St. James's Square, Sept. 20th, 1792.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,
We returned here from our expedition the day before yesterday,
having passed through Weymouth in our way. We left Lord Camelford
far from well, and in the intention of coming immediately to town,
in order to set out again for the continent. It is a melancholy
reflection to think that he should again so soon be obliged to
leave us.
My sudden expedition from Castlehill has delayed my return here so
much later than I expected, that I fear it cuts off all hope of my
making you a visit in the autumn at Stowe. Pitt goes to-day to take
possession of his castle. I suppose you will have heard that Paine
had a very narrow escape at Dover. I send you the enclosed, because
you may, perhaps, not have seen it, and I am sure it will please
you. Pray read Necker's last work.
We have no news from the armies, except that the siege of
Thionville was turned into a blockade, and a general action hourly
expected. The Duke of Brunswick's progress does not keep pace with
the impatience of our wishes, but I doubt whether it was reasonable
to expect more. The detail of the late events at Paris is so
horrible, that I do not like to let my mind dwell upon them; and
yet I fear that scene of shocking and savage barbarity is very far
from its close. I deliver this day to the Imperial and Neapolitan
Ministers a note, with the formal assurance that in case of the
murder of the King or Queen, the persons guilty of that crime shall
not be allowed any asylum in the King's dominions. Opinions are a
little doubtful about the best means of giving effect to this
promise, should the case arise. Our lawyers seem clear, and
Blackstone expressly asserts, that the King may prevent any alien
from coming into the kingdom, or remaining there. But this power
has so rarely been used, that it may, perhaps, be better to have a
special Act of Parliament applying to this case. This, however,
relates only to the mode. I imagine everybody will think the thing
itself right, and some people seem to hope it may prevent the
commission of the crime in question. In this hope I am not very
sanguine.
We have no account of Spain having declared war, except what comes
through France.
God bless you, and believe me
Ever most affectionately yours,
GRENVILLE.
The retreat of the combined army, under the Duke of Brunswick, cast a
gloom over the hopes of the struggling royalists. The soldiers had
suffered severe sickness from eating the unripe grapes of Champagne,
and, contrary to the expectations in which they had been led to indulge,
the peasantry everywhere opposed them by attacking detachments, and
breaking up the roads.
Whilst these events were spreading consternation over the continent, the
proceedings of the Irish Roman Catholics were of a nature to awaken
serious uneasiness in England. The whole country was convulsed on the
subject of concessions, the debates in Parliament exhibited unexampled
intemperance, and it was said that subscriptions to the extent of nearly
three millions had been entered into with the intention of purchasing
lands in America, should the demands of the Roman Catholics be refused.
Whatever opinion Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt might have previously
entertained as to the justice or policy of granting further relief, was
much shaken by the attitude which the Irish assumed at this alarming
juncture. It was no longer possible to deal with the question on the
grounds on which it originally rested; and the Imperial Government could
not compromise its influence and authority by yielding to menace those
claims which it was willing to accept as a legitimate subject for
deliberate legislation. Out of these unfortunate checks, hindrances, and
distrusts on both sides, arose that calamitous condition of Ireland
which broke out a few years afterwards into open rebellion; but, looking
back dispassionately on these events at this distance of time, it is
difficult to see how that disastrous issue could have been prevented.
The hazard lay between going too far and not going far enough, with the
certainty that whatever was done must have fallen short of satisfying
one party, and in an equal degree must have dissatisfied another. It was
also a matter of continual perplexity with the Government to find the
right moment for initiating the policy of conciliation. There were
always moments when, in certain shapes, it would have suited one party
or the other; but the moment when it would have suited both never came.