SIR WILLIAM YOUNG TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stratton Street,

Monday, Dec. 22nd, 1788.

MY DEAR LORD,

I should scarcely venture to anticipate a subject, the event of

which within twenty-four hours may belie any pretensions of

political sagacity, might not the difference of one day's post from

London eventually delay your receiving a letter for a week, should

wind and sea prove perverse, as when I passed my Christmas at

Holyhead. This, and the anxiety for intelligence, which must

necessarily arise from the suggestion in my note of Saturday,

induces me to pursue the matter I then opened, and the more

especially as the circumstance, I foresaw, is now more than likely

to occur. As I purpose closing this letter at the House of Commons,

and the last moment which the post may allow me, I shall have to

transmit fact in lieu of probability; at present, I state briefly

my grounds for the latter--namely, that the specific great

question, whether the Prince shall be Regent without any

limitations, and invested with the full prerogatives of royalty,

will be agitated and decided upon this Monday night. The turn of

debate and temper of the House on Friday, which induced me to

suppose such question might be pressed upon us, have induced others

to press it. This morning a printed paper hath been sent to certain

members, containing a motion for addressing, and an address at

length to the Prince, corroborating what Mr. Steele told me

yesterday, that _Fox's_ party had some design in view for Monday.

Letters having been sent in Fox's name to several members,

requesting attendance and _an answer_; and that Mr. Pitt had

written in like manner to such as he apprehended might be

withdrawing for the Christmas holidays, with the same unusual

request _of answer_. Two of these letters (pretty long), to Sir H.

Hoghton and to Mr. Pye, I afterwards had the perusal of.

The true friendly language, and which I openly hold, is that we

shall be stronger on the division than before; such language is

proper, because ordinary men consider numbers as a shelter for

their opinions and conduct, and some even consider it as the test

of truth. But this language hath not its origin in my judgment and

feelings. There are circumstances which impress great doubt on my

mind, whether the division can be so favourable to our wishes, as

was the last. Taking the data of the examination of the physicians,

the King's recovery therein presumed, gives a vantage-ground in

argument for limitations. But I am sorry to say this ground is now

shaken: the public is no longer sanguine in hopes, medical

gentlemen have generally conspired to render the object of

recovery much more doubtful at least, and the physicians about the

King have had dissensions and disputes amongst themselves. It is

now rumoured that Dr. Warren wishes to be re-examined. All this is

indeed not before the House of Commons, and the report of the

physicians is; I think, therefore, that though not so decisive, we

yet shall have a considerable majority on the premises; but even

for this dependant on other considerations--namely, how far

apprehensions of the King's actual demise may operate from, I

believe, the faithful report of the day, that a fever is come on,

and that for a day or two past the King has had a constant sweating

of the head, to which he was at no time before accustomed.

According to wishes or fears, men construe this crisis to portend

health or decease; the political effect in the alternative, being

in the first case uncertain, in the second case certain. The bent

of this is against us, as few narrow motives and personal

considerations may extend and favour the active spirit of

subornation which stalks in open day, with each hand full of

patents of honour and purses of money. Offers have been so prodigal

that not fifty years of patronage could accomplish the performance.

Those gentlemen who have rejected these kind tenders of service

speak openly, and no notice is taken. In these moments of public

curiosity, it may not be so well to trust names to a letter. I

could give you several.

The bearing of this letter is thus unfavourable to this night's

debate terminating _fully_ as we could wish, though yet I think

_for us_. Having thus far written, I shall pocket my paper for the

purpose of adding what I can at the House of Commons.

House of Commons,

Half-past Five, Monday, Dec. 22nd, 1788.

I dined at three, at a coffee-house, with my cousin, old William

Lawrence, who called on me; Smith, member for Sudbury, leader of

the Dissenters, joined us on the walk, and was of our dinner

party. Lawrence said he wished a compromise, a _limited regency for

a year_, and then to take up the business anew, if the King was not

recovered, on the other ground, and _he_ is a leading country

gentleman of their party, Smith is in an unqualified manner with

us; and Thornton, whose place in the House is next to me, being

equally staunch, I augur that we have all the Dissenters' interest

with us. Indeed, generally speaking, the House looks better for us

than I expected, and I doubt not our majority, yet thinking it will

not be great; indeed the House is not nearly so full as it was on

the late question, and the apprehensions I set out with of

temporizers and shirkers, as we called them at Eton, seem

confirmed.

Edmund Burke arose a little after four, and is speaking yet. He has

been wilder than ever, and laid himself and party open more than

ever speaker did. He is Folly personified, but shaking his cap and

bells under the laurel of genius; among other things, he said Mr.

Pitt's proposals could not be adopted, as gentlemen, as

_cavaliers_: the word will not be forgot.

Fox is present, but looks very ill. Pitt looks recovered. Your

brother in high glee at Burke. Burke stated the Chancellor to be

like to the God Priapus, and Pitt the carpenter. He run his idea to

a charming extravagance, and finished by declaring that "he could

not be a votary to Priapus, the false God! _vid._ Horace, &c."

The question is an amendment of Dempster's, to follow; the Lords

and Commons, &c., determine "to address the Prince of Wales, to

take on him the Regency, &c."

Adieu, my dear Lord. Your Marchioness in health, and a boy, and

yourself in all good that Providence can dispense, is the prayer of

your most faithfully affectionate and devoted friend, &c.

Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George the Third From the Original Family Documents, Volume 2 · 第 65 / 390 题