Jan. 6th, 1789.
MY DEAR LORD,
As I understood that Sir W. Young and Bernard wrote you an account
of the division last night, which placed Grenville so honourably in
the Chair of the House of Commons, I did not trouble you with any
letter by the post of yesterday; but I cannot deny myself the
pleasure of acquainting you, that nothing could be more perfectly
satisfactory to all our friends than the conduct of the new Speaker
on an occasion naturally distressing; his speech of excuse, and his
speech from the steps of the Chair, were universally admired, they
were both so composed and delivered as to render a scene, which I
have always understood to be very ridiculous, really interesting
and affecting. It is deemed a misfortune amongst our friends, that
the practice of printing the Speaker's speeches on this occasion in
the journals is now disused. Grenville's speeches would have done
him the highest credit, as well as afforded an excellent precedent
to future Speakers. I have prevailed with Mr. Speaker to mount his
wig, and the whole apparatus to-day: he must consider this as a
young lawyer does his first appearance at the bar, and the sooner
the laugh is over the better for the dignity of the Chair. Whatever
may be Grenville's future fortunes, it can be no discredit to his
character to have been placed in the Chair by such a majority, in
such times and circumstances, and at his age.
I write no accounts of what we are doing, you hear that much more
correctly from Grenville. I am anxious to know what will be the
temper of Ireland at the meeting. Grattan is as much a creature of
Fox and his party, as the meanest libeller in the "Morning Herald;"
he lives entirely with them. I hear Pelham is to take his father on
his back to the Government of Ireland. Grattan will stand, in my
opinion, on most unpopular ground, if he either attempts to assert
the hereditary right of the Prince, or to give him larger powers in
Ireland, than the Parliament of this country entrust to him for the
administration of the British Government. The hereditary right, I
suppose Grattan will not venture to touch; and the latter
proposition, I think, might be argued exactly as he argued the
Perpetual Mutiny Bill, and other questions, where the danger of
larger powers in Ireland than were held in England by the same
hands, were considered with a view to the Constitutions of _both_
countries. This argument is, in my opinion, clear, if the rights of
the King on the throne are admitted to be the rights of the people
at large, and if they are not, I know not why they exist. I have
not much fear that the Irish Parliament will listen to such
proposals. As to reversions and offices for life, a Regent, who has
not the power of granting them here, and attempts to obtain it in
Ireland, can mean nothing else than to indemnify his disappointed
friends in England at the expense of Ireland; I do not think this
can go down. On the whole, I think your argument in Ireland
stronger in every view than ours here, and that is saying a great
deal.
Arthur informs me that my Trimmers wish to have a company of foot
quartered on them. I am sure I have no objection to your giving
_free quarters_ to the whole army on the worthy inhabitants of that
ancient and loyal town.
I sincerely wish you joy of your son, and hope the bad weather does
not affect either him or Lady Buckingham.
Ever, my dear Lord,
Yours most affectionately,
MORNINGTON.
What think of Sir John Aubrey, rat?