CHAPTER IV.

"TRISTRAM SHANDY," VOLS. I. AND II.

(1759-1760.)

Hitherto we have had to construct our conception of Sterne out of

materials of more or less plausible conjecture. We are now at last

approaching the region of positive evidence, and henceforward, down

almost to the last scene of all, Sterne's doings will be chronicled,

and his character revealed, by one who happens, in this case, to be

the best of all possible biographers--the man himself. Not that such

records are by any means always the most trustworthy of evidence.

There are some men whose real character is never more effectually

concealed than in their correspondence. But it is not so with Sterne.

The careless, slipshod letters which Madame de Medalle "pitchforked"

into the book-market, rather than edited, are highly valuable as

pieces of autobiography. They are easy, naïve, and natural, rich in

simple self-disclosure in almost every page; and if they have more

to tell us about the man than the writer, they are yet not wanting

in instructive hints as to Sterne's methods of composition and his

theories of art.

It was in the year 1759 that the Vicar of Sutton and Prebendary of

York--already, no doubt, a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence

to many worthy people in the county--conceived the idea of astonishing

and scandalizing them still further after a new and original fashion.

His impulses to literary production were probably various, and not all

of them, or perhaps the strongest of them, of the artistic order. The

first and most urgent was, it may be suspected, the simplest and most

common of all such motive forces. Sterne, in all likelihood, was in

want of money. He was not, perhaps, under the actual instruction of

that _magister artium_ whom the Roman satirist has celebrated; for he

declared, indeed, afterwards, that "he wrote not to be fed, but to be

famous." But the context of the passage shows that he only meant to

deny any absolute compulsion to write for mere subsistence. Between

this sort of constraint and that gentler form of pressure which arises

from the wish to increase an income sufficient for one's needs, but

inadequate to one's desires, there is a considerable difference; and

to repudiate the one is not to disclaim the other. It is, at any

rate, certain that Sterne engaged at one time of his life in a rather

speculative sort of farming, and we have it from himself in a passage

in one of his letters, which may be jest, but reads more like

earnest, that it was his losses in this business that first turned his

attention to literature.[1] His thoughts once set in that direction,

his peculiar choice of subject and method of treatment are easily

comprehensible. Pantagruelic burlesque came to him, if not naturally,

at any rate by "second nature." He had a strong and sedulously

cultivated taste for Rabelaisian humour; his head was crammed with all

sorts of out-of-the-way learning constantly tickling his comic sense

by its very uselessness; he relished more keenly than any man the

solemn futilities of mediaeval doctors, and the pedantic indecencies

of casuist fathers; and, along with all these temptations to an

enterprise of the kind upon which he entered, he had been experiencing

a steady relaxation of deterrent restraints. He had fallen out with

his uncle some years since,[2] and the quarrel had freed him from at

least one influence making for clerical propriety of behaviour. His

incorrigible levities had probably lost him the countenance of most of

his more serious acquaintances; his satirical humour had as probably

gained him personal enemies not a few, and it may be that he had

gradually contracted something of that "naughty-boy" temper, as we

may call it, for which the deliberate and ostentatious repetition of

offences has an inexplicable charm. It seems clear, too, that, growth

for growth with this spirit of bravado, there had sprung up--in

somewhat incongruous companionship, perhaps--a certain sense of wrong.

Along with the impulse to give an additional shock to the prejudices

he had already offended, Sterne felt impelled to vindicate what he

considered the genuine moral worth underlying the indiscretions of the

offender. What, then, could better suit him than to compose a novel

in which he might give full play to his simious humour, startle more

hideously than ever his straighter-laced neighbours, defiantly defend

his own character, and caricature whatever eccentric figure in the

society around him might offer the most tempting butt for ridicule?

[Footnote 1: "I was once such a puppy myself," he writes to a certain

baronet whom he is attempting to discourage from speculative farming

of this sort, "and had my labour for my pains and two hundred pounds

out of pocket. Curse on farming! (I said). Let us see if the pen will

not succeed better than the spade."]

[Footnote 2: He himself, indeed, makes a particular point of this in

explaining his literary venture. "Now for your desire," he writes to

a correspondent in 1759, "of knowing the reason of my turning author?

why, truly I am tired of employing my brains for other people's

advantage. 'Tis a foolish sacrifice I have made for some years for an

ungrateful person."--_Letters_, i. 82.]

All the world knows how far he ultimately advanced beyond the

simplicity of the conception, and into what far higher regions of art

its execution led him. But I find no convincing reason for believing

that _Tristram Shandy_ had at the outset any more seriously artistic

purpose than this; and much indirect evidence that this, in fact, it

was.

The humorous figure of Mr. Shandy is, of course, the Cervantic centre

of the whole; and it was out of him and his crotchets that Sterne,

no doubt, intended from the first to draw the materials of that often

unsavoury fun which was to amuse the light-minded and scandalize the

demure. But it can hardly escape notice that the two most elaborate

portraits in Vol. I.--the admirable but very flatteringly idealized

sketch of the author himself in Yorick, and the Gilrayesque caricature

of Dr. Slop--are drawn with a distinctly polemical purpose, defensive

in the former case and offensive in the latter. On the other hand,

with the disappearance of Dr. Slop caricature of living persons

disappears also; while, after the famous description of Yorick's

death-bed, we meet with no more attempts at self-vindication. It

seems probable, therefore, that long before the first two volumes

were completed Sterne had discovered the artistic possibilities of

"My Uncle Toby" and "Corporal Trim," and had realized the full

potentialities of humour contained in the contrast between the

two brothers Shandy. The very work of sharpening and deepening the

outlines of this humorous antithesis, while it made the crack-brained

philosopher more and more of a burlesque unreality, continually added

new touches of life and nature to the lineaments of the simple-minded

soldier; and it was by this curious and half-accidental process that

there came to be added to the gallery of English fiction one of the

most perfect and delightful portraits that it possesses.

We know from internal evidence that _Tristram Shandy_ was begun in the

early days of 1759; and the first two volumes were probably completed

by about the middle of the year. "In the year 1760," writes Sterne, "I

went up to London to publish my two first volumes of _Shandy_." And it

is stated in a note to this passage, as cited in Scott's memoir, that

the first edition was published "the year before" in York. There is,

however, no direct proof that it was in the hands of the public before

the beginning of 1760, though it is possible that the date of its

publication may just have fallen within the year. But, at all

events, on the 1st of January, 1760, an advertisement in the _Public

Advertiser_ informed the world that "this day" was "published, printed

on superfine writing-paper, &c., _The Life and Opinions of Tristram

Shandy_. York. Printed for and sold by John Hinxham, Bookseller in

Stonegate." The great London publisher, Dodslecy, to whom the book

had been offered, and who had declined the venture, figures in the

advertisement as the principal London bookseller from whom it was

to be obtained. It seems that only a few copies were in the first

instance sent up to the London market; but they fell into good hands,

for there is evidence that _Tristram Shandy_ had attracted the notice

of at least one competent critic in the capital before the month of

January was out. But though the metropolitan success of the book

was destined to be delayed for still a month or two, in York it had

already created a _furore_ in more senses than one. For, in fact,

and no wonder, it had in many quarters given the deepest offence. Its

Rabelaisian license of incident and allusion was calculated to offend

the proprieties--the provincial proprieties especially--even in that

free-spoken age; and there was that in the book, moreover, which a

provincial society may be counted on to abominate, with a keener

if less disinterested abhorrence than any sins against decency. It

contained, or was supposed to contain, a broadly ludicrous caricature

of one well-known local physician; and an allusion, brief, indeed, and

covert, but highly scandalous, to a certain "droll foible" attributed

to another personage of much wider celebrity in the scientific

world. The victim in the latter case was no longer living; and this

circumstance brought upon Sterne a remonstrance from a correspondent,

to which he replied in a letter so characteristic in many respects as

to be worth quoting. His correspondent was a Dr. * * * * * (asterisks

for which it is now impossible to substitute letters); and the burden

of what seem to have been several communications in speech and writing

on the subject was the maxim, "De mortuis nil nisi bonum." With such

seriousness and severity had his correspondent dwelt upon this adage,

that "at length," writes Sterne, "you have made me as serious and as

severe as yourself; but, that the humours you have stirred up might

not work too potently within me, I have waited four days to cool

myself before I could set pen to paper to answer you." And thus he

sets forth the results of his four days' deliberation:

"'De mortuis nil nisi bonum.' I declare I have considered the wisdom

and foundation of it over and over again as dispassionately and

charitably as a good Christian can, and, after all, I can find nothing

in it, or make more of it than a nonsensical lullaby of some nurse,

put into Latin by some pedant, to be chanted by some hypocrite to the

end of the world for the consolation of departing lechers. 'Tis, I

own, Latin, and I think that is all the weight it has, for, in plain

English, 'tis a loose and futile position below a dispute. 'You are

not to speak anything of the dead but what is good.' Why so? Who

says so? Neither reason nor Scripture. Inspired authors have done

otherwise, and reason and common sense tell me that, if the characters

of past ages and men are to be drawn at all, they are to be drawn like

themselves, that is, with their excellences and their foibles; and it

as much a piece of justice to the world, and to virtue, too, to do the

one as the other. The ruling passion, _et les égarements du coeur_,

are the very things which mark and distinguish a man's character,

in which I would as soon leave out a man's head as his hobby-horse.

However, if, like the poor devil of a painter, we must conform to the

pious canon, 'De mortuis,' &c., which I own has a spice of piety in

the _sound_ of it, and be obliged to paint both our angels and our

devils out of the same pot, I then infer that our Sydenhams and our

Sangrados, our Lucretias and our Messalinas, our Somersets and our

Bolingbrokes, are alike entitled to statues, and all the historians or

satirists who have said otherwise since they departed this life,

from Sallust to S----e, are guilty of the crimes you charge me with,

'cowardice and injustice.' But why cowardice? 'Because 'tis not

courage to attack a dead man who can't defend himself.' But why do you

doctors attack such a one with your incision knife? Oh! for the good

of the living. 'Tis my plea."

And, having given this humorous twist to his argument, he glides off

into extenuatory matter. He had not even, he protests, made as much as

a surgical incision into his victim (Dr. Richard Mead, the friend of

Bentley and of Newton, and a physician and physiologist of high repute

in his day); he had but just scratched him, and that scarce skin-deep.

As to the "droll foible" of Dr. Mead, which he had made merry with,

"it was not first reported (even to the few who can understand the

hint) by me, but known before by every chambermaid and footman within

the bills of mortality"--a somewhat daring assertion, one would

imagine, considering what the droll foible was; and Dr. Mead,

continues Sterne, great man as he was, had, after all, not fared worse

than "a man of twice his wisdom"--to wit Solomon, of whom the same

remark had been made, that "they were both great men, and, like all

mortal men, had each their ruling passion."

The mixture of banter and sound reasoning in this reply is, no doubt,

very skilful. But, unfortunately, neither the reasoning nor the

banter happens to meet the case of this particular defiance of the

"De mortuis" maxim, and as a serious defence against a serious charge

(which was what the occasion required) Sterne's answer is altogether

futile. For the plea of "the good of the living," upon which, after

all, the whole defence, considered seriously, rests, was quite

inapplicable as an excuse for the incriminated passage. The only

living persons who could possibly be affected by it, for good or

evil, were those surviving friends of the dead man, to whom Sterne's

allusion to what he called Dr. Mead's "droll foible" was calculated to

cause the deepest pain and shame.

The other matter of offence to Sterne's Yorkshire readers was of a

much more elaborate kind. In the person of Dr. Slop, the grotesque

man-midwife, who was to have assisted, but missed assisting, at

Tristram's entry into the world, the good people of York were not slow

to recognize the physical peculiarities and professional antecedents

of Dr. Burton, the local accoucheur, whom Archdeacon Sterne had

arrested as a Jacobite. That the portrait was faithful to anything

but the external traits of the original, or was intended to reproduce

anything more than these, Sterne afterwards denied; and we have

certainly no ground for thinking that Burton had invited ridicule on

any other than the somewhat unworthy ground of the curious ugliness

of his face and figure. It is most unlikely that his success as a

practitioner in a branch of the medical art in which imposture is the

most easily detected, could have been earned by mere quackery; and

he seems, moreover, to have been a man of learning in more kinds than

one. The probability is that the worst that could be alleged against

him was a tendency to scientific pedantry in his published

writings, which was pretty sure to tickle the fancy of Mr. Sterne.

Unscrupulously, however, as he was caricatured, the sensation which

appears to have been excited in the county by the burlesque portrait

could hardly have been due to any strong public sympathy with the

involuntary sitter. Dr. Burton seems, as a suspected Jacobite, to have

been no special favourite with the Yorkshire squirearchy in general,

but rather the reverse thereof. Ucalegon, however, does not need to be

popular to arouse his neighbour's interest in his misfortunes; and the

caricature of Burton was doubtless resented on the _proximus ardet_

principle by many who feared that their turn was coming next.

To all the complaints and protests which reached him on the subject

Sterne would in any case, probably, have been indifferent; but he was

soon to receive encouragement which would have more than repaid a

man of his temper for twice the number of rebukes. For London cared

nothing for Yorkshire susceptibilities and Yorkshire fears. Provincial

notables might be libelled, and their friends might go in fear

of similar treatment, but all that was nothing to "the town," and

_Tristram Shandy_ had taken the town by storm. We gather from a

passage in the letter above quoted that as early as January 30

the book had "gained the very favourable opinion" of Mr. Garrick,

afterwards to become the author's intimate friend; and it is certain

that by the time of Sterne's arrival in London, in March, 1760,

_Tristram Shandy_ had become the rage.

To say of this extraordinary work that it defies analysis would be the

merest inadequacy of commonplace. It was meant to defy analysis; it

is of the very essence of its scheme and purpose that it should do so;

and the mere attempt to subject it systematically to any such process

would argue an altogether mistaken conception of the author's intent.

Its full "official" style and title is _The Life and Opinions of

Tristram Shandy, Gent.,_ and it is difficult to say which it contains

the less about--the opinions of Tristram Shandy or the events of

his life. As a matter of fact, its proper description would be "The

Opinions of Tristram Shandy's Father, with some Passages from the Life

of his Uncle." Its claim to be regarded as a biography of its nominal

hero is best illustrated by the fact that Tristram is not born till

the third volume, and not breeched till the sixth; that it is not till

the seventh that he begins to play any active part in the narrative,

appearing then only as a completely colourless and unindividualized

figure, a mere vehicle for the conveyance of Sterne's own Continental

_impressions de voyage_; and that in the last two volumes, which

are entirely taken up with the incident of his uncle's courtship, he

disappears from the story altogether. It is to be presumed, perhaps,

though not very confidently, that the reader would have seen more

of him if the tale had been continued; but how much or how little

is quite uncertain. The real hero of the book is at the outset Mr.

Shandy, senior, who is, later on, succeeded in this place of dignity

by my Uncle Toby. It not only served Sterne's purpose to confine

himself mainly to these two characters, as the best whereon to display

his powers, but it was part of his studied eccentricity to do so. It

was a "point" to give as little as possible about Tristram Shandy in

a life of Tristram Shandy; just as it was a point to keep the reader

waiting throughout the year 1760 for their hero to be so much as born.

In the first volume, therefore, the author does literally everything

but make the slightest progress with his story. Starting off abruptly

with a mock physiologic disquisition upon the importance of a

proper ordering of their mental states on the part of the intending

progenitors of children, he philosophizes gravely on this theme for

two or three chapters; and then wanders away into an account of the

local midwife, upon whose sole services Mrs. Shandy, in opposition

to her husband, was inclined to rely. From the midwife it is an easy

transition to her patron and protector, the incumbent of the parish,

and this, in its turn, suggests a long excursus on the character,

habits, appearance, home, friends, enemies, and finally death, burial,

and epitaph of the Rev. Mr. Yorick. Thence we return to Mr. and Mrs.

Shandy, and are made acquainted, in absurdly minute detail, with an

agreement entered into between them with reference to the place of

sojourn to be selected for the lady's accouchement, the burlesque

deed which records this compact being actually set out at full length.

Thence, again, we are beckoned away by the jester to join him in

elaborate and not very edifying ridicule of the Catholic doctrine

of ante-natal baptism; and thence--but it would be useless to follow

further the windings and doublings of this literary hare.

Yet though the book, as one thus summarizes it, may appear a mere

farrago of digressions, it nevertheless, after its peculiar fashion,

advances. Such definite purpose as underlies the tricks and grimaces

of its author is by degrees accomplished; and before we reach the end

of the first volume the highly humorous, if extravagantly idealized,

figure of Mr. Shandy takes bodily shape and consistency before our

eyes. It is a mistake, I think, of Sir Walter Scott's to regard the

portrait of this eccentric philosopher as intended for a satire upon

perverted and deranged erudition--as the study of a man "whom too much

and too miscellaneous learning had brought within a step or two of

madness." Sterne's conception seems to me a little more subtle and

less commonplace than that. Mr. Shandy, I imagine, is designed to

personify not "crack-brained learning" so much as "theory run mad." He

is possessed by a sort of Demon of the Deductive, ever impelling him

to push his premises to new conclusions without ever allowing him time

to compare them with the facts. No doubt we are meant to regard him as

a learned man; but his son gives us to understand distinctly and very

early in the book that his crotchets were by no means those of a weak

receptive mind, overladen with more knowledge than it could digest,

but rather those of an over-active intelligence, far more deeply and

constantly concerned with its own processes than with the thoughts

of others. Tristram, indeed, dwells pointedly on the fact that his

father's dialectical skill was not the result of training, and that he

owed nothing to the logic of the schools. "He was certainly," says his

son, "irresistible both in his orations and disputations," but

that was because "he was born an orator _([Greek: Theodidaktos])_.

Persuasion hung upon his lips, and the elements of logic and rhetoric

were so blended in him, and withal he had so shrewd a guess at the

weaknesses and passions of his respondent, that Nature might have

stood up and said, 'This man is eloquent.' And yet," continues the

filial panegyric,

"He had never read Cicero nor Quintilian de Oratore, nor Aristotle,

nor Longinus among the ancients, nor Vossius, nor Skioppius, nor

Ramus, nor Farnaby among the moderns: and what is more astonishing

he had never in his whole life the least light or spark of subtilty

struck into his mind by one single lecture upon Crackenthorpe or

Burgersdicius or any Dutch commentator: he knew not so much as

in what the difference of an argument _ad ignorantiam_ and an argument

_ad hominem_ consisted; and when he went up along with me to

enter my name at Jesus College, in * * * *, it was a matter of just

wonder with my worthy tutor and two or three Fellows of that learned

society that a man who knew not so much as the names of his tools

should be able to work after that fashion with them."

Surely we all know men of this kind, and the

consternation--comparable only to that of M. Jourdain under the

impromptu carte-and-tierce of his servant-maid--which their sturdy

if informal dialectic will often spread among many kinds of "learned

societies." But such men are certainly not of the class which Scott

supposed to have been ridiculed in the character of Walter Shandy.

Among the crotchets of this born dialectician was a theory as to the

importance of Christian names in determining the future behaviour

and destiny of the children to whom they are given; and, whatever

admixture of jest there might have been in some of his other fancies,

in this his son affirms he was absolutely serious. He solemnly

maintained the opinion "that there was a strange kind of magic bias

which good or bad names, as he called them, irresistibly impressed

upon our character and conduct." How many Caesars and Pompeys, he

would say, by mere inspiration of their names have been rendered

worthy of them! And how many, he would add, are there who might have

done exceeding well in the world had not their characters and spirits

been totally depressed and Nicodemus'd into nothing! He was astonished

at parents failing to perceive that "when once a vile name was

wrongfully or injudiciously given, 'twas not like a case of a man's

character, which, when wronged, might afterwards be cleared; and

possibly some time or other, if not in the man's life, at least after

his death, be somehow or other set to rights with the world." This

name-giving injury, he would say, "could never be undone; nay, he

doubted whether an Act of Parliament could reach it; he knew, as well

as you, that the Legislature assumed a power over surnames; but for

very strong reasons, which he could give, it had never yet adventured,

he would say, to go a step further."

With all this extravagance, however, there was combined an admirable

affectation of sobriety. Mr. Shandy would have us believe that he

was no blind slave to his theory. He was quite willing to admit the

existence of names which could not affect the character either

for good or evil--Jack, Dick, and Tom, for instance; and such the

philosopher styled "neutral names," affirming of them, "without a

satire, that there had been as many knaves and fools at least as wise

and good men since the world began, who had indifferently borne them,

so that, like equal forces acting against each other in contrary

directions, he thought they mutually destroyed each other's

effects; for which reason he would often declare he would not give a

cherry-stone to choose among them. Bob, which was my brother's name,

was another of these neutral kinds of Christian names which operated

very little either way; and as my father happened to be at Epsom when

it was given him, he would ofttimes thank Heaven it was no worse."

Forewarned of this peculiarity of Mr.

Shandy's, the reader is, of course, prepared to hear that of all

the names in the universe the philosopher had the most unconquerable

aversion for Tristram, "the lowest and most contemptible opinion of it

of anything in the world." He would break off in the midst of one

of his frequent disputes on the subject of names, and "in a spirited

epiphonema, or rather erotesis," demand of his antagonist "whether he

would take upon him to say he had ever remembered, whether he had

ever read, or whether he had ever heard tell of a man called Tristram

performing anything great or worth recording. No, he would say.

Tristram! the thing is impossible." It only remained that he should

have published a book in defence of the belief, and sure enough "in

the year sixteen," two years before the birth of his second son, "he

was at the pains of writing an express dissertation simply upon the

word Tristram, showing the world with great candour and modesty the

grounds of his great abhorrence to the name." And with this idea

Sterne continues to amuse himself at intervals till the end of the

chapter.

That he does not so persistently amuse the reader it is, of course,

scarcely necessary to say. The jest has not substance enough--few of

Sterne's jests have--to stand the process of continual attrition to

which he subjects it. But the mere historic gravity with which the

various turns of this monomania are recorded--to say nothing of the

seldom failing charm of the easy, gossiping style--prevents the thing

from ever becoming utterly tiresome. On the whole, however, one begins

to grow impatient for more of the same sort as the three admirable

chapters on the Rev. Mr. Yorick, and is not sorry to get to the

opening of the second volume, with its half-tender, half-humorous, and

wholly delightful account of Uncle Toby's difficulties in describing

the siege operations before Namur, and of the happy chance by which

these difficulties made him ultimately the fortunate possessor of a

"hobby."

Throughout this volume there are manifest signs of Sterne's unceasing

interest in his own creations, and of his increasing consciousness of

creative power. Captain Toby Shandy is but just lightly sketched-in

the first volume, while Corporal Trim has not made his appearance on

the scene at all; but before the end of the second we know both of

them thoroughly, within and without. Indeed, one might almost say

that in the first half-dozen chapters which so excellently recount

the origin of the corporal's fortification scheme, and the wounded

officer's delighted acceptance of it, every trait in the simple

characters--alike yet so different in their simplicity--of master and

of man becomes definitely fixed in the reader's mind. And the total

difference between the second and the first volume in point of

fulness, variety, and colour is most marked. The artist, the inventor,

the master of dialogue, the comic dramatist, in fact, as distinct from

the humorous essayist, would almost seem to have started into being

as we pass from the one volume to the other. There is nothing in the

drolleries of the first volume--in the broad jests upon Mr. Shandy's

crotchets, or even in the subtler humour of the intellectual collision

between these crotchets and his brother's plain sense--to indicate the

kind of power displayed in that remarkable colloquy _à quatre_, which

begins with the arrival of Dr. Slop and ends with Corporal Trim's

recital of the Sermon on Conscience. Wit, humour, irony, quaint

learning, shrewd judgment of men and things, of these Sterne had

displayed abundance already; but it is not in the earlier but in the

later half of the first instalment of _Tristram Shandy_ that we first

become conscious that he is something more than the possessor of all

these things; that he is gifted with the genius of creation, and has

sent forth new beings into that world of immortal shadows which to

many of us is more real than our own.

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