Whitehall, Dec. 17th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,
I have nothing to add to what I said in my last letter, on the
interesting subject of your situation and conduct in the events
that may most reasonably be expected to arise. It appears, however,
to me, to be of the utmost importance that you should not neglect
for a moment taking the opinion of the law servants of the Crown in
Ireland, with respect to the operation of a new patent granted by a
Parliamentary Regent here, under the English Great Seal, previous
to any proceeding having been held in Ireland. I have a real
confidence in Fitzgibbon's honour; but I think this a point of much
too great importance to yourself, to be vested on verbal opinions.
You may, and I think ought, both to keep these written opinions
secret, and to require them to do so; but as soon as you have
received them, you should, I think, transmit them to Lord Sydney,
to remain in his office. You will observe that the ground is now in
some measure cleared for you by the declaration of right, which we
came to last night, and which will certainly be agreed to by the
House of Lords. I expected to have been able to send you an exact
copy of the resolutions, but am disappointed. You will, however,
probably see them in the "Morning Chronicle," if that comes out
early enough for the post. The first states the fact of the King's
present inability to attend to business, "and that the _personal
exercise_ of the royal authority by His Majesty is thereby for the
present interrupted."
The second: "That it is the right and duty of the Lords and Commons
(describing them as in the preamble to the Bill of Rights) to
provide the means of supplying the defect in the personal exercise,
&c., in such manner as the exigency of the case may appear to them
to require."
The third: "That for the above purpose, and for maintaining entire
the constitutional authority of His Majesty, it is necessary that
the said Lords and Commons should determine on the means by which
the royal assent may be given in Parliament to such Bill as may be
passed by the two Houses, respecting the exercise of the royal
power, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, during the
continuance of His Majesty's indisposition."
I believe I have given you very nearly the words, which I ought to
remember, having employed very near the whole of two days in
settling them with Pitt and our lawyers.
Our principle is, that the King's authority remains entire. That no
legislative act can be done but with the formal sanction of his
assent. That no person can take upon him to give that assent,
except by the direction and authority of the two Houses, who have
the right, in the present emergency, to act for the King; but must,
even in doing that, adhere as nearly as possible to the forms of
the Constitution.
Fox opposed these resolutions, in one of the best speeches I ever
heard from him; but I think indiscreetly supporting and enforcing
all his old ground of the Prince of Wales's right. Towards the end,
he made a violent personal attack on Pitt, intimating that he was
desirous, through envy, to weaken the hands of those _who were to
be his successors_. This opening was not neglected by Pitt, but
laid hold of in a manner which enabled him to speak of his own
conduct towards the King and the Prince, and towards the country in
the present moment, and to contrast it with that of his opponents.
I never heard a finer burst of eloquence, nor witnessed such an
impression as it produced. But you will know all this better from
the papers.
The division exceeded our expectations. All the neutrals, and many
of the wavering people, and some of the most timid of our friends,
were against us, on the ground of the inexpediency of agitating
this question. You will also naturally see that something is to be
allowed for the impression of two Princes of the blood speaking;
one of them to assure the country that the Prince of Wales would
not urge this claim, and both beseeching, as a sort of personal
point, that it might not be made necessary to come to a division
upon the question. Still, however, the impression which the claim
itself had made on the country, was such that it was a point of
real duty to quiet people's minds upon it. But it cannot be
surprising, that under all these circumstances, and under the fear
of some unexplained danger, many people should be caught by a
previous question. I was a little mortified at finding our friend
Sir P. P. among these. I had no previous intimation of this till I
saw him in the division, nor have I had any opportunity of
conversing with him since. I am not sure that he did not think he
ought to have been a Lord of the Admiralty instead of Lord Hood. It
is either that, or his intercourse with some of the Independents.
On the whole, I think it better to leave him to himself, as I do
not think I have sufficient influence over him to do any good, and
the attempt might do harm. You know best how you stand in that
respect. We have certainly no claim upon him beyond friendship and
opinion.
Lord Lonsdale's people were against us, in consequence of a letter,
written by the Prince of Wales himself, soliciting it as a personal
favour. This, which I know _from authority_, may serve to give you
an idea of the pains they had taken. They were so confident, that,
on Sunday night, Fox assured the whole party, at a general meeting
at Burlington House, that he had no doubt of beating us. I imagine
that we are now sure of carrying our restrictions, and probably by
a larger majority.
Lord Loraine has separated himself from the Duke of N.; in
consequence of which, Rainsforth has vacated. We do not know who
comes in, but Lord Loraine says it is a friend.
Gerard Hamilton is among the rats, which is no small amusement to
me, who have frequently been abused by Pitt for my bad opinion of
him, at the time that he was swallowing toads _a toute outrance_.
There are one or two more individual members in the House of
Commons, but nobody of any consequence but the Duke of Queensbury,
which, though everybody expected it, is nevertheless a thing that
raises my indignation in no small degree.
The popular opinion shows itself every day more and more, and I
have no doubt you will hear of addresses, &c. Fox's declaration of
the Prince of Wales's right has been of no small service to us. Is
it not wonderful that such great talents should be conducted with
so little judgment?
Our mode of proceeding will now be to communicate these
resolutions to the Lords; and when they have concurred in them,
then to bring forward the plan; and lastly, to authorize the Lord
Chancellor to put the Great Seal to a commission to His Royal
Highness, to empower him to open the Parliament, and afterwards to
another (at least, _I_ think they should be separate), authorizing
him to give the royal assent to the Bill appointing him Regent.
You will easily see, that all this will be no very short
proceeding. In the meantime, the prospect of the King's recovery is
daily growing more favourable. Willis and Addington have both said,
_separately_, that his emotion at seeing the Queen for the first
time, and his subsequent agitation, instead of being discouraging,
were symptoms highly favourable. He is now quite calm; and at three
o'clock yesterday, the account which came from Willis was, that he
was better than at any time since his illness.
It will be ridiculous if he should recover just in time to give the
royal _dissent_ to the Regency Bill--which is not impossible. The
more probable supposition is, that they will just have time to
parcel out the spoils, to dismiss us, and to hold their offices
about a month; and so will end (if this should happen) the third
reign of King Charles III.
So little was said about Ireland, that it would have been an
affectation in me to have talked about it; besides this, I had no
opportunity of speaking that pleased me.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
What I mentioned in my last about the four Princes, I now _know_
not to be true with respect to the Duke of Gloucester, who has held
aloof from all cabal with them, and even declared in the House of
Lords that he had done so.