St. James's Square, Nov. 22nd, 1790.
MY DEAR BROTHER,
I send this by a messenger, in order to lose no time in informing
you that Pitt wrote yesterday to the King, to propose the measure
of my going to the House of Lords, and that he has received His
Majesty's acquiescence, in terms very satisfactory to me. The delay
has been occasioned by a sort of negotiation which has been pending
with the Chancellor for some time past, and which there seemed a
prospect of bringing to a point before the meeting. As the
determination respecting my peerage might possibly have been
affected, one way or the other, by this negotiation, we were
unwilling to decide that question finally till the last moment; but
as that last moment is now arrived, it seemed, after much
deliberation, better to take the step in the present situation of
things, rather than to wait the issue of a business, one event of
which could much have increased the difficulties of the measure
itself.
Pitt is gone to-day to Windsor, to lay before the King the whole of
the transaction, and to explain more fully the motives which have
induced us to wish for my being removed to the House of Lords.
There is no probability that this conversation will alter the full
consent which the King expressed yesterday by letter. If it does
not, it will be necessary that I should kiss hands on Wednesday, in
order to give time, which even that will barely do, for passing my
patent, &c., so as to enable me to take my seat on Friday, which is
the day on which the King makes his speech, and on which the
general Address will be moved in the House of Lords. We mean to fix
a separate day for considering the Convention, and to have a
particular Address upon it. The precise day for this is of course
not yet settled.
This arrangement will necessarily occasion a delay of two or three
days before the writ can be moved in the House of Commons, who do
not proceed to business till the Monday, on account of swearing the
Members; but this does not seem to me to be at all material, and I
am persuaded that you will feel with me that it is unavoidable. The
writ once moved, the election may come on upon the tenth, or at
latest, the eleventh day from the Monday, so that the whole notice
will not exceed a fortnight.
I reserve, till I see you, the particulars of the negotiation of
which I have spoken, and of our present situation with a view to
that important point. I am sorry for the delay in making the other
arrangements, but you must allow something for the difficulties
which always occur in bringing points of this nature to bear, and
for the various loads which press at such a moment as this on
Pitt's time, by whose personal negotiations alone all this must be
done. Pray let me know, by the return of my messenger, when I may
expect you in town.
I am sorry to hear of so long a sick list. Adieu, my dear brother,
and believe me
Ever most truly and affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
1791.
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS--RESIGNATION OF THE DUKE OF LEEDS--FLIGHT OF
THE ROYAL FAMILY OF FRANCE--PROSPERITY OF ENGLAND AT THIS PERIOD.
The first object to which the attention of Ministers was addressed at
the opening of Parliament in 1791, was a measure for the further relief
of the Roman Catholics. The only objection urged against it by the
Opposition was that it did not go far enough. Mr. Pitt himself held the
same opinion, but did not consider it expedient to act upon it.
The interest which Lord Buckingham never ceased to feel in Ireland,
where this question of Catholic disabilities was a spring of constant
agitation, led him to regard the subject in relation to that country
with much solicitude. Agreeing in principle with Mr. Pitt, he held that
the Roman Catholics should be placed on the same footing in both
kingdoms; and that whatever privileges were bestowed upon them in
England should also, and at the same time, be granted to them in
Ireland. Mr. Hobart, who had been his Lordship's secretary during his
last Administration, and who was continued in that appointment by his
successor, Lord Westmoreland, corresponded with him frequently on this
topic; and it may be gathered from his letters that the views of the new
Lord-Lieutenant were unfavourable to the demands of the Roman Catholics.
In the early part of the correspondence, Mr. Hobart expresses
considerable doubt about the policy of placing power in their hands,
especially with reference to their admission to the bar, which had been
conceded to them in England. His observations on that particular point
are curious. In Ireland, he remarks, the sentiments of the lawyers have
considerable weight in the discussion of political subjects, which,
"whether it arises from the confident and pertinacious loquacity of
gentlemen of that profession, or from the deference which is shown and
felt for those in whose hands are entrusted the most interesting
concerns of every family in the kingdom, and from their frequent
intercourse with all parts of it, is matter of no consequence." The
influence which the lawyers were thus supposed to possess, weighed
strongly with Mr. Hobart as an argument against the admission of the
Roman Catholics to the bar. Such a measure might be adopted with
comparative safety in England, but it was likely in Ireland to be
productive of increased agitation and social disorder. The perplexities
of the question were evidently taking a very distinct shape at this
time, and occupying no inconsiderable share of the attention of
Government. In endeavouring to sift them, and to extricate something
like a practical line of policy from them, Mr. Hobart was not a little
embarrassed by the example of England, which he could not quite make up
his mind either to follow or renounce.
The English Bill has put us under no small degree of difficulty.
The circumstances of the two countries, with respect to Roman
Catholics, are so different, that what may be extremely advisable
in the one, may be just the reverse in the other; and, therefore,
for us precisely to follow your Bill, would be to adopt a principle
which in its consequences might be productive of the greatest
mischief. Nevertheless, if we do not go so far, the Roman Catholics
of Ireland will be highly discontented; and if we go further, we
shall throw too much power into their hands.
That Lord Buckingham removed Mr. Hobart's objections as to the wisdom of
conformity in legislating for the Roman Catholics in both countries, is
indicated in a subsequent letter; but that Mr. Hobart differed from his
Lordship as to the prudence of maintaining a Government opposition
between the two sects is no less apparent. Lord Buckingham's influence
in moderating Mr. Hobart's opinions on other points is frankly admitted.
Mr. Hobart gave up his objections to admitting the Catholics to the bar,
or even to the army or navy, if England should think fit to set the
example; but civil offices, or the elective franchise, he still
considered highly dangerous.
My opinion, I speak with great deference, does not concur with
yours, as to the little importance of supporting the Protestants
against the Catholics; it is, in my mind, the link which binds the
two countries: break that, and you endanger the connection. Every
means should be exerted to prevent the struggle taking place; and,
therefore, every indulgence that with any degree of safety can be
given to the Roman Catholics, and more particularly at this time,
ought to be extended to them. Notwithstanding a variety of
objections, I cannot help thinking that the safest principle for
the Parliament of Ireland to adopt, is, that of following England
upon all questions relative to Roman Catholics; but it is of the
utmost consequence, that the Government of England should accede to
no measure upon that subject, without a due consideration of its
effect in Ireland, and fairly weigh the benefits to be attained in
the one country, against the disadvantages that may arise in the
other.
The example of England, if adopted as a principle, may be extremely
useful as a means of resisting inconvenient pretensions urged here;
for, whether avowedly adopted or not, it will always be made use of
by the Roman Catholics when they have anything to gain by it; and
ultimately they must be successful upon that ground. I would
therefore admit them to the bar; and if England opens the army and
navy to them, it should follow of course here; but admission to
civil offices, or anything that led to voting for Members of
Parliament, or sitting in either House, would, I conceive, be
highly dangerous in this country; because I am a friend to the
Protestant ascendancy, and that can be maintained only through the
medium of a Protestant Parliament, aided by a profitable
encouragement to those who profess that faith.
The times are growing so enlightened, or so depraved, that a man
need not live very long, to have a chance of seeing all religious
distinctions abolished; but so long as things remain in their
present state, I am strongly impressed with the idea, that the
connection between England and Ireland in a great degree depends
upon the maintenance of the Protestant ascendancy. It is the
principle which attaches the Parliament of Ireland to Great
Britain; it is the security for the property of those whose
influence gives them power in this country; it is the strength of
English government in Ireland. If ever the Roman Catholics should
acquire power enough to render the prospect of regaining their
properties sufficiently promising for the attempt, they must begin
by the destruction of English government. I do therefore consider
it indispensably necessary to give every degree of influence to the
Protestant interest; but that would be as a drop of water to the
sea, unless that interest was supported by the power of England.
But as I do not believe John Bull would much like to expend his
money in a struggle between the Protestants and Roman Catholics of
Ireland, merely on a crusade principle, I would not have him called
upon in a case wherein the ground to be maintained was not similar
to that which had been sanctioned by the British Parliament, and
might therefore, in a certain degree, be considered as the cause of
the empire.
You desire me to turn my thoughts to a permanent system. The only
permanent, practicable system that I can discover, is, that there
should at all times be a perfect understanding and concurrence
between the Governments of the two countries upon this subject;
that no step affecting the Catholics should be taken in England
without a minute attention to Ireland; and that the people of that
persuasion should be on the same footing in the two countries.
The entire passage may be accepted as an epitome of the principle on
which Lord Westmoreland's Administration in Ireland was conducted; and
this authentic exposition of it is invested with some claim to
historical importance.
A letter from Lord Grenville in the beginning of the session refers to
certain new arrangements which were in progress in the Cabinet, but
which did not materially affect its constitution.