VARIOUS MANIFESTATIONS
We now come to a group of miscellaneous elements which, altho some of
them were doubtless quite common in the daily life of the people, have
for one reason or another received comparatively slight attention at the
hands of Alfonso. Some of these, as conjuring for instance, are usually
now considered as a part of black magic, but it will be noted in the
following paragraphs that it was freely practiced by the Church and in
fact formed a part of the most sacred religious rites. In the discussion
that follows, these various subjects are taken up in alphabetical order.
I.--CONJURING
Conjuring, says Alfonso in effect, is the art of using potent words in
the right manner. Then he illustrates the point with naïve
quaintness--as he does so often: “These words, just like a carpenter’s
tool, may serve for many different purposes, but it is necessary, if
they are to have the effect desired, that they be said by a person who
knows how. The fact that they do have effect is seen from the results of
everyday life.”[103] The fourth rank of the clergy was held by the
Exorcist, and this title
“quier tanto decir en griego como conjurador, ca estos han poder a
conjurar en el nombre de Dios á los demonios que salgan de los
homes et que non tornen á ellos jamas: et por ende deben saber
estas conjuraciones de cuer porque las sepan decir quando menester
fuere: et esta órden fizo primeramente el rey Soloman.”[104]
How much this short passage taken from a law book tells us of the
current beliefs, and of the place held by conjuring! Note, however, that
conjuring was limited, according to law, to dispossessing the Devil.
This practice, like baptism, was in the hands of the clergy and could
only be resorted to by the layman in cases of dire necessity.
Enchantment and wizardry were strictly forbidden, and for the practice
of such criminality a father was given the right to disinherit his
son[105]. In thus combatting the Devil the sacred oil, or _crisma_, was
one of the most powerful instruments. In setting forth its power and
significance, the law reads:
“et por ende la crisma es asi como posadero de Ieso Cristo, que
toma aquella posada para él, poniendo hi la su señal de la cruz et
la entrega de quanto hi falla, echando de hi al diablo et todo lo
que hi tiene.”[106]
The method by which the oil was to be prepared is expounded as follows:
“ ... halo él (obispo) de tomar, et exôrcizarlo et bendecirlo desta
guisa, deciendo que conjura á Satanás, et á todos sus malos
espíritus, et a toda manera de fantasma en el nombre del Padre, et
del Fijo et del Espíritu santo que si está en aquel olio que se
parta dél ... etc.”
After having been thus carefully prepared,
“Grande es la virtud que ha en este olio ... Esta virtud es en tres
maneras: La primera en la natura del olio, la segunda en las
palabras que se dicen sobre él, la tercera en las obras que se
facen con él.”[107]
Not only the _crisma_, but certain words (among them the following)
possessed special virtue: “Avemaría”, because from the contents of that
prayer one comes to understand the mystery of Jesus, moreover it
contains the words of salutation used by the angel to María and these
words still greatly please her; “Paternoster”, because it reveals the
Father and contains the seven petitions which Jesus taught His
disciples; and “Credo in Deum”, because it reveals the Holy Spirit and
contains all the faith and science of Christianity.[108]
From these and similar regulations pertaining to the various sacraments,
especially baptism, perhaps we might not err seriously in supposing that
the practitioners of black magic received not a little of their
inspiration from the Church itself, altho much against the will of the
latter. With such a number of laws, regulations, etc., it might at
first seem a little surprising to find so few legends in which conjuring
plays an important part, but probably this can be accounted for by the
fact that it was so common a practice that it was scarcely esteemed
worthy of mention. The most interesting story for our present
purpose--and one which is illustrative of the group in general--is that
of the great debate conducted in Rome in the year 320 between the
Christians and the Jews. The latter, to prove the superiority of their
God, whispered His name in the ear of an angry bull, which promptly fell
dead. The Christians went even further; they whispered the name of their
God in the ear of the _dead_ animal, which immediately returned to life
and, quite gentle and meek, was led from the assembly.[109]
In _Las Cantigas_ conjuring is mentioned only in passing references, and
almost always it is the Devil who is conjured to leave a person (No.
67). But in one instance we have the well known story of a man, this
time a monk, who has at his command the services of the Devil and when
Satan cannot procure for him what he desires, because the person
concerned is under the special protection of Santa María, the monk
threatens him and his host of imps in these words:
“Ide fazer
Com’ eu a donzela aia
log’ esta noit’ en meu poder;
se non, _eu hüa redoma_
todos uos ensserraría.” (No. 125.)
II.--GHOSTS
There is not a genuine clean-cut ghost in the entire period. In fact,
such apparitions as we know them seem never to have flourished very
vigorously in Spain. There are _fantasmas_, and _sombras_, etc., in
abundance in a later period, but the ghost that appeals to present day
observers was entirely lacking. In the time of Alfonso X, the function
of the ghost, which is usually that of issuing warnings from the other
world, was generally exercised by the saints or angels. In one case, it
is true, a friar returns after his decease to explain to his two
brethren why his corpse turned black at death and was restored to its
natural color when a candle from the altar of the Virgin was placed in
its hand (No. 123). But this is a very poor example; there is no element
of fear recorded. The shade does not pass thru closed doors, weapons do
not pierce its body without effect, etc. Emperor Julian has a rather
ghostly experience when he is killed by the phantom knight,[110] but
this is in reality a returned saint and not a ghost, and besides he
kills with a weapon--a most unorthodox piece of behavior for a ghost.
There is only one good ghost story in the entire lot, and this claims to
be no more than a narrative from Roman history, apparently told solely
because it is in the old records. Emperor Caius Caligula was
assassinated and his enemies half burned his body, then in haste
partially buried it. Because of this his spirit could not rest in peace
but tormented the keepers of the garden where the body lay, and the
guardians of the place where he had been killed, until the cremation was
properly performed and the ashes suitably buried. This has indeed the
necessary elements of a ghost story, but as indicated above, it seems to
have found its way into the literature purely by chance and makes no
literary impression on the period.[111]
III.--THE HOST
The sacrament of communion was intended especially to remove the
tendency to do evil rather than good. This sacrament being the most
frequently observed of all and in many ways closely associated with
Extreme Unction which may be described as the most potent, there grew up
around the Host a number of legends. The Host, on account of its extreme
sacredness, became one of the favorite points of attack for the
practitioners of black magic, who seemed to have considered it as a most
powerful charm. Four of the miracles[112] in _Las Cantigas_ were
performed to protect it from such an unholy use, altho in only one of
these, which is briefly as follows, does the black magician appear in
person:[113] a countryman wished to secure a large yield of honey with
little effort, so he consulted a _sorteira_, who told him that next
time he went to communion he should not swallow the Host nor touch it
with his teeth but should take it and put it in one of the hives. Having
done so, he found later upon opening the hive, an image of the Virgin
and Child. Frightened, he hastened to the priest, who ordered the marvel
taken in procession to the church. There, when it was blessed, it turned
back again into the simple Host.
The Host is again transformed in No. 149. Here it is a devout priest who
cannot bring himself to believe in transubstantiation. One day at Mass
the Host disappeared and the priest saw before him the Virgin and Child.
He asked the Virgin if she had the Host. “Yes, it is here,” she said
showing him her Son. With that, upon explaining why it took the form of
bread and wine, she disappeared. As she vanished the priest again saw
the bread and wine as it was previously, but he no longer doubted.
Aside from this type of story, illustrating the sacredness and
inviolability of the Host, there are a number of cures of various kinds
purporting to have been wrought in persons waiting before the altar at
the time of Mass.[114] The hours themselves at which Mass was celebrated
were symbolic. These were ordinarily the third hour, the hour in which
the Jews demanded the death of Jesus and in which He was scourged; the
sixth hour, that of the crucifixion and the ascension; or the ninth
hour. In cases of conflict with an hour of regular occupation, or other
reason of necessity, private Mass might be said earlier or later up to
the ninth hour.[115] At Christmas a clergyman might recite three Masses
(usually he was allowed to recite only one a day), and they were to be
at the following hours: (1) at cock-crowing before dawn, signifying the
time when the people were still in darkness, (2) at dawn, signifying the
semi-light of the prophets, and (3) at the third hour, representing the
full light of the present dispensation.[116]
The ceremony of the Mass was one which the Devil could not venture to
look upon. In order to test whether a questionable peculiarity was of
the devil, the person affected by it was sometimes taken to Mass, as in
the case of a young girl who had been placed in a convent and
consecrated to the Church, but who developed a mania for fondling the
Child of the Virgin Mary, without opposition on the part of the Holy
Mother. At last the community discovered the situation, and, duly
shocked, appealed to the Pope. He did not know what to say, so he
decided to test the case at Mass. During the ceremony, at the girl’s
request, he had the image of the Virgin’s Child placed in the girl’s
arms. Upon receiving it she exclaimed, “This is my child and I want to
go with him.” Saying which, she took the Host and expired, going to be
with Him in paradise (No. 251).[117]
IV.--MYSTIC NUMBERS
The Spanish--as before intimated--are a highly imaginative race and
incline to look for a mystical meaning or a symbol in everything. It was
probably due to this that the Catholic faith, with its elaborate
ceremonial, crowded with symbolism, was so fervently embraced by the
nation as a whole. For them every event was fraught with an hidden
meaning. The enigma of the future, for example, had been written by the
mysterious finger of God in the stars. There was a special mystery,
again, shrouding certain numbers, particularly three, seven, and nine.
Since there were three clases of sins, venial, criminal, and mortal, the
priest, in the ceremony of baptism, was to breathe three times in the
face of the candidate, conjuring the Devil to leave the body; three
times was he to conjure salt and put it in the mouth of the person; and
three times must he immerse the infant who was the recipient of the
rite. Again there were nine orders of angels, nine also of the
clergy--nine being the square of three.[118] But the greatest and most
significant of all numbers was seven. There were seven things needed
before a church was complete (_Partidas_, 1-10-14); seven privileges of
the prelates over the clergy (1-5-65); seven punishments for crime
(7-31-4); seven virtues a king should possess (2-5-7 and 8). Each
official must swear to seven things; there are twice seven, or
fourteen, joints in the hand, and therefore twice seven articles of
faith, as the articles of faith have the same function in the divine
hand as the joints in the human (1-3-3). There are seven notes in the
musical scale.[119] But to give a just idea of the true significance of
this number I can do no better than to quote from the Prólogo of _Las
Siete Partidas_, pages six and seven.
POR QUALES RAZONES ESTE LIBRO ES DEPARTIDO EN SIETE PARTES
Septenario es un cuento muy noble que loaron mucho los sabios
antiguos, porque se fallan en él muy muchas cosas et muy señaladas
que se departen por cuento de siete, asi como todas las criaturas
que son departidas en siete maneras. Ca segunt dixo Aristotiles et
los otros sabios, ó es criatura que non ha cuerpo ninguno, mas es
espiritual como angel et alma; ó es cuerpo simple que non se
engendra nin se corrompe por natura, et es celestial, asi como los
cielos et las estrellas; ó ha cuerpo simple que se corrompe et se
engendra por natura, como los elementos; ó ha cuerpo compuesto et
alma de crecer, et de sentir et de razonar como home; ó ha cuerpo
compuesto et alma de crecer et de sentir et non de razonar, asi
como las otras animalias que no son homes; ó ha cuerpo compuesto de
crecer, mas non de sentimiento nin de razon, asi como los árboles
et todas las otras plantas; ó ha cuerpo compuesto et non alma nin
sentimiento, asi como los metales, et las piedras et las cosas
minerales que se crian en la tierra. Otrosi todas las cosas
naturales ban movimiento que se departe en siete maneras; ca o es
asuso ó ayuso, ó delante ó atras, ó á diestro ó á siniestro, ó en
derredor. Et en este mesmo cuento fallaron los sabios antiguos las
siete estrellas mas nombradas, á que llaman planetas, et de que
tomaron cuento por los siete cielos en que estan por los sus
nombres; et ordenaron por ellos los siete dias de la semana. Et los
sabios departieron por este cuento de siete las partes de toda la
tierra á que llaman climas. Et por este mesmo cuento departieron
los metales; et otrosi algunos hi hobo que por este cuento de siete
partieron los saberes á que llaman artes: eso mesme fecieron de la
edad del home. Et aun por ese mesmo cuento demostró Dios á los que
eran sus amigos muchas de sus poridades por fecho et por semejanza,
asi como á Noe, á quien mandó facer el area en que se salvase del
deluvio, et que le mandó que de todas las cosas que fuesen buenas
et limpias metiese en ella siete. Otrosi Jacob, que fue patriarca
servió a su suegro siete años por Rachêl, et porque le dió a Lia
servió otros siete por ella mesma, et esto fué por muy grant
significanza. Et Josep, su fijo, que fue poderoso sobre toda la
tierra de Egipto por el sueño que soltó al rey Faraon de los siete
años de mengua et de los siete de abondo, segunt el sueño que el
Rey soñara de las siete espigas et de las siete vacas: esto fue
fecho de grant devocion. Otrosi á Moysen quando le mandó facer el
tabernáculo en que feciesen oracion los fijos de Israel, le mandó
que entre todas las otras cosas que señaladamente posiese dentro de
él un candelero de oro fecho en manera de árbol, en que habiese
siete ramos, que fuese fecho por grant significanza. Et David, que
fue otrosi rey de Israel, por gracia que le veno de nuestro señor
Ieso Cristo, fizo por Espíritu Santo el salterio, que es una de las
mejores escripturas de santa Eglesia, et mostró en él siete cosas,
asi como profecía, et oracion, et loor, et bendicion, et
reprehendimiento, et consejo et penitencia. Et despues de todo esto
quando nuestro Señor quiso facer tan grant mercer al mundo que
deñó prender came de la virgen santa María por nos salvar, et que
le podiésemos veer vesiblemente, et conoscer que era Dios et home,
por este cuento, segun dixo el profeta, hobo él en si siete dones
de Espiritu Santo. Et otrosi por este cuento, segunt dixieron los
santos, hobo santa María siete placeres muy grandes del su fijo,
que se cantan en santa eglesia. Et en este cuento mesmo nos dió
nuestro señor Ieso Cristo siete sacramentos, porque nos podiésemos
salvar. Et otrosi en este mesmo cuento nos mostró él mesmo la
oracion del pater noster en que ha siete cosas en que le debemos
pedir merced. Otrosi san Iohan evangelista, que fue pariente et
amigo de nuestro señor Iesu Cristo, fizo un libro, á que llaman
Apocalipse, de muy grandes poridades que le él demostró, et las
mayores cosas que en él escribió son todas partidas por este cuento
de siete. Onde por todas estas razones que muestran muchos bienes
que en este cuento son, partimos este nuestro libro en siete
partes, et mostramos en la primera dellas de todas las cosas que
pertenescen a la santa fe católica.
While one of the greatest of all mysteries was that connected with
certain numbers the idea did not stop here. Jerusalem was destroyed in
the same month Jesus was crucified.[120] The well known biblical mystery
traditions connected with the earthly life of Jesus are all faithfully
narrated.[121] Attila is supplied with a sword from Vulcan in a
mysterious way.[122] Alejandro el Magno and his host, after traveling
for seven days in darkness in the Orient come to a river
“que habia las aguas caldas, et fallaron alli allend ese rio
mugieres que moraban y muy fermosas, et vestian unas vestiduras muy
espantosas, et andaban en caballos et traien en las manos armas
doro, por que non habien fierro nin cobre de que las facer, nin
habie varon maslo entre todas ellas.
“E Alexandre quisiera pasar el rio a ellas, mas non pudo por
ninguna guisa por que era ancho et lleno de dragones et de otras
bestias fieras muy grandes.”[123]
After leaving this place and journeying a little farther amid various
adventures they again come upon another land of
“mugieres muy grandes de cuerpos et las barbas tan luenguas que les
alcanzaban fasta en las tetas, et las cabezas planas; et vistien
pielles, et eran muy buenas cazadoras et corredoras de mont, et
pora correr mont en logares de canes, traien bestias fieras
enseñadas pora ello, et ensañaban se las ellas. E cuando entraron
Alexandre et su huest en aquellas selvas o estas mugieres eran, et
vieron ellos a ellas et ellas a ellos fuxieron ellas; et caballeros
de Macedonia cuando las vieron foir cogieron empos ellas en sus
caballos et alcanzaron den ya cuantas, et prisieron dellas et
aduxieron las a Alexandre.
“Alexandre cuando las vió mandó las preguntar por el lenguaje de
India que dixiesen como vinien a morar a aquellas selvas o morada
de homne del mondo non habie. Fablaron ellas et dixieron que
vivieron de caza que facien con bestias fieras et non dal, et que
moraban por ende siempre en las selvas. Et salieron daquellas
selvas Alexandre et su huest a los campos grandes et anchos, et
fallaron alli de cabo otros varones et mugieres; et las mugieres
desnuyas todas; et habien todos los cuerpos vellosos de pelos como
bestias. Et era costumbre daquellos homes et daquellas mugieres de
morar en aquel rio et en la tierra et asi como fue viniendo la
huest et llegando les aquellas mugieres somurguieron se ellas luego
en el rio; et estudieron alli una pieza Alexandre et su huest por
veer si saldrien et probar ellos ende mas. Et movieron dalli et
fueron yendo adelant, et fallaron otras mugieres que habien dientes
como de puercos monteses et los cabellos de las cabezas tan luengos
que les daban por los tobiellos, et el otro cuerpo que lo habien
todo velloso de pelos como el estrucio et el camello, et en los
lomiellos que habien como vaca que las colgaban alli ayuso; et el
estado dellas de luengo era de doce pies.”[124]
V.--RELICS
Relics, which played an exceedingly important part in the life of the
medieval Church, might consist of anything which formerly belonged to a
saint or to Jesus, or anything which might serve as evidence in
establishing a miracle. Every altar, upon being consecrated, should have
some relics placed within it,[125] and these usually were of
miracle-working power themselves. At Chartres there was a certain dress
that had belonged to the Virgin, on which it was the custom to place
cloth which was made up into garments for warriors, because it was
believed that after being thus treated garments made from it would be
invulnerable. In fact a knight wearing one of these was attacked while
unarmed, and altho his enemies thought they had pierced him thru and
thru he was in reality unharmed (No. 148). The bones of St. Thomas,
together with a letter purporting to have been written by Jesus, were so
powerful that when placed over the gate of Edessa no enemy could enter
without first making peace with the city.[126] Very interesting is the
case of the humble woman who went to confession and after doing penance
asked for a written certificate of pardon, which after some hesitation
was given. Misfortune overtook her and she was forced to beg. In one
city she came upon a moneychanger and asked the loan of a small sum but
he would not let her have it without security. The only security she
could offer was this certificate of pardon. The moneychanger laughed at
the idea, but finally promised to let her have the equivalent of its
weight in gold, and putting it on his scales was astonished to find that
all his gold would not balance it. This convinced him, and becoming
converted he told the woman to take whatever amount she needed. (No.
305).
Such relics not only had the power to work miracles but were themselves
divinely protected. One man, a peasant, laughed at the idea that a
certain shoe on the altar in the church had ever belonged to the
Virgin, because, he said, a shoe as old as that would not be in so good
a state of preservation. To cure him of such flagrant unbelief she
afflicted him in the mouth in such a manner that he could be cured only
upon the application of the shoe in question (No. 61). At another time
some priests, by the exhibition of relics, were collecting money to
rebuild a church. In the course of their travels they entered a ship
with some merchantmen. After a short while they were attacked by
pirates, and in the face of danger the merchants, to secure immunity,
offered gifts of money for the building of the church. When the danger
was safely passed they repented of their extravagance and took back
their donations, buying wool for their own use with the money. Shortly
afterward a stroke of lightning set fire to their purchases, thus
avenging both God and the Virgin (No. 35).
Naturally, some relics were more powerful and more sacred than others,
and they varied in these respects according to the importance of the
saint to whom they belonged; and seemingly were protected in a like
measure. When Alfonso el Sabio left Seville for Castile he ordered the
relics of the Virgin, along with those of the other saints, to be
carefully put away, but when he returned ten years later he found only
those of the Virgin in perfect condition; those of the other saints had
decayed (No. 257).
CONCLUSION
After the foregoing investigation the fact is impressed on us more
vividly than ever that the Spain of the Middle Ages was truly the mother
of the Spain of today. Hers were a people with a lively imagination, but
this was dominated by the two elements which have always been most
marked in her history--religion and realism. And wherever these two
elements enter into the development of the supernatural in the mind of
man, the Spanish contribution has to be taken seriously into the
account.
It is impossible, as stated previously, to affirm which of the medieval
traditions are Spanish and which are not. The most that we can hope to
do is to note what type of legend appealed to this people; of all the
host of supernatural stories common through the Europe of the Middle
Ages, to determine what classes or types found their way into Spain and
there were welcomed, being repeated from generation to generation
(becoming thus a part of the national tradition); and what kind or kinds
were rejected because they did not have this appeal.
In Spain the beliefs and superstitions we have been passing in review,
having as their starting point the actual observation of objective
nature and of human nature, were amazingly multifarious. The study in
particular of omens and of auguries, based on the real experiences of
life, made a peculiar appeal to the Spaniards, as is witnessed by the
abundance of material concerning such found at every turn in the early
literature. Contrasted with this is the notable lack of the fantastic
and purely imaginary, so popular among the nations of the north, as well
as among the Mohammedans.
The effect of this realistic spirit on the religion of the people, the
other dominating element of their national life, must also be noted. The
unreal ghost has given place to the more naturalistic saint or angel,
for their religion permitted no denial of the existence of these two
orders of beings. Moreover, soothsayers, diviners, and other similar
characters were recognized by the Church as a real force, as is
evidenced by the Church’s constant warfare against them. And the Devil!
What good medieval Christian,--above all, what Spaniard,--could refuse
to believe in him?
To summarize: We are impressed first by the commanding prominence
accorded to the personalities of the saints, especially Saint Mary, then
of Santiago (St. James) and the others; next, of the predominating
importance of the rôle of the Child Jesus, with the relegation to a
comparatively unimportant place of the adult Saviour; and finally of the
enemies of God, headed by Diabolus. The works and influences of all the
above are manifested in dreams and visions, miracles and portents, in
almost every conceivable form, conjuring, fortune-telling, etc. The
ritual of the church service, especially of the sacraments, becomes
intertwined and adorned with what many faithful churchmen of the present
time would doubtless be willing to class as downright superstitions.
Omens and the like, because of their realistic appeal, continue in spite
of the constant opposition of the Church.
In contrast to this, however, we find no unquestionable ghosts. The
“magic ring”, moreover, is entirely lacking, as is nearly all that type
of Arabian magic. King Oberon, with his fairy band, has not yet made his
appearance, and the sage Merlin is only alluded to occasionally by the
learned. Subterranean cities still remain limited to their northern
abode. The well-known _mal de ojo_ is absent, and enchantment is little
heard of. The Werewolf, mentioned, it is said, by Pomponius Mela,
Herodotus, and Ovid, is entirely neglected and omitted either thru
simple ignorance of it or because it does not conform to their realistic
thought. The search for the elixir of life is only faintly hinted at in
the restoration of youth to the aged priest who seeks help from the
Virgin (No. 141). The myth of supernatural prolongation of life is to be
found only in its primitive stages, in such legends as that of María
Egipciaca and in some of the miracles contained in _Las Cantigas_, and
yet we are told that,
“The first appearance of the Wandering Jew _in England_ is in the
chronicles of Roger of Wendover, who reports the legend as being
told at the monastery of St. Albans by an Armenian bishop, in 1228,
but to hearers _already familiar with it_.”[127]
Arabian influence does appear, however, quite frequently, especially in
certain types of visions such as those in which a person is transported
from one point to another to witness various scenes; as well also as in
those in which the subject sleeps many years while experiencing the joys
of Paradise. French religious traditions dealing with various shrines
were common property. Many of the miracles related in _Las Cantigas_ are
said to have been performed in France, especially at Soissons.
The general impression gained from the study is that we are standing at
the beginning of a new period; that soon there is going to unfold before
us a magnificent spectacle, so far as the supernatural is concerned, in
which these elements, whose beginnings we can even now discern, will
present themselves in all their fullness, but at the same time those
which have already reached their culmination will survive, and, being
the product of the real life and soul of the nation, will still be the
determining factors in shaping its beliefs and practices, as it
continues its course among the hosts of outside influences it is soon to
encounter.
As we close the study we can not, if we would, resist the pervasive
charm cast over us by the simplicity of the primitive age with its
childlike faith. From time to time the canvas has been reversed, the
customary medieval picture has been changed, the sound of the bugle, the
glitter of burnished arms, the noise of battle, have now receded into
the background, and altho we are still faintly conscious of them we
become almost unaware of their presence. In the foreground have arisen,
we scarcely know how or whence, the common people, with their sheep and
their goats, their games of chance and their wine, their joys and their
sorrows, their loves and their hates, their marriages, births,
deaths--all these--along with their interesting superstitions and ardent
devotion to their local saints, as well as their fidelity to their lord,
who moves about among them as their guardian and protector.
CLASSIFICATION OF THE MIRACLES IN _LAS CANTIGAS_
I
A.--DIRECT ANSWER TO PRAYER BY THE VIRGIN
_a._ Life restored or sustained. 14, 26, 43, 45, 76, 84, 111, 115,
118, 122, 124, 133, 167, 168, 171, 178, 182, 197, 204, 224, 237,
241, 334, 347, 378, 381, 389. (See p. 32-34 for discussion of
group.)
_b._ Bodily ailments cured. 37, 47, 53, 69, 77, 81, 86, 89, 91, 92,
93, 101, 105, 114, 117, 126, 127, 134, 141, 146, 157, 163, 166,
173, 174, 177, 179, 189, 191, 199, 201, 206, 209, 218, 221, 223,
224, 234, 235, 244, 256, 263, 265, 268, 269, 275, 278, 279, 282,
283, 289, 293, 298, 308, 314, 315, 316, 319, 322, 327, 333, 337,
338, 343, 346, 357, 362, 363, 364, 367, 368, 372, 375, 385, 389,
391, 393. (See p. 35-38.)
_c._ Physical harm prevented. 7, 13, 15, 17, 22, 25, 28, 35, 36,
49, 51, 55, 57, 64, 74, 78, 82, 83, 86, 94, 97, 102, 106, 107, 121,
125, 135, 138, 142, 144, 151, 158, 165, 172, 181, 184, 185, 186,
193, 194, 195, 213, 227, 233, 235, 236, 242, 245, 249, 251, 252,
254, 255, 264, 266, 271, 286, 287, 291, 301, 303, 313, 325, 339,
341, 354, 371, 383. (See p. 38-40.)
_d._ Miracles in which bargaining occurs. 31, 43, 44, 97, 106, 112,
118, 121, 129, 166, 167, 172, 176, 178, 197, 268, 271, 291, 347,
352, 366, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 382, 385, 389. (See p. 40-43.)
_e._ Unmoral miracles. 3, 7, 13, 17, 55, 94, 111, 214, 255, 291.
(See p. 43-45.)
_f._ Miracles in which sacred breasts or milk occur. 54, 93, 138.
(See p. 45-46.)
_g._ Possessions restored or saved or things supplied. 23, 44, 48,
62, 73, 112, 143, 147, 159, 172, 178, 187, 202, 212, 231, 232, 243,
323, 326, 348, 352, 354, 366, 369, 376, 382, 386, 398. (See p.
46-49.)
_h._ Those of other faiths protected. 89, 107, 167, 181. (See p.
49.)
_i._ Threats or the appeal to reputation avail much. 23, 76, 233,
247. (See p. 49-51.)
B.--MIRACLES VOLUNTARILY PERFORMED
_a._ Life restored or sustained. 6, 11, 21, 96, 131, 175, 311, 323,
355. (See p. 55-58.)
_b._ Physical ailments cured. 33, 41, 156, 228, 259, 262, 276, 279,
324, 331. (See p. 58.)
_c._ Physical harm prevented. 4, 64, 67, 109, 113, 119, 161, 164,
192, 198, 205, 216, 222, 225, 251, 266, 302, 305, 317, 344, 359,
399. (See p. 58.)
_d._ Miracles in which bargaining occurs. 307. (See p. 58.)
_e._ Unmoral miracles. 11, 119, 281. (See p. 58.)
_f._ Miracles in which sacred breasts or milk occur. (See p. 61.)
_g._ Possessions restored or saved or things supplied. 2, 52, 116,
145, 203, 211, 228, 258, 328, 351, 356, 358, 379. (See p. 61-62.)
_h._ Those of other faiths protected. 85, 205, 379. (See p. 62-65.)
_i._ Aid in worship or in restraining evil passions. 137, 151, 152,
156, 207, 227, 246, 266, 273, 336. (See p. 65-66.)
_j._ Miracles in which visions occur. 2, 16, 24, 32, 53, 58, 65,
66, 68, 69, 71, 75, 79, 85, 87, 88, 105, 119, 125, 131, 132, 135,
138, 145, 149, 152, 158, 176, 192, 195, 261, 262, 263, 269, 274,
284, 285, 288, 292, 295, 296, 299, 307, 309, 336, 345, 348, 359,
365, 368, 372, 384, 399. (See p. 66-70.)
_k._ Warnings and admonitions (not in visions). 47, 88, 154, 196,
274. (See p. 70-73.)
_l._ Rewards 2, 4, 5, 8, 18, 56, 63, 66, 87, 95, 124, 141, 155,
251, 253, 281, 335, 353, 384. (See p. 73-77.)
_m._ Violation of vows or acts of sacrilege punished. 42, 57, 59,
108, 117, 132, 163, 285, 347, 392. (See p. 77-78.)
_n._ Objects or places of worship protected. 2, 9, 12, 19, 27, 34,
38, 46, 51, 59, 61, 123, 136, 139, 148, 161, 162, 164, 183, 183,
198, 208, 215, 217, 229, 238, 239, 244, 248, 257, 262, 276, 277,
283, 286, 289, 293, 294, 297, 302, 304, 314, 316, 317, 318, 327,
329, 332, 345. (See p. 78-81.)
_o._ Virgin acts as advocate. 14, 45. (See p. 81-82.)
II
Miracles performed by image, name, or relics or Virgin. 9, 27, 34,
38, 46, 51, 59, 61, 123, 139, 148, 161, 162, 164, 183, 185, 194,
202, 209, 254, 256, 264, 272, 294, 303, 306, 321, 332, 353, 361.
(See p. 83-87.)
III
Miracles of mystery. 8, 29, 56, 103, 153, 162, 184, 188, 219, 226,
305, 313, 315, 342, 361. (See p. 87-89.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PUBLISHED WORKS OF ALFONSO X, EL SABIO
_Alfonso X, el Sabio, Antología de sus obras_, by ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE,
Madrid, 1922, 275 pp. (A second volume is in preparation.)
_Cantigas de Santa María de Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia
Española (Preface by the Marquis of Valmar), Madrid, 1889, 2 vols.
_El libro de Ajedrez_, das Spanische Schachzabelbuch des königs Alfons
des weisen vorn jahre 1283; illustrierte handschrift im besitze der
königl. Bibliothek des Eskorial vollständige nachbildung der handschrift
in 194 lichtdrucktafeln, Leipzig, 1913. (Introduction by John G. White.)
_Los libros del Saber de Astronomía_, ed. M. Rico y Sinobas, Madrid,
1863-1867, 5 vols.
_El lapidario_, ed. J. Fernández Montaña, Madrid, 1881, XX pp., 76, 14
numb. 1., 76 pp.
_Opúsculos legales del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia de
la Historia, Madrid, 1836, 2 vols.
_Primera Crónica General_, ed. of R. Menéndez Pidal in _Nueva Biblioteca
de Autores Españoles_, vol. 5, Madrid, 1906, 4+1+ 776 pp.
_Las Siete Partidas_, glosadas por Gregorio López. There are numerous
editions of this work. Some of the editions available in the United
States are: Salamanca, 1576, 3 vols. + 1 vol. index; Madrid, 1611;
Valencia, 1767; Madrid, 1829-1831, 3 vols. + 1 vol. index (The title
page of this edition reads, “Las Siete Partidas del sabio rey Don
Alfonso _XI_, etc.”)
_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, ed. Real Academia de
la Historia, Madrid, 1807, 3 vols.
_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio._ Pandectas
hispano-mejicanas, o sea, código general comprensivo de las leyes
generales, útiles y vivas de las Siete Partidas, ed. Juan Rodríguez de
San Miguel, Méjico, 1839-1840, 3 vols.
_Las Siete Partidas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, la primera partida,
textkritische untersuchung einer unveröffentlichten handschrift des
vierzehnten jahrhundrets, by Whilhelm Friedmann, Leipzig, 1911.
_Las Siete Partidas, and other writings, extracts from_, in _Warner’s
Library of the world’s best literature_, vol. 1, pp. 383-388.
_Tabule Alfonsi hispaniarum regis_ & L. Gaurici artium doctoris egregij
theoremata ... In calce huius libri seorsum annexe sunt tabule Elisabeth
regine nuper castigate & in ordinem redacte per L. Gauricum ...
Venetiis, 1524, 123 f. + 1.
_Tabulae Alphonsinae perpetuae motuum coelestium denuo restitutae et
illustr. a Franc. Garcia Ventanas._ Traduntur praecepta de fest.
mobilib. sec. correct. Gregorianam, et tabulae constr. ad meridian.
Toletanum con alg. grab. En 4. Matriti, 1641. Perg. 8 + 126 hh.
WORKS TREATING OF ALFONSO EL SABIO
_Books_
_Alfonso el Sabio, como rey y conquistador de la provincia de Cádiz._
Memoria inédita, Cádiz, 1892.
PEDRO AGUADO BLEYE, _Santa Maria de Salas en el siglo XIII; estudio
sobre las Cantigas de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, Bilbao, 1916, 98 pp.
THEOPHILO BRAGA, _Cancionero Portuguez da Vaticana_, Lisbon, 1878, 112 +
236 pp.
ARNOLD BUSSON, _Die doppelwahl des Jahres 1257 ... etc._ Münster, 1866,
6 + 137 pp.
EMILIO CASTELAR Y RIPOLLI, _Alfonso el Sabio, Rey de Castilla. Novela
histórica original_, Madrid, 1853, 16 + 407 + 3 pp.
MANUEL COLMIERO, _Cortes de los antiguos reinos de León y de Castilla_,
Madrid, 1883-1884, 2 vols.
--_Reyes cristianos desde Alonso VI hasta Alfonso XI_, Madrid, 1894, 4
vols.
EMILIO COTARELO Y MORI, _Estudios de la historia literaria de España_,
Madrid, 1901. See pp. 1-31. Also review in _Romania_, 1898, vol. 27, p.
525, by A. MOREL-FATIO.
--_Documentos de la época de Alfonso el Sabio_, Madrid, 1851, 2 vols.
PEDRO GÓMEZ DE LA SERNA, _Sobre el reinado de Don Alfonso el Sabio_.
(Speech read upon being received into the Real Academia de la Historia.)
Madrid, 1857, 72 pp.
GASPAR IBÁÑEZ DE SEGOVIA PERALTA Y MENDOZA, marqués de Mondéjar,
_Memorias históricas del Rey Don Alfonso el Sabio i observaciones a su
Chrónica_, Madrid, 1777, 687 pp., Fol.
A. G. F. KOLDITZ, _De Alphonso X., Castillae Legionisque rege, cognomine
sapientis indigno_, Serveste, 1757.
R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, _L’Épopée Castillane à travers la littérature
espagnole_, Paris, 1910, 26-306 pp.
--_Estudios Literarios_, Madrid, 1920, 345 pp.
--_Crónicas generates de España_, 3rd. ed., Madrid, 9 + 1 + 238 pp.
FRANCISCO MARTÍNEZ MARINA, _Ensayo histórico-critico sobre la antigua
legislación y principalis cuerpos legates de los reinos de León y
Castilla, especialmente sobre el código de don Alfonso el Sabio,
conocido por el nombre de Las Siete Partidas_. 1st. ed., Madrid, 1808, 2
+ 450 pp.; 2nd. ed., Madrid, 1834, 2 vols.; 3rd. ed., Madrid, 1845, 21 +
23 + 574 pp.
ANDRÉS MARTÍNEZ SALAZAR, _Fragmento de un nuevo códice gallego de las
Partidas_, La Coruña, 1910.
GAYETANE PUCH Y PORTOLES, _Historia de las Siete Partidas de Alfonso X_,
Madrid, 1829, 32 pp.
ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE, _Alfonso X el Sabio, antología de sus obras_,
Madrid, 1922, 275 pp. (Second volume is in preparation.)
DIEGO SUÁREZ, _Don Alfonso X--sus ideas políticas y sociales_, (Speech
delivered upon receiving the degree of Doctor en Filosofía y Letras.)
Madrid, 1861, 28 pp.
LEOPOLDO AUGUSTO DE CUETO, Marqués de Valmar, _Estudio histórico-critico
y filólogico sobre las Cantigas del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_. 2nd. ed.,
Madrid, 1897, 22 + 1 + 400 pp. (This is the _Introduction_ to the
Academy edition of 1889 of Las Cantiagas, published in a separate
volume.)
JOSÉ DE VARGAS Y PONCE, _Elogio del Rey Alfonso el Sabio_, Madrid, 1782,
76 pp.
_Magazine Articles_
_Alfonso X of Spain and the code of 1256_, in _American Journal of
Education_, 1877, vol. 27, p. 157-164.
PEDRO D’AZEREDO, _Duas traducões Portuguesas do sec. XIV; um fragmento
da versão das Partidas de Castilla_, in _Revista Lusitana_, 1913, vol.
16, p. 101-111.
MICHAEL BARRINGTON, _The Lapidario_, etc., in _The Connoisseur_, London,
1906, vol. 14, p. 31-36.
RODOLFO BEER, _Los cinco libros que compiló Bernardo de Brihuega por
orden del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de
la Historia_, 1887, vol. 2, p. 363-369.
A. F. G. BELL, _The “Cantigas de Santa María” of Alfonso X_, in _Modern
Language Review_, 1915, vol. 10, p. 338-348.
SAMUEL BERGER, _Les Bibles Castellanes_, in _Romania_, 1889, vol. 28, p.
360-408 and 508-542.
MARY E. BLAKE, _Alfonso X and the Birth of Spanish Literature_, in
_Catholic World_, 1893, p. 518-530.
ANTONIO BALLESTEROS Y BERETTA, _Un detalle curioso de la biografía de
Alfonso X el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1918, vol. 73, p. 408-419.
--_Alfonso X de Castilla y la corona de Alemania_, in _Revista de
Archivos, bibliotecas y museos_, 1916, vol. 34, p. 1-23 and 187-219;
1916, vol. 35, p. 223-242; 1918, vol. 39, p. 142-162; 1919, vol. 40, p.
467-490.
HENRY COLLET and LUIS VILLALBA, _Contribution a l’étude des “Cantigas”
d’Alphonse le Savant_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1911, vol. 13, p.
270-290. (A musical study of some of the Cantigas.)
G. DAUMET, _Les testements d’Alphonse X le Savant, roi de Castille_, in
_Bibliotheque de l’École des Chartes_, 1906, vol. 67, p. 71-99.
ADOLF FANTA, _Ein Bericht über die Ausprüche des Königs Alfons auf den
deutschen Thron_, in _Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Osterreichische
Geschichtsforschung_, 1885, vol. 6, p. 94-104.
FIDEL FITA, _Biografías de San Fernando y de Alfonso el Sabio por Gil de
Zamora_, in _Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia_, 1884, vol. 5,
p. 308-328.
--_La Cantiga XLIX del rey Don Alfonso el Sabio--Fuentes históricas_, in
_Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_, 1889, vol. 15, p. 179-191.
--_Cincuenta leyendas por Gil de Zamora combinadas con “Las Cantigas” de
Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1885, vol. 7, p. 54-144.
--_San Dunstán, Arzobispo de Cantorbery, en una cantiga del rey Don
Alfonso el Sabio_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia_,
1888, vol. 12, p. 244-248.
--_El libro del Cerratense_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la
Historia_, 1888, vol. 13, p. 226-237.
R. FOULCHÈ-DELBOSC, _Les “Castigos e Documentos”_, in _Revue
Hispanique_, 1906, vol. 15, p. 340-371.
PAUL GROUSSAC, _Le Livre des “Castigos e Documentos”_, in _Revue
Hispanique_, 1906, vol. 15, p. 212-239.
FRIEDRICH HANSSEN, _Estudios ortográficos sobre la Astronomia del rey
Don Alfonso X_, in _Anales de la Universidad de Chili_, 1895, vol. 91,
p. 281-312.
--_Los endecasílabos de Alfonso X_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1913, vol.
15, p. 248-299.
C. DE LOLLIS, _Cantigas de amor e de maldizer di Alfonso el Sabio_, in
_Studi di filologia romanza_, 1887, vol. 2, p. 31-66.
JOSÉ RAMÓN DE LUANCO Y RIEGO, _Clavis sapientae Alphonsi regis
Castillae_ (In _Homenaje a Menéndez y Pelayo_), Madrid, 1899, vol. 1, p.
61-67.
PEDRO DE MADRAZO, _Sobre la edición fotocromolitográfica del códice del
Lapidario de Alfonso X_, in _Boletín de la Real Academia de la
Historia_, 1877, vol. I, p. 471-475.
F. F. MANN, _Eine altfranzösiche prosaversion des Lapidarus Marbod’s_ in
_Romanische Forschungen_, 1886, vol. 2, p. 363-374.
J. J. NUÑES, _A review of Fragmento de un nuevo código gallego de las
Partidas_, in _Revista Lusitana_, 1911, vol. 14, p. 312-316.
JUAN RUÍZ DE OBREGÓN Y RETORTILLO, _Alfonso X el emplazado--una
leyenda_, in _Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos_, 1916, vol. 32,
p. 420-449.
L. SERRANO, _El ayo de Alfonso “el sabio”_, in _Boletín de la Real
Academia Española_, 1920, vol. 7, p. 571-602.
ANTONIO G. SOLALINDE, _Intervención de Alfonso X. en la redacción de sus
obras_, in _Revista de Filología Española_, 1915, vol. 2, p. 283-288.
--_El códice florentino de las “Cantigas”_, in _Revista de Filología
Española_, 1918, vol. 5, p. 142-179.
O. T. TALLGREN, _Observationes sur les manuscrits de l’Astronomie
d’Alphonse X, etc._, in _Neuphilologische Mitteilungen_, 1908, p.
110-114.
F. VALLS Y TABERNIR, _Relations familiars i politiques entre Jaume el
conqueridor i Anfos el Savi_, in _Bulletin Hispanique_, 1919, vol. 21,
p. 9-52.
MARY WARD, _Alfonso the Wise, King of Castille_, in _Macmillan’s
Magazine_, 1872, vol. 26, p. 126-136, and in _Living Age_, 1872, vol.
26, p. 51-59.
PAUL SCHEFFER-BOICHORST, _Zur Geschichte Alfons’ X, von Castilien_, in
_Mitteilungen des Instituts fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung_,
1888, vol. 9, p. 226-248.
A FEW GENERAL STUDIES
NILS ABERG, _La civilisation néolothique dans la péninsule ibèreque_,
Paris, 1921, 14 + 204 pp.
MIGUEL ASIN-PALACIO, _Escatología Musulmana en la “Divina Comedia”_,
Madrid, 1919, 403 pp.
PIERRE AUBRY, _Trouvères et Troubadours_, 2nd. ed., Paris, 1910, 2 p.
1., 223 (1) pp.
V. BALAGUER, _Los Trovadores_, 2nd. ed., Madrid, 1882, 4 vol. in 2.
ANTONIO BALLESTEROS Y BERETTA, _Sevilla en el siglo XIII_, Madrid, 1913,
338 + 255 pp.
The Bible--King James’ Version.
JOAQUÍN COSTA, _La Poesía popular española y mitología y literatura
celto-hispana_, Madrid, 1881, 8 + 489 pp.
GEORGES DOTTIN, _La langue gauloise_, Paris, 1920, 17 + 364 pp.
REINHART, P. DOZY, _Histoire des Musulmans d’Espagne jusqu’à la conquête
de l’Andalousie par les Almoravides_, Leyde, 1861, 4 vols.
--_Recherches sur l’histoire et la littérature de l’Espagne pendant la
moyen âge_, 3rd. ed., Leyde, 1881, 2 vols.
FRANCISCO GUILLÉN ROBLES, _Leyendas Moriscas_, Madrid, 1885-1886, 3
vols.
JAMES HASTINGS, _Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics_, Edinburgh and New
York, 1908-1922, 12 vols.
C. JULIAN, _Histoire de la Gaule_, Paris, 1908-1920, 6 vols.
E. H. KLOTSCHE, _The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides_,
Lincoln, Neb., 1918, 106 pp.
JOHN A. MACCULLOCH, _The Religion of the Ancient Celts_, Edinburg, 1911,
15 + 399 pp.
FRANCISCO MARTÍNEZ-MARINA, _Teoría de las cortes o grandes juntas
nacionales de los reinos de León y Castilla_, Madrid, 1813, 3 vols.
HUBERT MATTHEY, _Essai sur le merveilleux dans la littérature française
depuis 1800_, Paris, 1915, 318 pp.
R. MENÉNDEZ PIDAL, _La leyenda de los Infantes de Lara_, Madrid, 1896,
16 + 448 pp.
--_Discursos leídos ante la Real Academia_, Madrid, May 21, 1916.
M. MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, _Historia de los heterodoxos españoles_, Madrid,
2nd. ed., 1911-1918, 3 vols.
ALLEN MENZIE, _History of Religion_, New York, 1913, 17 + 440 pp.
MANUEL MILA Y FONTANALS, _De los trovadores en España, estudio de poesía
y lingua provenzal_, Barcelona, 1889, 32 + 542 pp.
ALONSO NÚÑEZ DE CASTRO, _Vida de San Fernando el tercero, rey de
Castilla y León_, Madrid, 1787, 8 + 513 + 9 pp.
JUAN DE PINEDA, _Memorial de la Excelente Santidad del Sr. Rey San
Fernando III_, Sevilla, 1627, 20 + 196, pp. numbered irregularly.
GASTON PARIS, _La Légende des Infants de Lara_, Paris, 1898, 28 pp.
(Extract from _Journal des savants_, mai et juin, 1898.)
ÉDOUARD PHILIPON, _Les Ibères_, Paris, 1909, 24 + 344 pp.
JOSÉ AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, _Historia crítica de la literatura española_,
Madrid, 1861-1865, 7 vols.
DOROTHY SCARBOROUGH, _The Supernatural in Modern English Fiction_, New
York, 1917, 7 + 329 pp.
MARIANO SORIANO FUERTES Y PIQUERAS, _Historia de la música española
desde la venida de los fenicios hasta el año 1850_, Madrid, 1855-1859, 4
vols.
SAMUEL M. WAXMAN, _Chapters on Magic in Spanish literature_, New York,
and Paris, 1916, 139 pp.
C. E. WHITMORE, _The Supernatural in Tragedy_, Cambridge, 1915, 8 + 370
pp.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES
Because of the preceding classified list of miracles including the
indication of the pages treating of each class, it has been deemed
necessary to include in the index only the proper names cited in the
work and the titles of those works from which examples of the
supernatural have been drawn. The reader is referred to the Bibliography
(page 139-146) for works of the authors cited. Whenever various names of
an individual, or different forms of the same name are used, only the
best known or the most popular form will be given in the index, but the
pages indicated are those on which any of the variations appear. For
example, all references to Saint Mary will be found under “Virgin, The.”
Abderrahman II, 12
Aben Yussef, 56
Abran of Germany, Count, 75
Achela, 44n
Adán, 91n
Aeneas, 110
Africa, 21, 66n, 105, 109, 110
Agosto, 49, 62
Albans, St., 131
Albeza, 37
Alcocer, 17
Alejandro el Magno, 124, 125, 126
Alemany, José, 25n
Alexius, Emperor, 57
Alexander IV, Pope, 18
Alfonso III, of Portugal, 17
Alfonso VIII, 16
Alfonso IX, 16
Alfonso X, el Sabio, 5, 13, _15-26_,
27, 29, 30, 30n, 31n, 34, 35, 44,
45, 53, 67, 79, 84, 85, 88, 93, 96,
96n, 97n, 107, 109, 113, 117, 128
Algeciras, 56
Amadís de Gaula, 33n
Andalucía, 17
Ann, Saint, Novena of, 9
Antidio, 95
Arcalaus, 33n
_Arcipreste de Hita_, El, 95
Aristotle, 54, 122
Arras, 71n
Asin Palacios, Miguel, 64n, 96n, 109n, 112n
Assisi, St. Francis of, 9
Atocha, 36
Attila, 110, 124
Ayamonte, 62
Barcelona, 56
Basilio, San, 68
Beatriz, Doña, 17
Beatrice, Queen, 84
Berceo, 59n, 77n, 93n, 97n
Bernat Descoll, 16
Bizancio, 110, 111
Bondoudar, 40
Burgos, 16, 46, 71, 88
Cádiz, 22
Caesar, 81
Caesar, Octavius, 103
Caesar, Sextus Julius, 104
Caesarea, 68
Caligula, Emperor Caius, 117
Canaan, 48
_Cantigas, Las_, 23, 27, 28, 30, 31n, 32, 68,
85, 85n, 92, 93, 93n, 96, 97, 107, 108, 108n,
116, 116n, 118, 131, 132
_Cantigas de amor et de maldecir_, 27
Castile, 16, 20, 79, 99, 128
Castrogériz, 39
Catalonia, 16, 84
Chartres, 126
Cid, the, 96, 126n
Cirot, G., 25n
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 74
_Conquista del Ultramar, La Gran_, 40n
Constantine, Emperor, 61, 110, 111
Constantinople, 57
Consuegra, 64
_Crónica General, La_, 22, _24_, 27, 40n,
66n, 68, 74, 74n, 80, 93,
95, 96n, 97, 100n, 104n, 105n, 106n,
109n, 111n, 112n, 116n, 126n
Cueto, Leopoldo Augusto de, Marqués de Valmar, 23
Cunnegro, 66
Dagobert, 109
David, 123
Denis, Saint, 109
Devil, The, 39, 59, 64, 71,
72, 77, 77n, 80, 85, 89n,
_91-97_, 112, 114, 116, 120, 121, 130
Dido, 105, 110
Domingo, Santo, 33
Domingo, Don, 47
Doyle, Sir Conan, 91
Duero, 95
Eanes, D. Gonzalo, 64
Edessa, 126
Egypt, 40, 84, 123
Elina, 111
Enrique, Infante D., 19
Escorial, The, 88
Etna, Mount, 58
Europe, 5, 13, 32, 44, 58, 96n, 99, 129
Ezequias, 54n
Faraón, 123
Felipe, Infante Don, 19
Fernán Gonzales, 74n
Fernando III, 16, 24, 34, 109
Fernando IV, 16
Fernando de la Cerda, 20
Fernando, Infante Don, 80
France, 18, 20, 109, 132
Galileo, 69
García, Fernández, 16
García, Count Don, 74
Germany, 10
Gilemer, 109
God, 9, 29, 31, 31n, 32, 37, 50, 54n, 71,
72, 80, 91, 93, 96, 102n, 109, 112, 114,
115, 116, 121, 123, 124, 128, 130
Granada, 20, 22, 79
Granada, Emir of, 20
_Gran Estoria_, 22, _24_, 26
“Gran Britaña”, 56, 88
Gregory X, 18
Guillén Robles, Francisco, 37n, 109n, 112n
Gunderico, 96
Guzmán, Doña Mayor Guillén de, 17
Hastings, James, 76
Hell, 61, 64n, 91, 96, 109
Heraclius, Emperor, 109
Herodotus, 131
Herod, King, 51, 100
Holy Land, The, 83, 92
Holy Spirit, The, 115, 123, 124
Host, The, 62, 89n, _118-120_
Hudson River, The, 9
Huelgas, Las, 34
Ica, 40
India, 125
Ildefonso, San, 73
Israel, 123
Italy, 18, 96n
Jacob, 123
Jaime, el Conquistador, 17, 20
Jaén, 21
Jérez, 68, 109
Jérez de la Frontera, 22
Jerusalem, 48, 51, 111, 124
Jesus, 29, 31, 31n, 32, 45, 48, 49,
50, 51, 54n, 63, 64, 67, 79, 81,
83, 84, 92, 97, 103, 106, 111, 112,
114, 115, 119, 120, 123, 124, 127, 130
Jordanes, 10
Jorge, Maestro, 109
Josef, 123
Juan, San, 124
Julian, Emperor, 68, 69, 81, 117
Justinian, Emperor, 109
Jupiter, temple of, 105
_Lapidario, El_, 23, _24_, 28
Lara, sons of, 99
Lebrija, 22
Leo, Pope, 58
Lia, 123
_Libro de Alejandro, El_, 96n, 97n, 126n
_Libro de Ajedrez, El_, 23, _25_
_Libros del Saber de Astronomia, Los_, 22, _23_, 28
Lisbon, 59
Lodge, Sir Oliver, 91
MacCulloch, J. A., 17
Macedonia, 125
Madrid, 36
Manuel, Infante Don, 41
Marcian, Emperor, 110
Marcus, Lucius, 104
_María Egipciaca_, 131
Mariana, 15
Marquina, 15
Marseilles, 38
Mártires, 65
Martos, 79
Mayor Arias, Doña, 16
Medina Sidonis, 22
Mela, Pomponius, 131
Menéndez Pidal, J., 104n
Menéndez Pidal, R., 22, 24
Menéndez y Pelayo, 12n
Menzie, Allan, 40n
Mercurio, San, 68, 69
Merlin, 131
_Milagros de Nuestra Señora, Los_, 59n, 77n, 93n, 97n
Mildmay, Mrs. S., 11n
Mahommed, 64, 111
Mondéjar, Marqués de, 16
Monsaras, 78
Monserrat, 56
Montana, José T., 25
_Moralia in Job_, 110
Moses, 24, 123
Murcia, 17, 78
Mussafia, 30n
Navarre, 17
Navarre, King of, 20
Navas, Conde de las, 117n
Niebla, 22
Nuño de Lara, 19, 68
Oberon, King, 131
Onís, Federico de, 6
Oro, San Juan Boco de, 45
Ovid, 131
Paris, 109
Paris, Gaston, 99
Pascual de Gayangos, 25n
Paschal II, Pope, 13
Pedro III, of Aragón, 21
Pedro IV, 16
Pena Cova, 39
Persia, 68, 69
Peter, Saint, 32, 81
Philipon, É., 11
Poitiers, Conde de, 80
Portugal, King of, 19
Puerto, 41, 47, 83
Rachel, 123
Recafredo, 12
_Reyes Magos, Los Tres_, 84n
Ribera, J., 23
Ribila, 79
Richard of Cornwall, 18
Rico y Sinobas, Manuel, 24
Ríos, José Amador de los, 10
Rocamador, 43, 93
Rodrigáñez, Hippolito, 25
Rome, 21, 100, 106, 110, 111, 116
Roman Empire, The Holy, 18, 20, 103
Roumania, 61
Rudolph of Hapsburg, 18
Ruy Velázquez, 99
Sancho, Infante Don, 20, 21
Santa Cruz, 95
Santiago, 57, 93, 130
Salas, 36, 42, 49, 83
Saussonna, 44
Scarborough, Dorothy, 8, 131n
Scythia, 10
Selfa, Antonio, 25
_Septenario, El_, 22
Seville, 17, 21, 56, 96, 128
Segovia, 80
Siagro, Don, 73
Siena, Bishop of, 72
_Siete Partidas, Las_, 16, 21, 22, 23,
28, 53, 76n, 79n, 87n, 89n, 91, 91n,
92n, 100, 108, 108n, 114n, 115n, 120n,
121, 121n, 122, 126n
Sion, Mount, 81
Soissons, 40, 132
Solomon, 114
Solalinde, Antonio G., 6, 16, 24, 25n, 26n, 30n, 31n, 125n, 126n
Spain, 9, 11, 12, 13, 22, 24, 25, 27, 45, 92, 96n, 99, 117, 129
Sur, Libano de, 69
Sylvester, Pope, 110, 111
_Tablas, Alfonsíes ... Las_, 22
Taion, 110
Téllez, D. Alfonso, 64
Temperley, H., 11n
Terena, 43, 81, 97
Thomas, Saint, 127
Tiberius, 100
Toledo, Codex of, 88
Toledo, 16, 35, 47
Todd, Henry Alfred, 6
Tortosa de Ultramar, 40
Vatican, The, 95
Vesentina, 95
Virgin, The, 23, _27-89_, 92,
94, 95, 96, 108, 110, 119,
120, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131
Virgin, Cult of, 31
Violante of Aragón, Doña, 17
Violante, Queen, 21
Vistula, 10
Vulcan, 124
Wandering Jew, The, 131
Waxman, S. W., 97n
Wendover, Roger of, 131
Weeks, Raymond, 6
Werewolf, The, 131
White, J. G., 25
Whitmore, C. E., 118n
William of Holland, 18
Zaragoza, 41
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE 5
INTRODUCTORY 7
CHAPTER I. ALFONSO EL SABIO AS KING AND
SCHOLAR 15
CHAPTER II. MIRACLES PERFORMED BY THE
VIRGIN IN RESPONSE TO PRAYER 27
CHAPTER III. MIRACLES PERFORMED VOLUNTARILY
BY THE VIRGIN 53
CHAPTER IV. MIRACLES PERFORMED BY IMAGES 83
CHAPTER V. “THE DEVIL AND ALL HIS WORKS” 91
CHAPTER VI. DIVINATIONS--OMENS--AUGURIES 99
CHAPTER VII. VISIONS 107
CHAPTER VIII. VARIOUS MANIFESTATIONS 113
CONCLUSION 129
CLASSIFICATION OF THE MIRACLES OF “LAS CANTIGAS” 135
BIBLIOGRAPHY 139
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 147
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] Columbia University Press, 1917.
[2] See p. 53.
[3] It has not been deemed necessary (since this is not a study of the
sources but rather of the material itself) to begin with a more remote
period. The purposes of this résumé is to give the reader a general
idea of the people and their immediate environment. For studies on the
earlier invasion see the appended Bibliography.
[4] R. Menéndez Pidal _L’Epopée Castillane à travers la littérature
espagnole_. Paris, Colin, 1910, p. 15.
[5] Amador de los Ríos, _Historia Crítica de la literatura española_,
Madrid, 1865, Vol. 2, p. 193.
[6] _The Religion of the Ancient Celts_, Edinburgh, 1911, p. 246.
[7] _Les Ibères_, Paris, 1909, p. 202.
[8] Among the many interesting magazine articles on a recent widely
discussed phase of this phenomenon in the World War are _Phantom Armies
Seen in France_ by Mrs. S. Mildmay, _North American_, 202: 207-12,
August, 1915, and _On the Supernatural Element in History with Two
Examples from the Present Day_, by Mr. H. Temperley, _Contemporary
Review_, 110: 188-98, August, 1916.
[9] Menéndez y Pelayo, _Historia de los heterodoxos españoles_, Madrid,
1911-18, Vol. 2, Chap. 2.
[10] _Chronicon_ of Sebastian, No. 27.
[11] Amador de los Ríos, _Historia crítica de la literatura española_,
Vol. 3, p. 233.
[12] Antonio G. Solalinde, _Antología de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 21.
[13] The following brief résumé of the life of Alfonso X is based for
the most part on the Marqués de Mondéjar’s _Memorias históricas del Rei
D. Alfonso, el Sabio, i observaciones a su chrónica_, Madrid, 1845, and
the introduction to Sr. Solalinde’s _Antología de Alfonso X, el Sabio_.
[14] _Las Siete Partidas_--Partida II, Título XV, Ley II. Hereafter
references to this work will be expressed thus: _Partidas_ 2-15-2.
[15] _Estudios Literarios_, Madrid, 1920, p. 184-185.
[16] For a discussion of the date of the translation of this work
into Spanish see the following editions of _Calila y Dimna_; Pascual
de Gayangos, in _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, Vol. 51, Madrid,
1860; José Alemany, Madrid, 1915; and Antonio G. Solalinde, Madrid,
1917. In Bulletin Hispanique. Vol. 24, page 167-171 is to be found an
interesting review by G. Cirot of the last named work.
[17] Antonio G. Solalinde, _Interventión de Alfonso X en la redacción
de sus obras, Revista de Filología Española_, 1915, Vol. 2, p. 286.
[18] _Partidas_, 1-1-9.
[19] _Partidas_ 1-4-123 and 124 which is given in full on p. 53-54.
[20] See p. 66. The miracle of the restoration of the tongue, and notes.
[21] See p. 80. The bleeding image, and notes.
[22] Sr. Antonio G. Solalinde, in speaking of this, says: Según los
datos de Mussafia, existen 64 milagros, de los más difundidos en el
mundo cristiano, en las 100 primeras cantigas, 17 en las 100 cantigas
siguientes, 11 en el tercer centenar y 2 en el cuarto. Seguramente se
podría rectificar en detalle esta estadística, pero ello exigiría un
estudio minucioso de las fuentes de las cantigas y de la historicidad
de sus asuntos, tarea que sólo en parte se realizó en la edición
monumental. Creo que el pensamiento de Mussafia estaría mejor expresado
si dijera que aquellos asuntos universales abundan principalmente en la
primera edición de la obra, o sea en el ms. TOL (Ms. de la Biblioteca
Nacional de Madrid, Núm. 10069, procedente de la catedral de Toledo)
cuyas cantigas se reparten, como hemos visto, casi exclusivamente
en los dos primeros centenares de la edición definitiva, E (Ms.
escurialense j. b. 2). Los continuadores de la obra primitiva tuvieron
que recurrir a los milagros acaecidos en España, y aun a los que tienen
por protagonistas a Alfonso X y otros personajes de la corte, sin que
falten tampoco en las nuevas colecciones asuntos universales más o
menos difundidos en la literatura marial, ni milagros sin indicación de
lugar, y que tanto pueden ser españoles como extranjeros. _El códice
florentino de las “Cantigas”_, _Revista de Filología Española_, Vol. 5,
1918, p. 175-176.
[23] _Las Cantigas_ No. 361. Hereafter the number, written thus (No.
361), will be inserted in the body of the text. As mentioned above,
_Las Cantigas_ are written in the Gallego-Portugués dialect, the
favorite of the lyric poets of the time, and not in Castillian as are
the prose works of Alfonso.
[24] I have found 23 which relate miracles experienced by the king
himself or some of his kinsmen or friends: Nos. 122, 142, 209, 215,
221, 235, 243, 256, 257, 279, 292, 324, 328, 345, 348, 358, 366, 367,
376, 377, 379, 382, 386. Aside from these are a few others as Nos. 295,
349, 354, 375, etc., in which apparently the king is Alfonso himself
tho this is not specifically stated.
[25] For a discussion of the probable method of composition of Las
Cantigas see Antonio G. Solalinde, _El códice florentino de las
“Cantigas” y su relación con los demás manuscritos, Revista de
Filología Española_, Vol. 5, 1918, p. 169 ff.
[26] References to Deus, seu Fillo, are constantly recurring but only
in No. 75, 71, 309, and 353 have I found references to Deus Padre.
[27] This collection consists of 402 _Cantigas_ under the heading of
“Las Cantigas de Santa María” every tenth one of which is a “cantiga
de loor” and does not narrate a miracle. No. 1 also is a “cantiga de
loor”. No. 279 does not narrate a miracle but is a song of thanks.
Nos. 373, 387, 388, 394, 395, 396, 397, are repetitions of previous
cantigas. Nos. 401 and 403 are not miracles. This leaves a total of
351 in this group. Neither are there any to be found in the two groups
entitled “Cantigas de las fiestas de Santa María” and “Cantigas de las
fiestas de Nuestro Señor Jesucristo.” The group of five miscellaneous
cantigas not found in the _códice escurialense_ contains two miracles
making a total of 353.
[28] The mysterious ceremony performed here is quite similar to the
incantations used when Amadís was being brought out from under the
spell of the enchanter Arcalaus by the strange and almost fairy-like
damsels. Cf. _Amadís de Gaula_, in _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_,
Vol. 40, p. 50, Madrid, 1880.
[29] As is so often the case with the writers of the Middle Ages, we
cannot always take our poet too literally, for in this poem he says:
“D’esto direi un miragre _que ui_” and only a few stanzas later in
describing the acts of the mother he says: “_A todos da capela fez
sayr_”. But doubtless since he was so closely related to the mother
concerned he did not consider “_que uí_” too strong a statement
especially when it fitted the meter and the rhyme.
[30] Nos. 37, 53, 81, 91, 93, 105, and 134.
[31] Nos. 223, 275, 319, 372, 393. Note that the miracles narrating
cures of leprosy are all (with the exception of No. 259 not mentioned
in the above note because the cure was not in response to prayer to the
Virgin) in the first half of the collection, while the cures of rabies
are all in the latter half.
[32] Francisco Guillén Robles, in _Leyendas Moriscas_, Madrid, 1885-6.
Vol. 1, p. 181 ff. cites this as a legend of eastern origin.
[33] Nos. 83, 106, 158, 176, 227, 291, 301, 325, 359, 363.
[34] This motif of the appearance of the heavenly host is well
developed in the second part of the _Primera Crónica General_ in the
account of the battle with Abenhut, in which Alfonso himself took part,
p. 727 and also in the later work, _La Gran Conquista del Ultramar_, p.
321, _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, Vol. 44, Madrid, 1880, which
belongs to the period of Alfonso’s successor.
[35] See Allan Menzie, _History of Religion_, New York, 1913, p. 66 ff.
[36] Nos. 43, 44, 118, 166, 167, 176, 177, 178, 232, 247, 298, 333,
352, 357, 366, 375, 376, 382, 385.
[37] Nos. 171, 172, 197, 398, etc.
[38] In Nos. 272 and 162 are found similar instances of the mysterious
movement of objects, only here it is an image of the Virgin that
changes its location.
[39] This spider motif is the dominant feature in Nos. 222 and 225. In
the former the Capellán of La Señora de Achela was saying mass when
just as he raised the sacred cup to his lips he saw a big spider fall
into the wine. He hesitated for a moment not knowing what to do for
under no circumstances can the ceremony of Mass be interrupted. Only a
moment did he pause, then trusting in the Virgin he drank it, spider
and all. The prioress learning of it ordered him to be bled. As the
surgeon’s lance pierced the arm not blood but the spider, alive, came
out and the clergyman was unharmed. No. 225, probably simply a variant,
differs in that after drinking it the spider moved about between the
skin and the flesh while the poor man implored relief thru divine aid.
Finally, one day while in the sun the spider passed from the back and
breast to his arm and after much of scratching came out under the nail.
[40] See p. 40.
[41] The Italics are mine.
[42] The Italics are mine.
[43] 1-4-124.
[44] A still fuller definition is as follows: 1-4-123.
“Natura es fecho de Dios, et él es el señor et el facedor della: onde
todo lo que puede ser fecho por natura fácelo Dios, et demas otras
cosas á que non comple el poder della. Ca nature non puede dexar nin
desviarse de obrar segunt la órden cierta quel puso Dios porque obrase
asi como facer noche et dia, et frio et calentura: otrosi que los
tiempos non recudan á sus sazones segun el movemiento cierto del cielo
et de las estrellas en quien puso Dios poder de ordenar la natura,
nin puede facer otrosi que lo pesado non decenda, et lo liviano non
suba. Et desto dixo Aristótiles que la natura non se face a obrar en
contrario: et esto tanto quiera decir como que siempre guarda una
manera et una órden cierta por que obra. Otrosi non puede facer algo de
nada, mas todo lo que se face por ella conviene que se faga de alguna
cosa, asi como un elemento dotro ó de todos los quatro elementos, de
que se engendran todas las cosas naturales et compuestas; mas Dios face
todo esto, et puede facer demas contra este ordenamiento, asi como
facer que el sol que nace al oriente et va á occidente, que se torna
á oriente por aquella mesma carrera ante que se ponga, segunt fizo
por ruego de Ezequias quando tornó el sol quince grados atras. Et aun
puede facer eclipse estando el sol et la luna en oposición, así como
fue el dia de la pasion de Iesu Cristo: et puede facer del muerto vivo,
et del que nunca vió que vea, asi como quando resucitó a Lázaro et
fizo ver al que nació ciego. Otrosi puede facer las cosas de nimigaja
(_sic_) asi como fizo el mundo et los ángeles, et los cielos et las
estrellas, que non fueron fechos de elementos nin de otra materia,
et face cada día las almas de entendimiento que son en los homes. Et
este poder es apartadamiente de Dios; et quando obra por él á lo que
dícenle miraglo, porque quando acaesce es cosa maravillosa a las gentes
et esto es porque los homes caten todavía los fechos de natura. Et por
onde quando alguna cosa se face contra ella maravillanse onde viene,
mayormiente quando acaesce pocas veces; ca estonces han de maravillarse
como de cosa nueva et extraña. Et desto fabló el Sabio con razon et
dixo, miraglo es cosa que vemos, mas non sabemos onde viene: et esto se
entiende quanto al pueble comunalmiente: mas los sabios et entendudos
bien entienden que la cosa que non puede facer natura nin artificio de
home, del poder de Dios viene solamente et non de otri.”
[45] This legend of flowers being found in the mouth of the dead was
quite common in the Middle Ages as was also that of the body of a dead
person giving off delightful odors. This miracle is quite similar to
that to be found en Berceo’s _Milagros de Nuestra Señora_ No. 3.
[46] It is interesting to compare this journey with the discussion of
Sr. Asin of the various legends of journeys to Hell and also maritime
journeys of the early Middle Ages. _Escatología musulmana en la “Divina
Comedia”_, p. 229 ff.
[47] This is very similar to the account in the _Primera Crónica
General_, p. 252 column b, line 42. (Hereafter such references will be
indicated in the usual manner thus: _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 252 b 42.)
Here, however, the scene is in Africa and, after losing his tongue, the
bishop could sing and preach louder and more clearly than ever before.
The heretics who ridiculed him were, in this instance, the ones who
lost the power of speech.
[48] See table on p. 136 for numbers.
[49] A candle with healing power is mentioned in No. 259. St. Mary
appeared to two men just before a duel and told them to go to her
church at Arras. There she appeared to them again and inspired them
with the spirit of forgiveness. She also gave them a taper that would
cure leprosy. A bishop hearing of this wonderful instrument, took it
and because of that contracted the disease; they, with the aid of the
candle cured him, discovering that only in their hands did it have any
effect.
[50] This peculiar use of the term “gentile” meaning “non-Christian” is
quite common in the literature of the period.
[51] There is some similarity between this one and No. 259 summarized
on p. 71, note 7.
[52] In the _Crónica_ the knight is the son of Fernán González and the
Virgin sends “un ángel”. Otherwise the story is the same tho told in
greater detail.
[53] According to the laws the only ordeal allowed was that of combat
and that was only encouraged between knights (_Partidas_ 7-6-1). In
speaking of ordeals in general the law reads: _Partidas_ 3-14-8.
Et hay otra que se face por fama, ó por leyes ó por derechos que las
partes muestran en juicio para averiguar et veneer sus pleytos asi
como delante mostraremos: et aun acostumbraron antiguamente et _úsanlo
hoy en día_, otra manera de prueba, asi como por lid de caballeros ó
de peones que se face en razon de riepto ó de otra manera: et como
quier que en algunas tierras hayan (_sic_) esto por costumbre, pero
los sabios antiguos que ficieron las leyes non lo tuvieron por derecha
prueba: et esto por dos razones; la una porque muchas vegadas acaesce
que en tales lides pierde la verdat et vence la mentira: la otra porque
aquel que ha voluntad de se aventurar á esta prueba semeja que quiere
tentar a Dios Nuestro Señor, que es cosa que él defendió por su palabra
allí do dixo: ve a riedro satanas, non tentarás a Dios tu señor.--(The
Italics are mine).
See also “Ordeal” in Hastings _Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics_,
Vol. IX, page 508.
[54] In Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_ No. 20, we find the same
legend, but here the Devil takes the form of a bull, _a dog_ and a
lion. The Virgin takes the priest home and puts him to bed and then
bids him go to confession next morning and do penance.
[55] According to the law it was forbidden to make effigies while
trying to produce or break the spell of love. _Partidas_ 7-23-2.
[56] The conception of wounding an image is developed further in the
_Prim. Crón. Gral_. p. 258 a 52, where a Jew for spite enters a church
and wounds the image with his knife and then, hiding it under his
mantle, makes his way home, where he further mutilates it. When he
reaches home he finds the mantle wet with blood but he does not notice
that it has dripped on the ground, thus leaving his traces. When the
Christians meet at the church they miss the image and trace it by its
blood. When the Jew is found, due punishment is meted out to him.
[57] Compare this with the story of Jesus walking through the midst
of the crowd that had gathered to throw him over the precipice (Luke
4:28-30).
[58] Los Tres Reyes Magos.
[59] Probably that containing the first one hnndred _Cantigas_. See p.
30, note 4.
[60] For a further study of conjuring, and the power of the names of
the Deity see p. 113 ff.
[61] According to _Las Siete Partidas_, it was prohibited to bury in
holy ground those who died in tournaments, for the Church forbade such
pastimes. _Partidas_, 1-13-10.
[62] Physicians were forbidden to give medicine until after confession
under penalty of excommunication, because illness, it was claimed, was
often due to sin. _Partidas_, 1-4-83.
[63] In these three chapters, as stated above, I have summarized only
a sufficient number of the miracles of this collection to illustrate
the various types of supernatural phenomena presented. Some of the
incidents, altho closely connected with Saint Mary, better illustrate
some other phase of this study (such as the character of the Devil, the
power of the Host, conjuring, etc.), and when this is the case they
have been used in their appropriate place.
[64] Et quanto en síse todas las criaturas fizo buenas, mas cayeron
algunas dellas en yerro; las unas por si mesmas, asi como el diablo se
perdió por su orgullo et por su soberbia, et los otros por consejo de
otri, asi como Adan, etc. _Partidas_, 1-3.--Introduction p. 38.
[65] “Cerca de las eglesias tovieron por bien los santos padres que
fuesen las sepolturas de los cristianos, et esto por quatro razones:
... la quarta porque los diablos non han poder de se allegar tanto á
los cuarpos de los muertos que son soterrados en los cementerios como á
los que yacen de fuera:” _Partidas_ 1-13-2.
[66] See conjuring, p. 113.
[67] p. 266. For a further discussion see “Visions”, p. 107.
[68] _Las Cantigas_ No. 26, See also Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra
Señora_, VIII.
[69] _Las Cantigas_, No. 3. Berceo: _Los Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_,
No. 24, varies from this slightly.
[70] _Idem_ No. 216. Very interesting for its details is the devil-pact
story in _El Arcipreste de Hita_, 1454 ff.
[71] p. 206.
[72] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 212.
[73] See p. 63.
[74] In _El Libro de Alejandro_ is a vivid description, 2180 ff. which
was doubtless known by Alfonso. See also Sr. Miguel Asín Palacios’
_La Escatología Musulmana en La Divina Comedia_, Madrid, 1919, for a
discussion of the Mohammedan legends of Inferno and their influence on
Europe in general and Spain and Italy in particular.
[75] See the laws cited under p. 101.
[76] The best example of enchantment in Castillian prior to Alfonso is
Berceo’s _Miraglos de Nuestra Señora_, XXIV, _Biblioteca de Autores
Españoles_, Vol. 57. Madrid, 1883. In _El Libro de Alejandro_ are to
be found enchanted fountains, 1331 ff., enchanted armor, 615 ff.,
enchanted persons, 678 ff., and the magic knot no one can untie, 787
ff. See Samuel M. Waxman, _Chapters in Spanish Magic_, New York, 1916,
for a study of this subject in the period immediately following Alfonso.
[77] La légende des infants de Lara, Paris, 1898, p. 5-6. (Extract from
_Journal des savants_, mai et juin, 1898.)
[78] See note 6, p. 101.
[79] _Prim. Crón. Gral._ 120 b 30.
[80] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 115 a 39 ff.
[81] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 111 a 51-53.
[82] _Partidas_, 7-9-17. The very interesting Título _De los adevinos
et de los encantadores_ is as follows:
TITULO XXIII
_De los Agoreros, et de los Sorteros, et de los otros Adevinos, et de
los Hechiceros et de los Truhanes._
Adevinar las cosas que son por venir cobdician los homes naturalmente
et porque algunos dellos prueban esto en manera que yerran ellos et
meten á otros muchos en yerro, por ende pues que en el título ante
deste fablamos de los alcahuetes que facen errar á los homes et á las
mugeres en muchas maneras, queremos aqui decir otrosi destos que son
muy dañosos á la tierra: et mostraremos qué quiere decir adevinanza: et
quántas maneras son della: et quién puede acusar a los facedores della:
et ante quién: et qué pena merescen los que se trabajan a obrar della
como non deben.
LEY I
_Qué quiere decir Adevinanza, et quántas maneres son della._
Adevinanza tanto quiere decir como querer tomar poder de Dios para
saber las cosas que son por venir. Et son dos maneras de adevinanza:
la primera es la que se face por arte de astronomía, que es una de
las siete artes liberales: et esta segunt el fuero de las leyes non
es defendida de usar á los que son ende maestros et la entienden
verdaderamente, porque los juicios et los asmamientos que se dan por
esta arte, son catados por el curso natural de los planetas et de las
otras estrellas, et tomados de los libros de Tolomeo et de los otros
sabidores que se trabajaron desta esciencia: mas los otros [sic] que
non son ende sabidores, non deben obrar por ella, como quier que se
puedan trabajar de aprenderla estudiando en los libros de los sabios.
La segunda manera de adevinanza es de los agoreros, et de los sorteros
et de los fechiceros que catan en aguero de aves, ó de estornudos ó de
palabras, a que llaman proverbio, ó echan suertes, ó catan en agua, ó
en cristal, ó en espejo, ó en espada ó en otra cosa luciente, ó facen
fechizos de metal ó de otra cosa qualquier, o adevinan en cabeza de
home muerto, ó de bestia, ó de perro, ó en palma de niño ó de muger
vírgen. Et estos truhanes atales et todos los otros semejantes dellos
porque son homes dañosos et engañadores, et nacen de sus fechos muy
grandes daños et malos á la tierra, defendemos que ninguno dellos non
more en nuestro señorio nin use hi destas cosas: et otrosi que ninguno
non sea osado de acogerlos en sus casas nin de encobrirlos.
LEY II
_De los que escantan (encantan?) los Espíritus Malos ó facen imágines ó
otros fechizos, ó dan yerbas para enamoramiento de los homes et de las
mugeres._
Nigromancia dicen en Latin á un saber estraño que es para escantar
los espíritus malos. Et porque de los homes que se trabajan á facer
esto viene muy grant daño á la tierra et señaladamente á los que los
creen et les demandan alguna cosa en esa razón, acaesciéndoles muchas
ocasiones por el espanto que reciben andando de noche buscando estas
cosas atales en los lugares extraños, de manera que algunos dellos
mueren, ó fincan locos o demuniados; por ende defendemos que ninguno
non sea osado de trabajarse de usar tal nemiga como esta, porque es
cosa que pesa á Dios et viene ende muy grant daño a los homes. Otrosi
defendemos que ninguno non sea osado de facer imágines de cera, nin
de metal nin de otros fechizos malos para enamorar los homes con las
mugeres, nin para partir el amor que algunos hobiesen entre sí. Et aun
defendemos que ninguno non sea osado de dar yerbas nin brebage á home
ó á muger por razon de enamoramiento, porque acaesce a las vegadas que
destos brebages atales vienen a muerte los que los toman, ó han muy
grandes enfermedades de que fincan ocacionados para siempre.
LEY III
_Quién puede acusar á los Truhanes, et á los Baratadores sobredichos et
qué pena merescen._
Acusar pueda cada uno del pueblo delante del judgador á los agoreros,
et á los sorteros et á los otros baratadores de que fablamos en
las leyes deste título. Et si les fuere probado por testigos o
por conoscencia dellos mesmos que facen ó obran contra nuestro
defendimiento algunos de los yerros sobredichos, deben morir por ende:
et los que los encubieren en sus casas á sabiendas, deben seer echados
de la tierra para siempre. Pero los que ficiensen encantamientos ó
otras cosas con buena entención, asi como para sacas demonios de los
cuerpos de los homes o para deslegar a los que fuesen marido et muger
que non pudiesen convenir en uno, o para desatar nube que echase
granizo ó niebla porque non corrompiese los frutos de la tierra, ó para
langosta ó pulgon que daña el pan ó las viñas, ó por alguna otra cosa
provechosa semejante destas non debe haber pena, ante decimos que deben
rescebir gualardon por ello.
[83] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 97 b 26 ff.
[84] _Idem_, p. 55 a 4 ff.
[85] _Idem_, p. 274 b 22 ff. On page 307 b 4 is to be found Alfonso’s
version of the legend of the last king of the Goths which is as
follows: After opening the palace and finding the ark “el rey mando la
abrir, et non fallaron en ella sinon un panno en que estauan escriptas
letras ladinas que dizien assi: que quando aquellas cerraduras
fuessen crebantadas et ell arca et el palacio fuessen abiertos et
lo que y yazie fuesse uisto, que yentes de tal manera como en aquel
panno estauan pintadas que entrarien en Espanna et la conqueririen et
serien ende sennores. El rei quando aquello oyo, pesol mucho por que
el palacio fiziera abrir, e fizo cerrar ell arca et el palacio assi
como estauan de primero. En aquel palacio estauan pintados omnes de
caras et de parescer et de manera et de uestido assi como agora andan
los alaraues, e tenien sus cabecas cubiertas de tocas, et seyen en
cauallos, et los uestidos dellos eran de muchos colores, e tenian en
las manos espadas et ballestas et sennas alcadas. E el rey et los altos
omnes fueron mucho espandados por aquellas pinturas que uiran.”
For a detailed study of this legend see Juan Menéndez Pidal, _Leyendas
del último rey godo_.
[86] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 35 b 49 ff.
[87] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 164 a 13 ff.
[88] _Idem_, p. 98 a 8 ff.
[89] _Idem_, p. 107 a 40.
[90] _Partidas_, 1-10-10 and reads as follows:
“_Que non deben facer eglesia nin altar por sueño nin por antoianza de
ninguno._
Descubren o facen algunos homes engañosamente altares por los campos
o por las villas, diciendo que ha en aquellos lugares reliquias de
algunos santos asacando que facen miraglos; et por esta razon mueven
las gentes de muchas partes que vengan alli como en romeria por llevar
algo dellos: otros hi ha que por sueños o por vanas antoianzas que les
aparescen facen altares et las descubren en los lugares sobredichos:
... el obispo debe amonestar las gentes que non vayan a aquellos
lugares en romeria, fueras ende si fallasen hi ciertamente cuerpo ó
reliquias de algunt santo que hobiese hi fecho su morada, o fuese hi
martrizado.”
[91] Repetition will not be made here of what already has been said as
the characteristics of the visions in _Las Cantigas_, Cf. pages 66 ff.
[92] Asín, in _La Escatalogia Musulmana_, p. 287 ff., and Guillén
Robles in _Leyendas Moriscas_, Prólogo, Vol. I, discuss this type of
legends and their origins.
[93] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 276.
[94] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 253 b 24.
[95] _Idem_, p. 270 a 1.
[96] _Las Cantigas_ No. 292.
[97] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 279 b 1.
[98] _Idem_, p. 38 b 11.
[99] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 237 b 29.
[100] _Idem_, p. 195 a 16.
[101] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 266-274.
[102] Asín, in _Escatalogia Musulmana_, has made a careful study of
this and similar visions. See also the _Prólogo_ to Guillén Robles’,
_Leyendas Moriscas_, p. 66 ff.
[103] A summary of _Partidas_, 1-4-16.
[104] _Idem_, 1-6-11.
[105] _Idem_, 6-7-4.
[106] _Idem_, p. 1-4-49.
[107] _Partidas_, 1-4-38 and 39.
[108] _Idem_, 1-4-71.
[109] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, 189 ff. In _Las Cantigas_ No. 144 the scene
of the miracle is a bull ring. For a history of the bullfight in Spain
see Conde de las Navas, _Historia de las corridas de toros_.
[110] See p. 68.
[111] For the study of the ghost in the drama see C. E. Whitmore, _The
Supernatural in Tragedy_, Cambridge. Harvard University Press, 1915.
[112] Nos. 104, 128, 208, and 238.
[113] That is in No. 128.
[114] Nos. 12, 128, 133, 145, 149, 179, 211, 228, 234, 251, 293, 311,
322.
[115] _Partidas_, 1-4-104.
[116] _Partidas_, 1-4-105.
[117] This same motif of wishing to join the Child Jesus in heaven is
beautifully enlarged upon in No. 139. A Flemish woman takes her child
with her to ask guidance of the Virgin. On arriving before the shrine
the little fellow, who has been eating bread on the way, offers his
bread to the Child Jesus, saying, “Do you want some?” In answer to the
invitation the Christ Child replies “Tomorrow you will eat with me in
heaven.” No. 353 has many points of resemblance.
[118] _Partidas_, 1-6. Intro, p. 250.
[119] Antonio G. Solalinde, _General Estoria_ in _Antologia de Alfonso
X, el Sabio_, p. 201-202.
[120] _Prim. Crón. Gral._, p. 136-b-21.
[121] _Idem_, p. 108 ff.
[122] _Idem_, p. 235 a 3 ff.
[123] Solalinde, _Antologia de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 262.
[124] Solalinde, _Antologia de Alfonso X, el Sabio_, p. 264-65. In
the _Libro de Alejandro_ we find the mysterious bird continually
being burned in its nest only to be revived again when half consumed,
line 2311, as well as the hen that ceases to lay the golden eggs when
Alejandro is born, because they would be no longer needed to pay
tribute, line 130. There are also the two “grifos” which carry him thru
the air all over Asia, Africa, and Europe (lines 2333 ff.).
In the second part of the _Primera Crónica General_ the body of the
Cid, now _seven_ years dead, is said to draw its sword a palm’s breadth
when affronted by a Jew and never could the sword be forced back into
its scabbard (p. 642 b 26).
[125] _Partidas_, 1-10-12, “Et non deben consagrar altar ninguno,
fueras ende el que fuere de piedra, _et quando lo consagren deben meter
en él algunas reliquias_”. (Italics are mine.)
[126] _Prim. Crón. Gral._ 161 b 30 ff.
[127] Dorothy Scarborough, _The Supernatural in Modern English
Fiction_, p. 175. The Italics in the quotation are mine.