Le Marat, Brest-Water,
15th Dec. 1794.
That leisure which I so lately looked forward to at Quimper, seems
likely to be afforded to me here. I was removed from the prison-ship on
the 8th instant, and allowed to bring my servant with me, expecting to
be sent immediately on parole; but this event, like the resolutions of
the Dutch councils, seems to be put off _ad referendum_. We receive
daily assurances that it is to take place, and are daily disappointed of
seeing it arrive. I enjoy, however, the society and conversation of the
Admiral; and as he does not speak French, I am the chief medium through
which he communicates with those who surround him, Captain Le Franq, who
is married, living almost entirely on shore. So that here I remain, with
nothing to do but to ask and answer questions from morning to night.
These are chiefly nautical; and as you know my sentiments on the
consequence of all naval concerns to Englishmen, I am induced to believe
you will concur with me in thinking the subject momentous, however trite
the remarks, or unimportant the observations of your correspondent may
prove.
Whether Selden’s assertion, that “we have an hereditary uninterrupted
right to the sovereignty of our seas, conveyed to us from our earliest
ancestors, in trust for our latest posterity,” be perfectly deducible
either from the nature of things, or from the authority of history, I
shall not stay to enquire. But I will venture to affirm, that when we
suffer this right, however acquired, to depart from us, the sun of
England may be truly said to be set for ever.
When the question of the relative naval strength of the two nations is
agitated, which it often is, I am tempted to cry out to my country, in
the words of the Grecian oracle,----“Trust to your wooden walls.”----I am
the more confirmed in this opinion, from reading every day in the
_bulletins_ of the astonishing successes of this people, both in the
Pyrenees, and on the frontier of Holland. They openly boast of being
able, in a short time, to penetrate to Madrid; to force the German
powers to peace; and to totally subdue the Dutch.----And then “_Delenda
est Carthago_.” I accuse not those with whom I converse of using this,
or any other Latin phrase; but you will smile on being told that they
habitually call us Carthaginians, and themselves Romans. They pay us,
however, the compliment of declaring, that we are the only enemies worth
combating. They stigmatize the Spaniards as cowards: at German tactics,
when opposed to the energy and enthusiasm of republicans, they laugh:
Dutch apathy can alarm no one. But this respect is confined to our naval
character. Our impotent interference and puny attempts on the Continent
they treat only with ridicule and derision. This spirit is not new: A
noble lord, now high in rank in the British army, told me nearly twenty
years ago, when we were on service together in America, that when he was
very young, and travelling in France, a general officer, on hearing him
relate that he was designed for the army, expressed his surprize that
any Englishman, to whom the choice was left, should hesitate to prefer
entering into the navy. Are the scorn and contempt of our enemies
necessary to teach us in what our true grandeur, our real national
pre-eminence, consists? It is certain that at present we far surpass
them in the number of our ships, in the dexterity of our seamen, and in
the interior regulations of our service; but I am persuaded, that they
will hereafter strain every nerve to equal and exceed us. I know, that
by very high authority the naval power of France has been denominated
“forced and unnatural;” but let those who apply to it epithets so devoid
of knowledge and reflection, remember the short period in which Louis
XIV. created this navy, and its resurrection in 1778, when, to the
astonishment of all Europe, notwithstanding its wasted and disastrous
condition but fifteen years before, it suddenly started up, singly, to
contest the empire of the sea with Britain, and for four years (until
the 12th of April 1782) poised the scale of victory against its
formidable antagonist.
Nature has denied to France a port in the Channel, capable of receiving
large ships; but if art can supply the deficiency, they seem determined
to employ it to its utmost extent. Whether the works at Cherbourg are
proceeding or not, I cannot exactly learn; but it is certain, that the
scheme of rendering it secure for line of battle ships is not utterly
abandoned; and who can doubt, that it will either be carried on there,
or in some neighbouring port, with accelerated vigour, on a return of
peace? Their warlike spirit now runs so high, and is so universally
diffused, that many years must elapse ere it will subside. It is a train
of gun-powder, to which, in the present temper of the people, a spark
will give fire. A hatred of England is fostered with unceasing care. In
nothing does this inveterate spirit against us demonstrate itself so
bitterly, as in the abhorrence with which they always mention our taking
possession of Toulon: “You gained it like traitors; you fled from it
like poltroons.” On the celebrated measure of making them a present of
four ships of the line, and six thousand of their best seamen, which
were sent to Brest and Rochfort from the Mediterranean, they often make
themselves merry, and us serious, by pointing out the ships as they now
lie near to us, equipped and ready for sea; and by affirming, that the
supply of men thus received enabled them to fit out those cruizing
squadrons which have so sorely distressed our commerce.
How incumbent upon us, then, is it become to guard against the effects,
which a propagation of this principle will inevitably produce! Naval
perfection is, I am well aware, like all other perfections, placed
beyond human reach; but the road to excellence is open. In it we have
advanced before our rivals in all branches of naval superiority but one:
I mean ship-building. Our vessels want length, and in the construction
of their bottoms are undeniably very inferior to those of our enemies.
Hence the continual escapes of the French fleets from ours, by superior
sailing, when we want to bring them to action, which no skill,
diligence, or bravery in our commanders can surmount. We possess models
from which we might learn to correct our errors, and supply our
deficiencies; but these patterns we are more ready to destroy than to
imitate, as if fearful lest comparison of them with our own productions
should demonstrate our inferiority. Thus do we continue obstinately to
grope on in a dark and superannuated track, merely because our ancestors
preceded us in it. The truth is, the art of ship-building has been
cultivated in France by men of science, enlightened by a previous study
of its theory: whereas in England it has been committed to the
management of those, who for the most part have certainly had no room to
boast of a scientific education, or a laborious examination of
principles; and who could justly lay claim to the merit of observation
only. In a country so eminent for mathematical acquirements as ours, is
it not extraordinary, that this most useful branch of knowledge should
have been so rarely applied to national advantage? What treatises on
this important subject can we oppose to those, which have been published
by French academicians, and by Bouguier in particular?
“Oh! for a bridge to pass over two hundred thousand _sans-culottes_!” I
hear often exclaimed. Not that bridge which, according to Milton, Death
consolidated across Chaos, could be more fatal to the remaining
innocence of our first parents, than such a structure, in the shape of a
superior fleet, would prove to their English descendants. To prevent its
erection, or to have a chosen band of pioneers ready to destroy it, must
be our concern. I am, however, well convinced, that hitherto they have
never seriously intended to invade us. This bug-bear has now for more
than a century been employed to affright us; to cramp our foreign
efforts; to diminish our sum of productive labour, one of the most
important of national considerations; and to debauch the manners of our
artisans and peasants in camps and barracks[D].
I have been curious to hear their account of the signal defeat, which
they experienced on the first of June. This ship was not in their
fleet, having been _launched since_; but Captain Le Franq commanded on
that day L’Entreprenant, of 74 guns, and some of the other officers were
also parties concerned. Not the invincible superiority of British seamen
in fighting and managing their ships, but “Treason! treason! joined to
the ignorance, obstinacy, and cowardice of Jean Bon St. André, caused
the loss of the day.” This naval dictator, who from a Hugonot curate at
the foot of the Pyrenees was raised to be a member of the convention,
and delegated by that body to superintend the equipment, and direct the
manœuvres, of a great fleet, is never mentioned but with execration. His
star set with that of his master, Robespierre. I have heard an officer
assert, that he _saw_ him, in the heat of the engagement, seized with a
sudden emotion, start from Admiral Villaret, near whom he was standing,
in the stern-gallery of La Montagne, and run pale and breathless down to
the lower gun-deck, under a pretence of encouraging the men; nor could
he be drawn thence, until the danger was over. “His seamanship,”
continued this gentleman, “consisted in having made one short passage.
He might be a good _ecrivain ou secretaire_; but for the marine! _Oh! le
vilain--------!_” But for him, they say, the action would have been renewed,
agreeably to the wishes and representations of Monsieur Villaret; for
“_the English were beaten, and might have been destroyed_.”----I cannot
help thinking, that if _Jean Bon St. André_ really did prevent a renewal
of the battle, he is not altogether so obnoxious to the reproaches of
his fellow-citizens as they describe him to be, France is not the first
republic which has profited, by declining to combat a victorious
enemy.----A second cause of the disaster of the day arose from Lord Howe
having gained possession of a copy of the French signals, which was
procured by “the guineas of Pitt;” so that he was enabled to divine all
their intentions, and to counteract them. It is certain, that some of
their captains were gullotined, after the return of the fleet to Brest,
but whether on a suspicion of cowardice, or perfidy, I know not. How
consolatory to French vanity are these satisfactory solutions of this
dreadful overthrow! Happy people! who, in all your conflicts against
other nations, conquer by superior skill and bravery only; and are never
vanquished but by disparity of number on the side of your enemy, or by
treachery among yourselves!
An error, which you with myself, and all other Englishmen, have fallen
into about this engagement, I must beg leave to correct, or at least to
offer you my reasons for believing it to be one.----Lord Howe’s account of
the action states, that _two_ ships of the enemy were sunk. Of Le
Vengeur we will not speak; here proof is positive. But I am persuaded
she was the only one. This the French positively assert; and I beg leave
so far to join with them, as to observe, that when in Admiral Montagu’s
squadron (of which the Alexander formed a part) we were chased, on the
_ninth of June_, by the shattered remnant of their fleet, which was
steering to Brest, it was composed of _nineteen_ sail of the line. Now,
I apprehend it to be certain, that on the day of battle this fleet
consisted but of twenty-six ships, _six_ of which were captured and
brought into England; so that it should appear the _seventh_, Le
Vengeur, made up the original number. But beside the strong presumption
which this circumstance affords, I have received assurances from so many
quarters (and particularly from one not remarkably friendly to the
present system) that I am convinced one ship only was sent to the bottom
on the first of June. Indeed, in matters of this nature, owing to the
passions of those engaged, and the innumerable causes which obstruct
vision, we should always receive similar relations _cum grano salis_. In
Lord Rodney’s action of the 12th of April 1782, a French ship, said to
be Le Diademe, was supposed to be sunk; but I believe subsequent
accounts clearly evinced that such an event did not happen. However, the
French are more than even with us upon this head; for I have heard some
of them positively affirm, that they saw three, and others four of our
ships, among which was the Queen Charlotte, go down on the first of
June. And when I assured the gentleman who furnished me with this last
piece of information, “on the evidence of his own senses,” that he had
been deceived, he only shook his head, and continued, like your friend,
a sceptic.
The remainder of this letter shall be dedicated to a detail of those
detached parts of their naval institutions, customs, and present state,
which I have been enabled to pick up. In general I think them inferior,
because less easily practicable, to our own, but many of them deserve
consideration. “_Fas est et ab hoste doceri._”
The discipline of their men struck me at the first view as contemptible;
and yet I must confess that I was surprized by the state of
subordination in which I afterwards found them. The seaman or soldier
addresses his commander by the title of _Citoyen_, and receives in
return the same appellation; but in the five weeks I have lived among
them, I have witnessed only one instance of disobedience. The offender
was a soldier, who refused to assist in performing some of the ordinary
duties of the ship. A court-martial, or _conseil de discipline_ as they
call it, was immediately holden upon him, by order of Captain Le Franq,
who prosecuted. It consisted of a lieutenant of the ship and three
seamen, and of two serjeants and a corporal of the troops. The prisoner
pleaded ignorance of the law on this head; and that when he had
voluntarily enrolled himself to serve as a soldier, it was under an
idea of not being _compelled_ to do that which _ought to be the result
of inclination_ only. This defence was deemed so unsatisfactory, that
the offender was sentenced to three months imprisonment on shore.
All the judicial institutions of their navy, and the punishments allowed
to be inflicted, as well as the cases to which they apply, are strictly
defined. The _conseil de discipline_ is impowered to try only inferior
officers and men. The officers of the _état major_ (answering nearly to
those of our ward-room) and all above them, can be tried only by a board
of officers, who assemble in the admiral’s ship. Neither of these courts
has the power of condemning to death: all offences of a capital nature
must be tried before the revolutionary tribunal. The punishments
enjoined are flogging in certain cases, the number of lashes being
limited; running the gantlope; ducking from the yard-arm; confinement on
shore, or in the lion’s den (boatswain’s store-room); stoppage of pay;
and degradation. The three last extend to officers. A prisoner’s
allowance of wine is always stopped. No man can be punished but by a
sentence of the _conseil de discipline_; and, in carrying on the
service of the ship, it is positively directed, that no “French citizen”
shall, on any account whatever, be struck; but he may be _pushed_ as
violently as may be found necessary. For giving a box on the ear an
officer would be cashiered; but to dash a man’s head against the ship’s
side, so as to crush his nose, or beat out his teeth, by rushing
suddenly upon him, is allowable.
The ranks of officers differ from ours: those only who command
line-of-battle ships, and frigates carrying 18-pounders, are properly
styled captains. Other frigates are commanded by lieutenants; and
vessels of 20 guns or under by ensigns. Common courtesy, however, with
them, as with us, annexes the title of Captain to all commanders.
Agreeably to this classification the pay is regulated, but it is at
present found so grievously inadequate, as to cause great complaints;
and yet the French are unanimous in affirming, that all ranks are not
only better paid, but better fed, clothed, and treated, than under the
old government. Besides his pay, every officer, including the warrant
officers and midshipmen, is allowed a _traitement_, in lieu of the
table which was formerly kept at the king’s expence. The _traitement_ of
admirals and captains is very handsome, and suited to their rank, as
they are enjoined to keep separate tables: that of Captain le Franq is
24 livres a day. No half-pay has yet been settled upon, or even promised
to, the French officers. The seamen are divided into four classes: the
pay of the highest class is 40½ livres a month; of the second 36½; of
the third 33½; and of the lowest 30½.
Their gradations of command are very similar to our own, from the
captain to the lieutenants, ensigns, and boatswain. The office of
_pilote_, which formerly answered to that of master with us, is
abolished. It is particularly enjoined, that the officers be put at five
watches, if the state of the ship will allow of it. The lieutenant of
the watch is stuck up on a little pedestal, which overlooks the
helmsman, whence, except in emergencies, he never stirs during his
guard, the ensign appointed to assist him, who is distinguished by
wearing a gorget, being charged to superintend the execution of his
orders.
The general uniform of both their navy and army is a blue coat, with a
red waistcoat and breeches: the naval facing is white edged with red,
and that of the soldiery red; both services wear gold epaulettes. The
naval button is an anchor, surmounted by the cap of liberty, and
encircled by the words “_La République Française_.”
Of the minute regulations established for dividing prize-money, I cannot
speak; but the general principle on which its distribution is founded
appears to me worthy of attention. Two-thirds of every prize are put
into a common stock, which is shared by the whole navy, and the
remaining third is divided among the captors. A captain receives but in
a proportion of 5 to 1 to a foremast-man; a captain of troops, and a
naval lieutenant, as 4 to 1; a naval ensign, subaltern of troops,
surgeon, and commissary, as 3 to 1; midshipmen, boatswains, gunners, &c.
as 2 to 1; and quarter-masters, and the lowest rank of officers, as 1½
to 1. The first part of this system, which relates to the common stock,
were valuable, if it could be impartially carried into execution; but
from the daily fluctuation of the parties concerned, I do not see how
it could be reduced to practice among us, without giving rise to
perpetual lawsuits. Some modification of the latter part would render
its adoption very desirable in a country where, hitherto, this important
part of the reward of naval toils has been apportioned with the most
cruel and insulting contempt of the feelings and necessities of the
lower orders.
Drugs and instruments of surgery are, I apprehend, very scarce at
present in France, as hand-bills are distributed over the fleet,
enjoining the officers who may board prizes to be particularly careful
in preserving them for the use of the republic. Those belonging to our
surgeons were seized upon this pretence; and, notwithstanding
representations were made to reclaim them, as private property (which
they were) they were neither restored, nor an equivalent for them
offered. Every French 74-gun ship is allowed a surgeon and five
assistants. How many lives might be saved in our fleets, were our
medical establishment equally liberal! Permit me here to observe to you,
that the faculty owe obligations to the revolution. It is well known
that they were heretofore, in France, treated in many instances highly
unbecoming the regard so justly due to a profession, whence mankind
derive so many benefits. Surgeons on board (and I am told on shore) are
now considered with all the respect due to gentlemen, and live in the
society of the principal officers.
The French marine corps, which, similarly to ours, was instituted for
the service of the navy, is abolished, and troops of the line embarked
in their room, who are subjected, by an express order, which I have
read, to all the general regulations of the crew, and placed under the
absolute command of the sea-officers. The detachment on board this ship
belongs to a regiment in the Western Pyrenees: it is composed of stout
healthy young men, who, if not formidable from discipline and knowledge
of tactics, are full of energy and republican enthusiasm. I must here
remark a vulgar error, which prevails too much among Englishmen who have
never travelled out of their own country----that the lower orders of the
French are puny debilitated creatures, inferior to ourselves in physical
powers. Could these persons be present at a muster of the seamen and
soldiers of this ship, they would find their size and strength the same
as their own, and in hardihood they are certainly superior to us. I
never before saw people support cold so well; this is owing to their
having no stoves on board to heat themselves by, a privation which
extends to the officers, not from election but necessity; for Admiral
Bligh’s stove was immediately transported to La Montagne, for Admiral
Vilaret, and one which belonged to the ward-room of the Alexander,
became the prey of Monsieur de Nieully.
All their men seem to be well supplied with clothing. It is furnished to
them by the government at an easy price, which has remained the same,
while on shore it has been trebled. Of this they are obliged to keep up
a stated quantity, and whenever men are turned over from one ship to
another, a list of their clothes is sent with them, and if it falls
short of the prescribed regulation, the men are forbidden to be
received. Each man is supplied with a hammock and two rugs, but no bed.
In case men belonging to ships are compelled by bad weather, or any
other cause, to remain for the night on shore, there is a
receiving-house, to which they can retire, where they are both fed and
lodged until they can be sent on board.
The allowance of every person in the fleet, without distinction, is as
follows, and like every thing else is _decimalized_, or regulated by
periods of ten days. On four of them they have half a pound of fresh
beef, on two of them half a pound of salt beef; on two of them half a
pound of salt pork, and on the remaining two four ounces of salt fish,
with oil and vinegar to eat with it; one pound and a half of soft bread
daily----no butter or cheese; on fresh-meat days, a soup for dinner made
of the beef, with a little thickening in it; every evening a soup
composed of four ounces of rice, pease, or beans, and oil; a wine quart
of thin claret daily----such is the ration in port. At sea, salt beef and
pork are served on the fresh-meat days, and, except in exceedingly bad
weather, bread is every day baked; when this cannot be done, the same
quantity of biscuit, of an excellent quality, is issued. I have seen
them grin, when grinding it, at a recollection of its superiority over
the black unpalatable stuff, which, they say, bore the same name under
the former government. You, who well know the allowance served in our
navy, may, if you please, compare the two institutions, and decide which
is preferable. I am of opinion that this is best calculated to preserve
health, particularly in long voyages and hot climates; but how far
British seamen could be brought to relish its adoption, is not so
evident. Observe that these pounds are _French_, which exceed our common
weight by full two ounces; and that nominal or purser’s pound, which is
used by order on board our ships, by a great deal more.
I remember to have formerly treated the measure of sending a frigate off
Brest, to count the number of the fleet, or to see whether it had
sailed, more lightly than it deserved. I now see that both roads may be
inspected, particularly the outer one; and even of the inner one a
sufficient degree of information may be generally gained by a good
glass. The French boast of the holding-ground in Brest-Water; but if I
may judge from the frequent dragging of anchors which happens in
moderate weather, it must be far inferior to that of Spithead. The
truth is, they are in general shamefully careless in mooring their
ships: they over-lay each other’s anchors, and thereby cause foul
berths, without reflection or ceremony.
Of real seamen they have few left, many thousands of their best having
been drafted early in the war, and sent to serve as soldiers on the
frontiers. Robespierre (whose execution was certainly the triumph of
humanity, but not of the allies) by annihilating their foreign commerce,
destroyed the only nursery which can ever supply the consumption of a
numerous navy. Their ships are, therefore, filled with landmen, who,
previously to their being drafted for actual service, are sent on board
certain vessels fitted on purpose, where they are taught all the
elementary parts of practical seamanship. The number of boys on board is
likewise very great, and for their instruction (as also for that of such
men as may be desirous of improvement) a schoolmaster is allowed to
every ship, whatever be her size. It is enjoined, that these preceptors
be capable of teaching the theories of navigation, gunnery,
fortification, and the common parts of the mathematics; and farther,
that they be men of good moral characters, and great suavity of manners.
They have a naval committee for examining of midshipmen and inferior
officers, to determine whether they be qualified to take charge of
prizes. Nothing short of irremediable necessity will justify a commander
for entrusting a prize to the direction of any person who has not
undergone this examination.
They water their ships in the roadsted from floating tanks, which are
brought alongside, whence the water is forced by pumps through hoses
into the casks on board.
Every ship is furnished, at the public expence, with a superb set of
charts of every part of the known world: those of our country are
particularly excellent: there is hardly a little harbour in Britain or
Ireland which is not laid down in them. With us this important charge is
left to the prudence and honesty of a master; and how many accidents
have befallen our ships by a neglect of it, need not be here enumerated.
I am assured, that there are in the dock-yard here three covered docks,
under which the workmen can carry on their operations in all weathers.
An experiment, of covering by a strong wooden case the rudders of ships
to the water’s edge, which leaves them only just room to work, is now
trying on two or three of their frigates. It is intended to prevent the
rudder from being unshipped, if struck by a sea.
The ponderous guns with which they used to overload their ships are
displaced for others of a size more manageable. No ship now carries
heavier metal than a French 36-pounder. Their first rates have sixteen
ports on the upper and middle deck, and fifteen on the lower, except La
Montagne, whose upper and middle deck are pierced with seventeen ports,
and her lower with sixteen; so that, exclusive of those on her
quarter-deck and forecastle (twenty in number) she mounts exactly 100
guns. They do not, however, in any of their ships, turn their
quarter-decks to so much advantage as they might. In this ship the five
aftermost and most useful ports are blocked up by standing cabins, and
have no guns provided for them.
When the fleet weighs anchor, each ship’s signal to heave up is made in
succession. This method prevents the confusion which we experience in
weighing all together; but, on the other hand, it precludes that
emulation to be first, which a competition causes; they are accordingly
very tedious in performing this operation.
Official _bulletins_ of all public events, which the convention find it
their interest to promulge, are printed on board La Montagne, from a
copy transmitted from Paris, and distributed, at the expence of the
government, to the officers and seamen of every ship. This is a popular
measure, which wonderfully flatters the lower orders, who deem
themselves in possession of all the secrets of state, and conclude that
politics are no longer a mystery. I frequently read these chronicles,
which are always filled with details of victories over their foreign
enemies, and addresses to the convention from the departments. I was
greatly diverted in reading one of the latter, from the “Popular
Society” at Brest, on the occasion of the Alexander’s colours being
presented to the convention, by the Major of Admiral Nieully’s
squadron, who was dispatched expressly to Paris on this important
mission.----“Behold,” says the orator, “_Pitt_ himself virtually brought
to the bar of the convention, when the British banner is prostrated
before your august assembly!” Notwithstanding this flourish, and fifty
more of the same sort, I am told that the inhabitants are strongly
suspected of incivism, and closely watched.
It has been customary to extol the French signals, as superior to our
own; but any man capable of judging, who will compare the two codes,
must be convinced, that those now in use in the English fleet are more
simple in their principle, more exact in their arrangement, and more
easy in their comprehension. The French were long our masters in this
art, which lately our naval officers have certainly carried beyond them.
Their superior dexterity in making and answering them must not be
confounded with the signals themselves. In this respect, from being
earlier and more closely trained, I fear it will be found (though with
many exceptions on our side) that they surpass us. There is on board
every French ship a class of youths, called _pilotins_, who attend
solely to this part of naval duty. They are placed under the direction
of an experienced quarter-master, and hold a rank immediately below that
of midshipman, into which body they are promoted from time to time,
according to their merit.
Of their deficiency of naval stores every day furnishes me with fresh
proofs. The ships by which we were taken had, after a cruize of a few
weeks, scarcely a coil of rope to repair their running rigging, or a
stick to supply any loss which a sudden gust of wind might have
occasioned. But how desperate must the state of France have been, had
the American convoy been intercepted by Admiral Montagu! You know
already in part my sentiments on that extraordinary failure. Let me now
give you fresh cause for amazement; but remember, that I quote the words
of another person without asperity, and without pretending to assign to
what quarter the culpability of that shameful miscarriage on our side
attaches:----Admiral Villaret said a few days since, to a British
officer, who was in Admiral Montagu’s squadron: “_Were you not
astonished to see me chase you, on the 9th of June last, with my
crippled fleet?_”----“_Yes_,” was the answer.----“_My only reason for it
was, if possible, to drive you off our coast, as I momently expected the
appearance of the great American convoy, the capture of which would have
ruined France at that juncture. Why you did not return to the charge,
after running us out of sight, you best know. Had you kept on your
station two days longer, you must have succeeded, as, on the 11th of
June, the whole of this convoy, beyond our expectation, entered Brest,
laden with provisions, naval stores, and West Indian productions._”
If my cheek reddens on recording this declaration of an enemy, it is
with indignation only.
Hitherto I have not witnessed among the French, either here or in the
prison-ship, a single trace of divine worship. The _Decadis_ are indeed
distinguished by a more than ordinary chanting of republican songs, a
display of the tri-coloured flag on the tops of the churches in the
town, and by a party of officers going on shore to the play. Thus, it
seems, liberty wants perpetual resuscitation, while the adoration, or
even the confession, of a Deity, is left to the unassisted operations of
the human mind. From the pompous flimsy reports and orations on this
subject made in the convention; from the _condescension_ of Robespierre,
who _decreed_ the existence of a Deity, to the hardy denial of Dupont,
who proclaimed himself an atheist; must I deduce all I know of the
present state of religion in France. It is, however, worthy of remark,
that a book, intitled “The Republican Catechism,” which is in universal
circulation, and expressly composed for the instruction of the youth of
the community, does not once acknowledge, or even hint at, the being of
a God; and the public instructor of the prison-ship assured me, that,
although the minds of men be now somewhat returning to their former
biass, six months ago an inculcation of this principle, so far from
being prescribed by the legislature, would have subjected the teacher to
punishment. God forbid! that, on such slender _data_ as I profess, I
should stigmatize all Frenchmen with the horrid appellation of atheists,
or even suppose that a belief in revelation is universally subverted:
it were almost to affirm that it had never existed. I have, indeed, in
many conversations, had the misfortune to hear innumerable blasphemies
uttered, and innumerable sarcasms thrown on all worship; but as they
have proceeded from none but weak and ignorant men (to the honour of my
friend the schoolmaster, he always reprobated them) who possibly take
this method of recommending their republican zeal; I shall be very
cautious, until able to acquire better information, of asserting what
are the general sentiments of the French on this head. Whenever the
subject is started, the people, among whom I am condemned to live,
fasten immediately upon some of the monstrous absurdities of the Romish
church, and the impositions of the priesthood, which in truth offer but
too secure a hold for derision and contempt. This trick, of attempting
to confound the impositions of knaves, and the reveries of fools, with
the spirit of Christianity, is too stale and despicable to deserve
confutation. I will not even quote the noble and decisive simile of
Hamlet, which seems to have been conceived on purpose to expose it.
Tremble not, therefore, for the faith of your friend, from such puny
opponents. He will not yield his assent to new systems, until he has, at
least, scrutinized and weighed their effects upon those who inculcate
and practise them; and if upon this test, he finds the professors of
these doctrines to be men of profligate manners and corrupted
sentiments, with the words truth, honour, humanity, and generosity in
their mouths, while they are estranged from their hearts, you will not
suppose his danger of conversion to be imminent.
And now to terminate this long desultory epistle, which I have written
by snatches, when, and how, and as, I could.----Suffer me, however, before
we part, to say a word or two of the political changes which I perceive
to be working. My residence among the French is not yet six weeks old;
and in this short space of time, wonderful has been the alteration of
opinion. When we were taken, I was perpetually stunned with the
exclamations of “_Vive la Montagne_! _Vivent les Jacobins!_” But
suddenly, _La Montagne_ is become the theme of execration, and the
Jacobin club is cashiered. I gained a confirmation of these events oddly
enough. I had observed the disuse of these ridiculous cries for some
days, and had overheard a conversation which had raised my suspicions.
To ascertain their justness, I bade one of the boys call out as before.
“Ah!” said he, “that is forbidden; _à présent il faut crier, au diable
la Montagne! A bas les Jacobins!_” which he immediately ran along the
deck exclaiming. The memory of Robespierre they have uniformly affected
to hold in abhorrence; but if I may trust to a hint, which was imparted
to me on board the prison-ship, very different was once the tone of
Captain Le Franq, and all his officers. They now load the character of
this extraordinary man, before whom, not six months since, they
prostrated themselves like reptiles, with all the assassinations and
misery which have overspread France during the last two years. To him
alone, it seems, every crime which stains the national character is
imputable. At present I will not venture any opinion; but when I get on
shore, I shall direct my enquiries to develope the character of this
celebrated demagogue.
The fleet is preparing to sail; and as all the line-of-battle ships are
known either to the Admiral, his two young gentlemen, or myself, I shall
be enabled, by observing which sail, and which do not, to note down
exactly its strength, provided we be not gone before it. But to-morrow
we are assured we are to be landed.-------- Adieu.