Whitehall, Dec. 11th, 1788.
MY DEAR BROTHER,
You will, no doubt, be as much surprised as I was, to find that the
notion of the Prince of Wales's _right_ was brought forward
yesterday by Fox in the House of Commons. It was a matter of no
less astonishment to many of his own friends, who were by no means
prepared for the assertion of such a doctrine. One should lose
oneself in conjecture, by attempting to find out what motive can
have induced him to take exactly the most unpopular ground on which
their side of the question can be rested. I was not in the House;
but I find there was an impression on our friends, that in his
second speech he had rather seemed desirous of stating the
proposition less strongly.
Our present idea is, that it will be right, in consequence of this
debate, that nothing should be moved on the first day (which, I
think, cannot be till Wednesday) beyond the abstract proposition,
as maintained by Pitt; namely, that in every case of suspension or
interruption of the personal exercise of the royal authority,
otherwise than by death, the care of making provision for the
emergency rests with the two Houses of Parliament. These are not
the words, but the substance. A stronger question we cannot desire.
12th.--I intended to have sent this off to you yesterday; but was
kept in the House of Lords till it was too late. You will see by
the papers, better than I can pretend to retail it, what passed
there. The doctrine, as stated by Lord Loughborough, was not quite
so strong as Fox's; but is sufficiently so, to be reprobated by
every lawyer in the country. Even Erskine says openly, that he
cannot go this length.
The idea is, and some words which Fox dropped yesterday in the
House of Lords seem to confirm it, that whenever the report of our
Committee of Precedents is made, which will probably be to-day, or,
at latest, to-morrow, he intends to explain away his assertion,
into the mere statement, that the Prince has such pretensions to a
Regency as Parliament cannot overlook. Be this as it may, we are
determined to state the right distinctly, by a resolution of the
House, before we proceed to any other measures.
Fortescue has this instant been with me, to say that he has heard a
report, said to come from a considerable Oppositionist, that they
have resolved, in consequence of the examinations and particularly
Willis's, to accede to the proposed restrictions, for a short time,
reserving to themselves the right of contending for more, should
the continuance of the King's illness appear to give grounds to
expect that it will be permanent. I do not think this by any means
impossible, because the question will clearly go against them in
the present moment; and this appearance of moderation may give them
grounds at a more distant period. It is difficult, however, to
conceive that they can make up their minds to wait so long without
a greater struggle.
Only think of Fox's want of judgment, to bring himself and them
into such a scrape as he has done, by maintaining a doctrine of
higher Tory principle than could have been found anywhere, since
Sir Robert Sawyer's speeches.
I enclose the examination of the physicians before our Committee. I
am sorry to say, that the examination before the Lords is
infinitely less decent and respectful, and goes into a variety of
particulars, which, I am sure it will shock you to read, as it did
me to hear them.
Ever most affectionately yours,
W. W. G.
I do not know in what manner what Thurlow said about Ireland will be
represented in the papers, not having seen them. It was so enveloped,
that I, who heard it, could form no notion what his opinion is. In the
debate in the House of Commons, I mean, for your sake, to state my
principles on that subject distinctly.
Sir William Young, in the next letter, reports what was done on Pitt's
motion for the Committee.