St. James's Square, Nov. 7th, 1792.
MY DEAR BROTHER,
The trees arrived safe at Dropmore yesterday, and we were at their
unpacking in the middle of such a fog as I never saw before. They
will answer admirably well for my purpose, and will make a great
figure on my hill in the course of a century or so, provided always
that the municipality of Burnham does not cut them down sooner.
I cannot deny that you have some reason to complain of my silence
for the last month, but you have the kindness to assign the true
cause; unless, indeed, I was to add another almost equally
strong--I mean the absolute want of anything to say. This sounds
strange, but it is not the less true. The _events_ you read in the
newspapers, often before I get them, and they have been such as it
could give me little pleasure to detail. The causes have been hid,
_caliginosa nocta_, in a fog almost as thick as that of yesterday,
and I have been among the guessers only, and not always among those
who were luckiest in their guesses. I bless God, that we had the
wit to keep ourselves out of the glorious enterprize of the
combined armies, and that we were not tempted by the hope of
sharing the spoils in the division of France, nor by the prospect
of crushing all democratical principles all over the world at one
blow. But having so sturdily resisted all solicitation to join in
these plans, we have been punished for our obstinacy by having been
kept in profound ignorance of the details by which they were to be
executed, and even of the course of events, as far as that could be
done, which occurred during the progress of the enterprize. Now
that it has failed, we must expect these deep politicians to return
to the charge, and to beg us to help them out of the pit into which
they wanted to help us. But they have as yet been in no hurry to
begin this pleasant communication, and most assuredly we are in no
disposition to urge them on faster. You have here, therefore, the
explanation of the total impossibility in which I find myself to
explain all the inexplicable events of the last two months
otherwise than by conjecture. It is but lately that I have thought
I had even grounds enough to guess by. But you shall hear my guess.
The Austrians and Prussians thought they were marching to certain
victory. The emigrants, who had given them this idea, confirmed
them in it till the facts undeceived them. The Duke of Brunswick,
who joins to great personal valour great indecision of mind, and
great soreness for his reputation, hesitated to take the only means
that could have insured success--a sudden and hazarded attack. The
more he delayed, the more difficult his position grew. He then
attempted to buy a man, who, under other circumstances, would have
been very purchasable; failed in this; lost time; excited distrust
and jealousy among his allies; dispirited his own troops; and ended
his enterprize by a disgraceful retreat, which coffee-house
politicians are, as usual, willing to attribute to all sorts of
causes except the natural and obvious one. The subsequent successes
of the French are natural. An army that expected to be in Paris in
October, had naturally taken little precaution to prevent the
French from attacking Germany in the same month. The French
officers, who could have no authority over their armies in defeat
and disgrace, have naturally acquired it in success; and the
business will begin again in the spring, being about twice as
difficult as it was when it began this autumn.
I have little doubt that this is the project of both parties. The
Austrians may perhaps put themselves a little more forward than the
Prussians; and from what I have heard of the conduct of the latter,
the enterprize may not fare the worse for this difference. The
Emperor must feel that he has now got an enemy whom he must devour,
or be devoured by it. And the governing party at Paris have very
many very obvious reasons for continuing the war. The rest of the
empire will give their contingent, unless they have been lucky
enough to be forced to sign a capitulation of neutrality. The King
of Sardinia and Italy will defend themselves as they can, which
will probably be very ill. What Spain will do, she does not know,
and therefore certainly we do not. Portugal and Holland will do
what we please. We shall do nothing. Sweden and Denmark can do
nothing, and Russia has enough else to do, and has neither the will
nor the means of doing much against France. And there is the
tableau of Europe for next year, according to my almanac.
You will not complain that this time I have not given you
speculation and prophecy enough--more than any man ought to make
who has profited, as I have done, by the experience of all these
events, to learn that human wisdom and foresight are somewhat more
shortsighted personages than the most shortsighted of us two,
whichever that is.
All my ambition is that I may at some time hereafter, when I am
freed from all active concern in such a scene as this is, have the
inexpressible satisfaction of being able to look back upon it, and
to tell myself that I have contributed to keep my own country at
least a little longer from sharing in all the evils of every sort
that surround us. I am more and more convinced that this can only
be done by keeping wholly and entirely aloof, and by watching much
at home, but doing very little indeed; endeavouring to nurse up in
the country a real determination to stand by the Constitution when
it is attacked, as it most infallibly will be if these things go
on; and, above all, trying to make the situation of the lower
orders among us as good as it can be made. In this view, I have
seen with the greatest satisfaction the steps taken in different
parts of the country for increasing wages, which I hold to be a
point of absolute necessity, and of a hundred times more importance
than all that the most _doing_ Government could do in twenty years
towards keeping the country quiet. I trust we may again be enabled
to contribute to the same object by the repeal of taxes, but of
that we cannot yet be sure. Sure I am, at least I think myself so,
that these are the best means in our power to delay what perhaps
nothing can ultimately avert, if it is decreed that we are again to
be plunged into barbarism.
I find that I am growing too serious, even for you, upon a subject
on which I know you are serious enough, and it is high time to
release you. God bless you, and thank you once more in my name, and
my little woman's, for your trees. May we long continue to love one
another as we do, and we shall both, I trust, have a comfort in our
long affection and friendship, which the study or practice of the
art of governing men seems very little likely to afford in our
time.
Ever, my dear brother,
Most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.
The disasters of the Duke of Brunswick reanimated the factious spirit
which the vigorous measures of the Government had previously succeeded
in subduing. The prosecutions instituted under the proclamation against
seditious publications had been followed by the most decisive results;
and Thomas Paine, who was the chief offender, foreseeing the inevitable
issue of his impending trial, although Mr. Erskine was engaged to defend
him, had absconded to France, where he was admitted to a citizenship
more congenial to his principles, and enjoyed the doubtful honour of
being returned by two constituencies as a member of the National
Assembly.
The flight of Paine broke down the courage of his disciples; and the
circulation of seditious libels was effectually arrested, until the
misfortunes of the Allies once more revived the hopes of the
disaffected. Fresh measures of prevention and defence were now rendered
necessary to preserve the peace of the country. The Militia was to be
augmented by volunteer companies, and the law officers of the Crown were
to exercise with vigilance the powers entrusted to them for bringing
malcontents to justice. But it was not by such means alone the
Administration proposed to meet the evil. It appealed to the good sense
and loyalty of the people. Upon these elements it depended for the
ultimate success of its efforts. The language of patriotism never found
more felicitous or energetic utterance than in these words of Lord
Grenville's: "The hands of Government must be strengthened if the
country is to be saved; but, above all, the work must not be left to the
hands of Government, but every man must put his shoulder to it,
according to his rank and situation in life, or it will not be done."