immortal man_,” and
the poetic incense afterwards offered at his shrine by Boileau, fade
before it. He is called in them the glorious, incorruptible Robespierre,
who covers, as with a shield, the republic by his virtues and talents;
who joins to the self-denial of a Spartan, or a Roman of early date, the
eloquence of an Athenian. Even his tenderness and humanity of
disposition are praised. One man congratulates himself on a personal
resemblance of him; and another, at the distance of 600 miles, is
hastening to Paris, to feast his eyes with a sight of him. He is
compared, not by an individual but by a body of people, to the Messiah,
“_annoncé par l’Etre Supreme, pour reformer toute chose_;” and
afterwards he is said to manifest himself “_comme Dieu, par des
merveilles_.” On some occasion a _Te Deum_ was performed for him, the
burthen of the ditty being, “_Vive Robespierre! Vive la Republique!_”----I
feel ashamed to transcribe any more of these impious and contemptible
absurdities. I beg of you, however, to remark, when Courtois’s report
shall fall into your hands, that amidst the papers which have been
scrutinized of this extraordinary personage, though incontrovertible
evidence of his restless and sanguinary disposition appears, yet nothing
bearing the marks of an arranged plan for mounting a throne, or erecting
himself into a dictator, was found. Some trifling hints are once or
twice thrown out, which the reporter does not fail to magnify; but
Robespierre, if he ever really entertained such a project, was too
circumspect to commit it to writing; and knew too well the loose nature
of man to entrust his secret, until it were matured in his own mind, and
could tempt to confederacy by its probability of accomplishment. I never
reflect on the sudden and total apostacy of the French from this man and
Marat, without indulging a hope that the versatile levity of sentiment,
and unceasing desire of change, which characterize the nation, will at
length point, in a spirit of repentant loyalty, founded on an
unconquerable determination to be free, to the descendants of their
kings. And this hope I am always willing to sustain, by calling to mind
our restoration of Charles the Second; but at the same time I confess,
that (at least for the present) my observations pronounce it to be
rather a conclusion which I desire, than a consummation which I expect.
By posterity then must Robespierre be judged. No scrutiny will reach his
virtues, however it may exalt his genius. Vigour of mind he undoubtedly
possessed, and he joined to it (except in moments of inebriation, to
which he was sometimes addicted) profound dissimulation; but there exist
unquestionable proofs, that he was a poltroon, which single flaw in his
composition rendered his downfall certain. A combination of other causes
might have prolonged his elevation, but could not have preserved it to
the end of his existence. On how many occasions did Cromwell’s personal
intrepidity, and firmness of nerve, uphold him and his authority!
We owe candour more to a review of the worst than of the best of
characters; and no man was ever more entitled to an indulgence of it
than Robespierre.
The papers of the other members of the committee, of which Robespierre
is believed to have directed all the springs, are also laid open, and
are equally curious and shocking as his. There are among them orders,
ready signed and sealed, for bringing to trial, and executing, those
whose names might be inserted in the blank spaces. Juries, a venerable
institution derived from _us_, have hitherto had very little claim to
the gratitude of the French. In a report made to the convention by
Saladin, in the name of the committee of 21, on the 13th of last
_Ventose_ (3d March) it is stated, that the managers of the committee of
public safety, Barrere, Collot, Billaud, &c. held every evening
conferences with the public accuser and the president of the
revolutionary tribunal, who rendered to them an account of their
proceedings, and received their instructions for the work of the next
day.----On the following account you may also rely. A judge and jury were
sent to Paris, from a place 200 miles distant from it, to give an
account of their principles, for having condemned two men to ten years
imprisonment, who, in the opinion of a representative who was present in
the court, ought to have suffered death. The crime of the prisoners was,
having said, that “they wished to see the tree of liberty of their
commune cut down.”----The sentence was ordered to be quashed; they were
tried again; and guillotined.
An extract of a letter, signed Darthè, found, after his execution, in
the cabinet of Le Bas, is as follows. “_Le comité de salut public a dit
à Le Bon, qu’il esperait que nous irions tous les jours de mieux en
mieux. Robespierre voudrait que chacun de nous pût former un seul
tribunal, et empoigner chacun une ville de la frontiere._” After this
gentle wish (allowing it to have been uttered) which breathes more
closely that of Caligula than any other that modern biography affords,
you will, perhaps, think I have been too lenient to the memory of
Robespierre. Remember, I only wish to apportion his share of guilt. The
convention, by banishing the triumvirate, “until they can be tried at a
period of more tranquillity,” not only demonstrate a fear of the Jacobin
party, but a secret apprehension lest many of themselves should be
implicated in the transactions which such an enquiry would unfold. Hence
the violent opposition to a publication of their papers by many of the
moderate party, as well as that of their opponents. How indeed, in
consistency, could those men, from whom they derived their powers, now
turn their accusers?
To conclude an odious and debasing subject. The “_noyades_, _fuzilades_,
and _republican marriages_” of Carrier at Nantes; joined to the exploits
of Collot d’Herbois at Lyons, who chained together, at one time, four
hundred people, in the great square of the city, and fired upon them
with grape-shot, until they were exterminated; with many others equally
diabolical, which shall not pollute my page, almost tempt one to
believe, that a majority of the nation were at one time accomplices in
its crimes and miseries. They have, indeed, at length awakened from
their delirium, and sigh at the dreadful retrospect.
I have written until my paper is exhausted, my eyes bedimmed, and my
imagination haunted by racks, wheels, and _guillotines_ dyed in human
gore.----Therefore good night! and adieu until to-morrow, when I will
resume my pen!