THE TIMES AND CAREER OF MICHAEL THE BRAVE.
The state of society--Greater and lesser boyards--Taxation and
oppression of the peasantry--Immorality of the boyards--The
priesthood--Officers of State--Classes of peasantry--Rise of the
towns--The soldiery--Aggressions of Turks and Tartars--Michael the
Brave--His rise to power--Accession to the throne
(1594)--Remonstrances with the Porte--Alliance with Hungary and
Poland--Massacre of the Turks--Anecdote--Conspiracy against Michael
quelled--The Turks attacked and routed on the Danube--Invasion of
Wallachia by Achmed Pasha--His defeat--Michael swears fealty to
Sigismund of Transylvania--Second Turkish invasion by Sinan
Pasha--Determined stand of Michael at Giurgevo--Retreat of Michael
and battle of Kalugereni--Defeat of Sinan--Retreat of
Michael--Occupation of Wallachia by Sinan--Michael and his allies
take the offensive--Flight of Sinan and slaughter of the Turks at
Giurgevo--The Turks expelled--Peace in Wallachia--Intrigues of
Michael--Accession of Andreas Bathori--Invasion and conquest of
Transylvania by Michael--His triumph--Michael, Prince of
Transylvania--Further intrigues--Invasion and conquest of
Moldavia--Michael in the zenith of his power--Feud with the
nobles--Michael encounters them at Miriszlo--Their Austrian ally,
General Basta--Defeat and flight of Michael--Anecdote--Continued
misfortunes of Michael--Petitions the Emperor--Is permitted to
visit him--Recall of Sigismund Bathori--Michael reinstated by the
Emperor--Invades Transylvania in alliance with Basta--Defeat of the
nobles at Gorozlo--Quarrels of the victorious generals--Basta
determines to remove Michael--Employs a Walloon officer to
assassinate him--Michael murdered in his tent (1601)--Flight of his
boyards--The German Court refuses to reward Basta's treachery.
I.
As the state of the northern Danubian territories before the foundation
of the Principalities has been compared by us to the present condition
of what is called Independent Tartary, and at a subsequent period to
that of the early Saxons, so in the reign of Michael the Brave
(1593-1601 A.D.) the state of society resembled that of England
under the Norman kings; indeed, there is a remarkably interesting
agreement in some of its phases. As in England there were greater and
lessor barons, so in Moldo-Wallachia there were greater and lesser
boyards. These seem to have possessed all the rapacity of our robber
barons, with but little of their _reputed_ chivalry. They oppressed the
peasantry, who since the time of Vlad the Impaler were to a large extent
serfs, with unbearable taxes, and endeavoured on all occasions to shift
the burdens of the State upon those whose shoulders were the least able
to bear them. One of these imposts was the poll-tax, similar to that
which gave rise to Wat. Tyler's riots in the time of Richard II., but
which, strange to say, still survives in Roumania, to the
dissatisfaction of all her right-minded citizens.
[Illustration: EQUESTRIAN STATUE MICHAEL THE BRAVE AT BUCAREST.
(FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY FRANZ DUSCHEK.)]
Besides the poll-tax, there was the 'Standard gift' (Poklon), which was
levied at the installation of the Voivode; the Easter present; the extra
tax (_ajutorita_), which was raised when the other taxes ran short.
Moreover, there were taxes in kind on malt, salt, fish, cattle, and
horses, payable to the prince. The landlord (boyard) was entitled to
land and pasturage tax, the tenth of the earth's productions, feudal
service, bee, pig, and sheep taxes, and in addition to these a rate was
levied upon bees, pigs, tobacco, wine, and sheep, for the benefit of the
prince.[138] Whilst these imposts and the extraordinary levies and
ravages of war often reduced the whole of the peasantry to the most
abject poverty, bordering on starvation, the boyards lived in
comparative ease, and led a life of immorality and self-indulgence.
Concubinage widely prevailed, and many boyards had, besides their
legitimate wife, ten or a dozen mistresses. They appear to have been
gradually growing in influence, and the greater boyards filled all the
chief offices of State as well as the leading military posts in the
districts. Personal distinctions existed also, the leading boyards being
allowed to wear long beards, a practice which was forbidden to the
lesser boyards.
Besides the boyards and their serfs there was hardly any native
population worth speaking of, and no middle class whatever; all trade
being in the hands of Greeks, Jews, and Armenians. There was, however, a
priesthood, who were as ignorant as the peasantry; indeed many of them
followed both occupations, the only exceptions being the metropolitan
and the higher clerics, who possessed considerable influence there as
elsewhere in the middle ages. The power of the prince had no definite
limits, and, with the exception of the counteracting influence of the
boyards, it was practically absolute. There was a council of twelve
boyards, whose signatures along with that of the prince were visually
appended to all important State documents.
In the time of Stephen (some writers say, at an earlier period), the
various offices of State were established, which were maintained down to
a recent date, both in Wallachia and Moldavia; and as it is impossible
for the reader to interest himself in any question bearing upon the past
history of the country without finding some mention made of one or other
of them, it may be useful here to enumerate a few of their titles.
1. The Ban of Craiova was Viceroy of Little Wallachia, and his authority
reached back, in all probability, to the foundation of the principality.
2. The Vel-Vornic, or Minister of the Interior, was Governor of the
Carpathians and of the neighbouring districts. 3. The Great Vornic was
governor of the lowlands. 4. The Logothet, or Chancellor, was Minister
of Justice. 5. The Great Spathar was Minister of War. 6. The Great
Vestiar, Treasurer and Master of the Robes. 7. The Great Postelnik,
Master of the Post. 8. The Paharnic, chief butler and cup-bearer (this
was a title of Hungarian origin). 9. The Great Stolnik, chief cook. 10.
The Great Comis, Master of the Horse. 11. The Aga, Chief of Police. 12.
Great Pitar, Inspector of Commissariat. 13. Serdar, general of infantry
of three districts (3,000 men). In Moldavia the Spathar was called the
Hettman; in both principalities there were minor offices, and in
Stephen's time the first six only formed the Council of Ministers.[139]
Although, as we have said, the peasantry were chiefly serfs, there were
differences in their condition. The chief body were called Scutelnici,
and the peasantry generally were divided into two classes, those who
possessed land of their own, and those who worked on the estates of the
prince, the boyards, or the monasteries. Part of the latter were free to
move about in search of employment, and the rest were absolutely serfs
attached to the soil; the term of service in every case was fixed at
forty-eight days in the year. The towns were growing in importance, the
capital being Tirgovistea, but Bucarest (to which place Constantine
Brancovano transferred his capital about a century later) was already an
important place, owing chiefly to its situation. Another town or large
village was Curtea d'Ardges. But the Wallachian Voivodes shifted their
'capital' as it suited their pleasure, and the removal in those days was
probably not a very onerous undertaking. It appears that Vlad Dracul
(the Devil) preferred Tirgovistea, whilst another Voivode, Michna,
favoured Ardges.[140] Other towns of note Craiova, Ploiesti, Buzeu, and
two or three ports on the Danube. In Moldavia, Iasi, Suceava, and Roman
were the chief towns. The government of the towns was carried on by a
burgomaster, or mayor, a prefect, and a council of twelve citizens.
The army was very heterogeneous both as regarded its nationalities and
its armament. It was then, or perhaps at a somewhat later period,
divided into three sections, the regular army,[141] the militia, and the
landsturm, the last-named being without pay and only called out in times
of great danger, and it consisted mainly of the servants and slaves of
the boyards. The arms of the regular soldiers were originally, as in
this country, bows and arrows and lances, but in Michael's time there
were already musketeers and primitive artillery. Besides the native
soldiery there were mercenaries, namely, Hungarians, Szeklers, Poles,
Cossacks, Servians, Bulgarians, Albanians, cavalry as well as infantry.
The whole country was at that time divided into military districts
answering to the present Judeztu or departments, each district being
under the control of a captain who united military, administrative, and
judicial power in his own person. The names of most of the districts
remain unchanged to the present day.
To this account of the state of Moldo-Wallachia it is only necessary to
add that in time of war, and that was the normal condition, the people
were subjected to terrible privations. When an army advanced, the
peasantry were laid under contributions for the troops; when it fled
before the enemy, everything was burned or destroyed in its retreat, so
that the pursuing force might be checked for want of supplies.
Schools for the people there were none, and all the knowledge that
existed was confined within the walls of the monasteries, which were,
however, numerous and well endowed. At no period of its history was
Wallachia in such a deplorable condition as when Michael ascended the
throne. Besides possessing the suzerainty of the principality the Turks
completely occupied the whole southern bank of the Danube, along with
some posts and what is known as Temesvar, on the northern side. The
Transylvanian slopes of the Carpathians and the country beyond were a
fief of the German, or, as it was called, the Roman Empire, over which
at that time Rudolph II. reigned, whilst the territory north of Moldavia
formed part of Poland. But although Wallachia was nominally autonomous,
and was allowed to choose its own rulers, it was in reality an oppressed
province of Turkey. The treaties had been completely set at defiance.
Mosques had been erected and houses built by Turkish residents, contrary
to the stipulations of the Treaty of Nicopolis, with the connivance of
the voivodes, who, as we have said, were raised up and deposed as it
suited the greed or policy of the Porte. Their fortresses and garrisons
on the Danube served as centres from which the Ottomans made raids into
Wallachian territory, spreading desolation far and wide, and in addition
to this scourge the suffering inhabitants had from time to time hostile
visits from the Tartars. Hordes of these savages were in alliance with
the Turks against Hungary, and it was not unusual for them to deviate
from their route, fall into the plains of Wallachia, and renew the
scenes of rapine and outrage which had characterised the passage of the
Eastern barbarians.
Michael, who was probably the posthumous son of a former voivode of
Wallachia called Petraschko, was born about the year 1558, and in 1583
he married the widow of a boyard, by whom he had at least one, if not
two sons, and a daughter. He occupied several honourable positions in
the State, and was Ban of Craiova before he ascended the throne of
Wallachia. This step he accomplished through intrigues at Constantinople
with the aid of his father-in-law, whereby he succeeded in deposing his
predecessor Alexander. Some marvellous tales are told concerning the
hairbreadth escapes of Michael in his struggles for the ascendency, one
being that, when he was captured by Alexander and ordered for execution,
the headsman was so terrified at the majesty of his countenance that he
dropped the axe and fled, and no one else was to be found willing to
undertake the odious duty. Be that as it may, he succeeded eventually in
removing his rival, and mounted the throne of Wallachia in 1593. For
some time after his accession Michael addressed remonstrances to his
suzerain at Constantinople concerning the lawless proceedings of the
Turkish and Tartar soldiery, but, finding these to be of no avail, he
sought the alliance of Sigismund, Prince of Siebenbuergen[142]
(Transylvania), and Aaron, Voivode of Moldavia, and determined to rid
his country of the oppressors. Aaron of Moldavia, it should be added,
was a feeble prince, who would not have joined Michael but for the
circumstance that, having been attacked and defeated by the Poles, he
was compelled to seek refuge at Michael's court. After the alliance
between the three princes was completed the first blow was struck for
independence, and on November 12 or 13, 1594, all Turks who were found
in Bucarest or Jassy were slaughtered without mercy. Michael is said to
have invited a large number of true believers, who were pressing for the
settlement of unlawful claims, to meet him in a khan in Bucarest, and
when they were assembled he had them all put to the sword, and this was
the signal for a massacre throughout the Principalities. A few Turks
escaped through the humanity or friendship of private individuals, and
one instance of this is specially recorded. The Cadi of Giurgevo, who
happened to be at Bucarest, was walking out on the morning of November
13, when he was stopped by a Wallachian friend who said,
'Ali-Gian-Hogea, how many years have I eaten of thy bread and salt?'
'About twenty years,' answered the Turk. 'Well, then,' said his friend,
'out of gratitude I will give thee a word of counsel.' 'Speak,' said
Ali. 'Do not stay in this city until three or four o'clock; neither
remain in Giurgevo, but hasten thee as speedily as possible to Rustchuk'
(on the opposite bank of the Danube). 'But wherefore?' enquired the
Turk. The Wallachian walked away, but, turning round and seeing his
friend still undecided, he called out: 'Forget not what I have told
thee!' Wandering on in the city, the Turk could not help noticing
greater activity than usual in the streets; suspecting mischief, but
without saying a word to any person, he ordered his horses to be
harnessed and fled to Giurgevo. The interior of Wallachia having been
thus cleared of the Turks, Michael proceeded to attack their positions
on the Danube. First he stormed Giurgevo and compelled the Turks to
leave it, some crossing over the Danube, and others taking refuge in the
fortress which was situated on an island in the river; but this latter
he was unable to capture, as troops, ammunition, and provisions were
sent into it from the Bulgarian side. Content, therefore, with his
victory, he retired to Bucarest.
[Footnote 138: Teutschlaender, from whose excellent little treatise,
_Michael der Tapfere_ (Wien, C. Graeser, 1879), these details are taken,
mentions many customs as existing in the time of Michael which were in
all probability only introduced at a later period. The tobacco-tax is
clearly one of them.]
[Footnote 139: The reader will find full accounts of the officials and
their various duties, as well as a description of the investiture of the
princes, in Raicevich, p. 62. In Wilkinson, p. 55, he will find that in
his day there had been a great multiplication of the offices; there were
second and third Logothets, second and third Vestiars, &c.]
[Footnote 140: Reissenberger, p. 39, in part quoting Engel.]
[Footnote 141: Some modern Roumanian historians affirm that Mircea
already had a regular army, but Roesler and others treat the assertion
with ridicule. As to Michael, the reader will judge for himself whether
or not it would have been possible to accomplish what he did without a
disciplined force.]
[Footnote 142: Siebenbuergen was so called from seven forts erected
there.]
II.
Shortly afterwards a conspiracy against Michael was set on foot by
adherents of the Turks, and under the pretence of desiring simply to
march through the country, a Turkish Emir, with two thousand men,
entered Bucarest. Michael, who know of the conspiracy, made a pretence
of acquiescence in this movement, but shortly afterwards withdrew
quietly to the camp of the allies, and returning with a sufficient force
surrounded the house of the chief conspirator, in which the Emir and his
escort were quartered, and put them to the sword. The fury of his troops
was unbridled, and no quarter was given, the last of the enemy being
put to death. But Michael did not stop here. In order to protect
Wallachia from Turkish inroads, he determined to clear both banks of the
Danube of their garrisons. With this view he sent the noted and
successful Transylvanian general, Albert Kiraly, with a sufficient
force, who took, plundered, and burned the Turkish town at the mouth of
the Jalomitza, where it falls into the Danube. The fortress, however, he
was obliged to leave in the hands of the Turks. Michael, following with
the remainder of the army, crossed the river itself and besieged
Oroschik (now Hirschova). This place was strongly reinforced by the
Turks, but after an obstinate battle, which was fought partly on the
frozen waters of the Danube, the allies were victorious, and retired
across the river with an immense booty.
Shortly afterwards he moved up the river to Silistria, where he a second
time encountered the Turks, gained a victory, and reduced the place to
ashes. These victories of Michael struck terror into the rulers at
Constantinople, and an Ottoman army, under Achmed Pasha, was sent to
Rustchuk, whilst the Khan of the Crimea, an ally of the Turks, was
ordered to enter Wallachia from the east, the Porte hoping by these
vigorous measures to reduce its rebellious vassal to submission. The
Turks did not, however, know of what material Michael was made. Dividing
his army into two parts, he succeeded, by the rapidity of his movements,
not only in keeping the allies asunder, but in completely routing both.
The Tartars were twice defeated, and their fugitives spread terror
amongst the Ottoman forces. Michael next gave the Turks battle at
Rustchuk with his whole force, defeated and dispersed them, and slew
their general. After these exploits he returned in triumph and with
great booty to Bucarest.
Without, however, resting long under his laurels, he once more divided
his army into several detachments, which, under different generals,
marched once more to the Danube, the result being that the allied
princes of Wallachia and Moldavia were soon able to report to Prince
Sigismund that both banks of the Danube eastward to the Black Sea had
been swept clear of the Ottoman forces.
III.
But Michael's troubles were far from terminated by these victories.
Before securing the co-operation of the Prince of Siebenbuergen, he had,
with a duplicity which characterised his whole career, agreed to
acknowledge Sigismund as his suzerain, his object being to free himself
from Turkish rule and then assume independent power. But the
Transylvanians were not to be so easily disposed of, and after the
victories over the Turks they in their turn demanded homage from the two
Voivodes, and backed their claim by an irresistible force. The Voivode
of Moldavia was seized and imprisoned, and Michael, deeming prudence the
better part of valour, submitted to the terms which were dictated to
him. These were in appearance worse even than the Turkish
'capitulations,' but, as they were never kept, it is unnecessary to
mention them. Sigismund assumed the title 'By the grace of God, Prince
of Siebenbuergen, of Moldavia and Wallachia, and of the Holy Roman
Empire, &c.' (he in his turn being the vassal of the German Emperor),
whilst Michael was denied the claim to divine right, was restricted in
his princely powers, and was addressed as 'Dominus Michael Voivoda regni
nostri Transalpinensis.' He was not permitted to employ the national
seal, but was allowed the use of red wax.
Perhaps it was well for Michael that he submitted to these humiliating
conditions at the hands of his ally, or his reign might have been even
shorter than it was, for the Turk was again at his gates with an
overwhelming army. The Sultan Murad III. was dead, January 1595, and was
succeeded by Mahommed III.; nineteen brothers, we are told, having been
slaughtered to obviate dissensions, a custom which is still followed, as
the reader is doubtless aware, in certain oriental realms. Shortly after
his accession, the Porte again proceeded to assume the sovereignty of
the Principalities, and an army variously estimated from 100,000 to
180,000 men, under Sinan Pasha, was concentrated at Rustchuk to take
possession of the provinces. Michael was at the time able to collect
only 8,000 men, for the Transylvanian troops had been withdrawn, but his
encounter with the overwhelming Turkish force arrayed against him on
this occasion undoubtedly presents the most brilliant phase of his
remarkable career. Marching rapidly to Giurgevo with his handful of men,
he managed to detain the Turkish army for weeks on the south side of the
Danube, destroying their bridges and preventing them from crossing the
river. Turned at length by a Turkish detachment, which had succeeded in
crossing at a point above Giurgevo, he was compelled to withdraw to a
village about halfway towards Bucarest. His little army had been
strengthened by an accession of Transylvanian and Moldavian troops, the
former under brave Albert Kiraly, but even then it barely numbered
16,000, whilst the army of Sinan Pasha must have been at least six times
as strong. Kalugereni, the village at which this stand was made, is
still to be found on the maps, on the line of railway from Giurgevo to
Bucarest; and it only differed from Thermopylae in the fact that the
enemy was not alone checked in his career, but for the time the little
army of Roumanians and their allies were completely victorious.
Nothing could have exceeded the astonishment of Sinan Pasha when he
found Michael ready to give him battle with his handful of patriots; but
as he proceeded to make his dispositions for the onslaught, he found
that his adversary possessed in his favourable position much to
compensate him for his inferior numbers. The nature of the ground was
such that Sinan could not employ the whole, nor even the major part, of
his forces, and Michael and his allies were protected by a morass and
river, which rendered it necessary for the Turks to concentrate their
whole attack upon a single road and bridge crossing the latter. At this
bridge the battle was practically fought. Michael and his forces for a
long time sustained the attack of the Ottomans, who had posted their
guns so as to commit havoc in the ranks of the allies, until these,
fighting hand to hand, were obliged to retreat. The Turks followed and
had made sure of their victory, when Albert Kiraly succeeded in bringing
two guns into a favourable position, and by a flank fire threw the enemy
into confusion. Of this circumstance Michael availed himself once more
to renew the attack, this time with the most happy results. The enemy
retreated in disorder over the bridge, and by the furious onslaught of
the allies his hosts were driven helter-skelter into the morass. On the
one hand Michael is said to have performed prodigies of valour, whilst
on the other Sinan Pasha, who fought with equal bravery, was unhorsed
and thrown into the bog, from which he only escaped with his life
through the fidelity of one of his followers, who was afterwards known
as the 'Marsher.' Michael recovered his own guns, which had been
captured early in the fight, as well as many of the enemy's, along with
a great booty comprising many Turkish standards, and including the
sacred standard of Mohammed, which was believed to be invincible. Thus
ended a struggle of which to this day Roumanians are proud, and which
they associate with the memory of their greatest hero. This battle was
fought and won at some indefinite date between August 13 and 26, 1595.
The rest of the campaign may be dismissed in a few sentences.
That Michael with his small force could draw no advantage from his
victory may be readily imagined; and, a council of war being held during
the night, a retreat was decided upon. Passing rapidly through Bucarest,
which was sacked by the Transylvanian troops in order that the Turks
might not profit by its treasures, the allies retired to Tirgovistea,
followed by the inhabitants on their route; and after a few days' rest
they proceeded to a village at the foot of the Carpathians to await
succour from Siebenbuergen. The Turkish commander, meanwhile, instead of
following them promptly, entered Bucarest at leisure, where he divided
his army into numerous detachments, to take possession of various parts
of the country and garrison fortresses, and spent his time in turning
churches into mosques and substituting the crescent for the cross. Then
he marched on, took possession of Tirgovistea, and sent a large force
to occupy Braila.
Meanwhile Sigismund had collected a powerful and well-disciplined army,
consisting of imperial troops and Transylvanians, and numbering 20,000
horse and 30,000 foot with 53 guns. With these he crossed the
Carpathians, and, joining Michael and Albert Kiraly, he resumed the
offensive against the Turks, driving them before him wherever he
encountered them. Sinan took fright, and retired to Bucarest.
Tirgovistea was recovered by the allies after three days' fighting, and
many guns were captured. Sinan continued to retire before the advancing
foe. Having set fire to the city and burned many churches, he hastily
withdrew to Giurgevo; and, thinking that the allies would enter
Bucarest, he is said to have left it mined ready for explosion. In this,
however, he was mistaken. Sigismund and Michael passed by Bucarest and
pursued him in all haste, arriving at Giurgevo whilst the Turkish army
was still crossing the river. Sinan had managed to reach the Bulgarian
side with a portion of his troops, but the rearguard was still at
Giurgevo, and a fight ensued in which the greater part of the Turkish
force was cut to pieces either on land or in their attempt to traverse
the stream. The Danube was reddened with the blood; 5,000 Turks are said
to have fallen, and 4,000 to 5,000 Christians to have been liberated
from their chains. The whole campaign is said to have cost the Turks
30,000 men and 150 large and small guns.
IV.
Having, with the aid of his allies, effectually freed his country from
external enemies, Michael had now a brief space of time for improving
its internal condition, for it is hardly necessary to say that these
desolating wars had reduced it to the very lowest stage of misery.
Fields were tilled, cattle imported from Transylvania, seed corn
distributed amongst the peasantry, and soon the face of the land assumed
a smiling aspect, and new towns and villages sprang from the ruins of
the old. Minor wars he had with the Tartars, and conspiracies were
formed against him and quelled. He was even accused of treachery against
his suzerain, whom, however, he managed to satisfy during a visit to
Weissenburg; and well would it have been for Michael and his country if
his ambition had not prompted him to over-estimate his powers, and if he
had been content to reign in peace over his own principality. But this
was not his policy. His victories had given him a high rank amongst the
powers of the Orient; and the changes which were taking place brought
him into communication with one and another, and favoured a scheme of
aggrandisement which, though it was for a time successful, eventuated in
his downfall and death.
Sigismund Bathori, weary of government, had abdicated in favour of his
brother, the Cardinal Andreas, with whom Michael had nothing in common,
and then it was (if not previously) that the latter began to nurse the
design of becoming the independent ruler over what had been ancient
Dacia, namely, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Siebenbuergen. With this view he
commenced negotiations with the Porte, which were eagerly welcomed; and
he also approached the German emperor, from whom he needed money to pay
his mercenary troops. Indeed, for the purpose of accomplishing his ends,
he at one and the same time did homage and acknowledged himself the
vassal of both powers. For a long time he temporised and contented
himself with strengthening and drilling his forces. At length taking
advantage of unfriendly relations which subsisted between Andreas
Bathori and the emperor, from whom he had succeeded in obtaining a
subsidy on the plea that he required it for his operations against the
Turks, who constantly threatened the Empire, Michael hastily assembled
his forces, and, against the warnings and wishes of his wife and some of
his more discreet counsellors, he crossed the Boza Pass in the
Carpathians in 1599, and proceeded to overrun Siebenbuergen, as he
professed, in the name and interests of his suzerain, the German
emperor.
After striking terror into the inhabitants of Transylvania by the
excesses of his troops, Michael's first step of any consequence on
entering the country was to appear before Kronstadt with his army and
demand its surrender. This was granted, and Michael deemed it politic
not to enter the city, but to march forward and get possession of other
towns, which yielded to him one after the other in rapid succession.
Andreas Bathori was staggered and perplexed by this sudden inroad into
his dominions, but when he became fully alive to the danger the whole
country was roused by the carrying round of the 'bloody sword.' He also
sent emissaries to induce Michael to return to his own country, but the
latter kept these in confinement until the conclusion of the campaign.
What made the matter more serious for Andreas was that a vast number of
discontented inhabitants and freebooters, lusting after plunder, had
joined the army of Michael, and had swelled it to the number of 25,000
men. A council of war was hastily called by Andreas, and after
considerable delay the Transylvanian army was collected at Hermanstadt.
Michael, not expecting serious opposition so soon, had recourse to
stratagem in order to gain time and deceive his enemy. To his shame be
it said that he sent emissaries to Andreas who were instructed to
represent the whole proceeding as an unfortunate mistake, and to express
Michael's regret at the excesses of his troops. All he wished, he said,
was a free passage through Siebenbuergen into Hungary, where he desired
to join his forces with those of the Empire against the Turks. And when
the cardinal sent him word that he must return to Wallachia with his
forces before he could consider their old friendship restored, Michael
carried his duplicity so far as to conclude a truce with the emissaries
and make a proposal to exchange hostages. The negotiations were,
however, in all probability insincere on both sides; and, after further
delay, the emissaries returned to their respective camps, and the
opposing armies met in hostile array upon a plain between Hermanstadt
and Schellenberg. Here each prince addressed his troops previous to the
encounter. Cardinal Andreas, divested of his clerical robes and fully
equipped and mounted, denounced Michael in the bitterest terms. His
brethren, he said, still herded sheep and pigs in Wallachia. He had
associated himself with robbers and with a miscellaneous rabble
collected from all parts to ruin the country. 'Be not afraid,' he added,
'of this nation of Sclaves, who, from time immemorial, have been
conquered subjects of the Hungarians, and who should be punished rather
with rods and blows than with the sword.' Thus, and much more in the
same strain, spake Andreas. Michael, on the other hand, spoke of his
enemy with contemptuous jocularity, as a mounted and perjured priest who
had allied himself with the Turks, the enemies of Christendom, whilst he
himself claimed to represent fidelity to Christianity and the Empire.
Moreover, he held out to his troops tho prospect of great booty if they
were victorious.
We shall not attempt to describe the engagement which followed. At the
very outset it declared itself to some extent in Michael's favour
through the desertion of one of the most influential leaders in
Andreas's army. It was chiefly a series of encounters between isolated
detachments of troops, and in many cases not only were men of the same
nation arrayed against each other, but the opposing forces were under
the leadership of near relatives. The first to yield, after a fierce and
protracted contest, was Andreas, who fled from the field believing the
battle to be lost. His brave generals, however, rallied his men, and to
a great extent retrieved the fortunes of the day. In fact they fought so
successfully that a portion of the Wallachian army, where Michael
himself was in command, took to flight, and for a time dragged its
leader along with it. The cowardice of Andreas prevented the
Transylvanian leaders from taking advantage of this turn in their
favour; and Michael, seeing that all was not lost, made strenuous
efforts to rally his troops. By threats, blows, and angry exclamations,
he at length succeeded in arresting the stampede, but it was not until
he had with his own sword run two fugitive captains through the body
that he was once more successful in leading his followers into the
field, and this time in effectually routing the enemy. This end was
facilitated by an event similar to the one which commenced the fight.
The Poles in Transylvanian service, seeing their leader flee, and
regarding his cause as lost, deserted in a body in order that they might
not lose their share of the booty.
This battle, which is called by some the battle of Schellenberg, and by
others of Hermanstadt, laid Transylvania at the feet of Michael.
Hermanstadt would have opened its gates to him, but instead of entering
it he marched onwards, and on November 1, 1599, he entered the capital,
Weissenburg, in triumph. On that occasion the magnificence of his
apparel and surroundings scarcely seems to have been consistent with his
reputation as a hardy warrior. We read of a white silk mantle
embroidered with gold lace; of buttons of precious stones; of a girdle,
in which was carried a scimetar rich in gold and rubies; and of his wife
and children being in similar state. One other feature is worthy of
mention. With booming of cannon, tolling of bells, sound of fife and
drum, and tramp of richly-caparisoned steeds was associated the
Wallachian national music performed by gipsies (Laoutari), an incident
which enables one who has even to-day heard their wild music to picture
to himself a vivid representation of the scene.
V.
Michael now assumed the direction of affairs in Transylvania,
notwithstanding that the German general, Basta, who had hoped to acquire
the government for himself, was present with an army to control his
action. Soon he heard of the capture and murder of Andreas Bathori, on
whose head he had set a price, by the peasantry of the mountains; and,
calling an assembly of the notables, he succeeded in securing their
adhesion to his viceroyalty. After long-protracted negotiations the
emperor, seeing that Michael was firmly installed in his government with
the consent of the Assembly of States, and finding him willing to submit
as a vassal of the German crown, accepted the situation, and permitted
him to do homage. This was done with great reluctance and in spite of
Papal remonstrances, as the murder of Cardinal Bathori had caused great
bitterness against Michael at Rome. As soon as the latter felt or deemed
his position in Siebenbuergen secure, he turned his arms against
Moldavia, with a view to depose Jeremiah Mogila, the reigning voivode,
and complete his incorporation of that country with the two over which
he already ruled. The manoeuvres of Michael were questionable previous
to his contest with Andreas; but now he excelled himself. In order to
obtain his ends, he threatened the emperor with an alliance with the
Turks, unless he gave him further supplies of money. The Porte he
pacified by receiving its envoys and doing homage. To the Pope he turned
for support against the infidel, but his only response was that Michael
should first adopt the true faith--he being, of course, a member of the
schismatic Greek Church; and just before entering Moldavia with his army
he had the effrontery, in order to throw Mogila off his guard, to
propose a marriage between his daughter and Mogila's son. Finally, in
order to secure the obedience of his subjects in Siebenbuergen during his
absence in Moldavia, he sent a large number of Transylvanian nobles to
his son in Wallachia, to be detained there as hostages until he had
accomplished his ends.
The King of Poland, who was in alliance with Moldavia, was aware of
Michael's schemes, and appealed to the emperor to check them; but
Michael, little heeding, collected a heterogeneous army, and in May,
A.D. 1600, he commenced his march into Moldavia, announcing it
as his intention to avenge the death of the late Voivode Stephen, who
had been murdered by Jeremiah Mogila. His passage across the Carpathians
was beset with difficulties, his army being often almost bare of
supplies; but, once in Moldavia, all yielded before his arms. Jeremiah
was at a wedding in fancied security, and had barely time to collect a
small army when Michael was upon him. A battle was fought near the
capital Suczava, which decided the fate of the principality. A great
part of Jeremiah's army deserted to Michael, who defeated his enemy
without difficulty, and obtained possession of Suczava. After remaining
for a short time in Moldavia, Jeremiah escaped to Poland, and succeeded
in raising the Poles in his support. These, however, were so terrified
at the successes of Michael's arms that they contented themselves with
sending an army to the frontier, and there standing on the defensive.
Michael won over the Moldavians by exempting them from taxation, and,
having placed the government in the hands of a military commission, he
turned his face towards Transylvania, and re-entered Weissenburg in
triumph, within two months of the day on which he had departed on his
mission of conquest.
VI.
The authority of Michael was readily recognised by the Transylvanian
States General, and with great misgiving by the Emperor Rudolph. He was
now at the pinnacle of his fame, styling himself, modestly enough,
Viceroy, but acting with the authority of a despotic ruler. Gold and
silver medals were struck in his honour, some of which are extant;
emissaries waited upon him from the German and other courts, and were
received in royal state.
From his effigy upon these medals, and from a portrait of him which was
painted subsequently, he appears to have been a man of striking presence
and somewhat stern aspect. His face was characterised by an aquiline
nose, a beard and moustache, and it is said to have been full of
expression.
Would that we could leave him at this triumphant stage of his career;
but that is impossible, for rapid and remarkable as was his ascent, his
fall and ruin were still more precipitate. Scarcely was he installed in
his threefold authority when his troubles commenced. He had never been
heartily accepted by his nobles, many of whom were ambitious and
self-seeking, and considered him in the light of a usurper. The nation
itself was composed of antagonistic races, Szeklers, Saxons, Hungarians,
&c., and where he pleased one race he displeased the other. The Poles,
too, were only watching their opportunity to disturb his government in
Moldavia. A rising at home, which Michael endeavoured to quell by the
execution of some of the leaders, soon became very formidable, and the
nobles assembled a considerable army of retainers and encamped at
Thorda. Michael endeavoured by various stratagems to get them into his
power, but failed to do so. General Basta, who was eager to be revenged
upon him for having kept him out of the viceroyalty of Siebenbuergen,
joined the Transylvanian army; and Michael, finding all his efforts at
pacification unavailing, at length encountered General Basta and the
nobles at Miriszlo, a village which the reader will still find marked on
the railway, between Karlsburg and Klausenburg. The position of Michael
was a very strong one, and, had he awaited the attack of his enemies,
the probability is that he would again have been victorious. But in
Basta he had a wily adversary. Finding it impossible to attack Michael
where he was encamped, he feigned a retreat, whereupon Michael, asking
contemptuously of his generals 'whither the Italian hound was fleeing,'
allowed his army to follow in disorderly pursuit. They were, however,
soon checked, and Michael was then obliged to give battle under far less
favourable conditions. His army was more numerous than that of his
enemy; but not only was the latter composed of seasoned troops, but it
was far better officered. The encounter was a fierce one, and it was
decided against Michael by a clever manoeuvre of Basta. One of his
generals noticed that Michael's artillery, which was so posted as to
harass the army of the allies, might be seized by a flank movement. He
sent three hundred musketeers, who succeeded in capturing the guns and
turning them upon Michael's forces. All was soon lost, and after vain
attempts to rally his men he at length yielded to the solicitations of
his officers and prepared to fly. His conduct on this occasion is
characteristic of the man. 'So he ordered the national flag to be
brought, which was made of white silk, and bore a device consisting of a
raven with a red cross in its beak upon a green field. This was torn
from the staff, and Michael hid it in his bosom. The officers followed
his example with the remaining ensigns. Then he gave spurs to his
horse, and with loosened rein, accompanied by his officers and some
Polish and other cavalry, took to flight. Had he waited a few minutes
longer, he would surely have been made prisoner.'[143] With the enemy at
his heels Michael reached the banks of the Naros river, and instead of
allowing himself to be ferried across he sprang into the waves on
horseback, and his faithful horse, which was of Turkish breed, landed
him safely on the other side. Here, filled with gratitude and affection
for the animal, and knowing that it was unable to carry him further, he
patted it on the neck, stroked its mane, kissed it, and let it run free
into the fields. To follow Michael's adventures after this terrible
defeat would be impossible. At first he took refuge in the Carpathians,
in the Fogaras mountains as they are called; he then returned, and,
joined by his son, succeeded for a short time in maintaining a foothold
in Transylvania. But threatened by Rudolph and by the Poles, he was glad
to escape into Wallachia.
Here he was again followed by the Poles, and, to complete his
perplexities, the Turks commenced making raids into his country. Once
more he was defeated by the former on the Telega river, near Ploiesti. A
brother of Jeremiah Mogila having been put upon the throne of Wallachia,
Michael found it necessary to take refuge in the Banate of Craiova, his
first seat of government. Then it was that he appealed for protection to
the German emperor, expressing his desire to present himself before him
to plead his own cause. Rudolph granted him a safe-conduct for himself
and a moderate following through Siebenbuergen, and Michael proceeded to
the German Court. Notwithstanding the safe-conduct, however, his journey
was fraught with peril. He was fired upon from castles, was followed by
hostile bands, and was at last only allowed to cross the river Theiss at
Tokay with a hundred men. He reached Vienna in safety on January 12,
1601, and was there prevented from proceeding to Prague, where the
Emperor was, by orders from the imperial court.
Shortly after this, however, the Transylvanian nobles, as faithless to
Rudolph, to whom they had sworn fealty, as they had been to Michael,
recalled Sigismund Bathori, and, without the sanction of the Emperor,
placed him on the throne of Siebenbuergen. Then it was that Rudolph found
it convenient to allow Michael to approach his person. The latter, on
his arrival, presented a petition embodying his defence which might have
been drawn by a special pleader, and which was accepted by the Emperor
as a justification of his proceedings. A complete reconciliation took
place between them, and Michael was formally re-appointed vicegerent of
Transylvania. A sufficiently well-appointed army and a large sum of
money were placed at his disposal, and he was requested to join with his
old enemy, General Basta, in dethroning Sigismund. An apparent
reconciliation took place between the two chiefs, Michael and Basta, and
they marched as allies into Siebenbuergen. Sigismund, finding that his
case with the Emperor was hopeless, and after, it is said, vainly
endeavouring by foul means to prevent the junction of Michael and Basta,
sought and obtained the aid of the Turks and Moldavians. That is to say,
the former would have sent him a contingent of troops had not Michael,
by means of forged letters, purporting to be signed by Sigismund, kept
them at a distance. The opposing forces met at Goroszlo near
Klausenburg, and after a hotly contested battle the Transylvanians were
defeated with terrible slaughter. Hardly, however, was the victory won
when jealousies and recriminations between the two generals followed.
Michael considered himself, as viceroy of Siebenbuergen, called upon to
manage the affairs of the country. Basta, smarting under the
disappointment of having failed to secure the viceroyalty, continued to
assume the position of commander-in-chief of the forces, and not only
interfered with the orders and wishes of Michael, but charged him with
various offences, the chief one being that he was again usurping the
supreme power. Believing that he would be safe in using this charge as a
justification for his acts, and that his removal would pave the way for
his own accession to the viceroyalty, Basta then determined to have
Michael assassinated. Knowing that it was his intention to proceed to
the Carpathians and liberate his family which had been kept there in
confinement, Basta sent a captain with three hundred Walloons to effect
his purpose. This man applied at Michael's tent for permission to
accompany him on his journey, and asked him to obtain the necessary
permission from Basta. Michael assented, whereupon the officer entered
the tent hastily, and, approaching the prince who was reposing,
addressed him as his prisoner. Michael exclaimed that he would not yield
himself alive, but before he could obtain possession of his sword to
defend himself, the officer had ran him through the body with his
halberd.[144] This foul deed was perpetrated between August 17 and
September 1, 1601, and it is said that the assassins struck off his head
and sword-hand with Michael's own sword. Afterwards they tortured and
assassinated his minister, a veteran of eighty years of age, and spread
such terror amongst the troops who had remained faithful to their
murdered prince, that his boyards and their followers took to flight and
sought refuge in Wallachia.
Thus fell Michael the Brave, rash, courageous, false, ambitious,
patriotic, the central figure in the past history of Roumania. Basta
sought to justify his act of treachery in a letter to the Emperor; but
whilst on the one hand the German court dared not quarrel with him in
the then condition of Transylvania, on the other hand they refused to
reward him for a deed of blood which has sent down his name with
execration to posterity.
[Footnote 143: Teutschlaender, p. 201.]
[Footnote 144: According to Vaillant and others there were two officers
each with 300 men, and Michael ran his sword through one of the
officers, but before he could withdraw it the other, called Bory, struck
him down with his halberd.]