Stratton Street, Thursday, Dec. 11th, 1788.
MY DEAR LORD,
I did not receive your kind letter of Dec. 2nd, until my arrival
last night from the House of Commons, when it was too late to
write, and the conversation which then arose was of so important a
nature, that it was not practicable or proper to steal a moment
from the debate, or to send a line respecting it ere it was closed,
and the subject took a decisive turn, which was after the post
hour.
To a friendship so dear and honourable to me as yours, and shown me
by so many instances of goodness, the best answer I can make is,
through life, by a return of grateful attachment, honour, and
disinterestedness; and in these, if I aught know myself, I shall
never fail.
Of the momentous business opened last night, I can only say that
_our_ astonishment is only to be equalled by the spirits we are in,
on viewing the grounds Mr. Fox hath abandoned to us and left _our
own_. Lord Radnor, who breakfasted with me this morning, told me he
understands that Fox's doctrine, "that the Prince of Wales was
Regent, invested with full regal authority immediately and _de
jure_ on the incapacity, however temporary, of the King, and that
the two Houses of Parliament had no right to debate thereon even,"
came from _that constitutional lawyer_, Lord Loughborough. Radnor's
further remark, that Fox, having on a former occasion sought to
trespass on the royal just prerogative, had now completed his
attack on the Constitution, in denying the rights of Lords and
Commons, is worthy observation. Talbot, who made one of my
morning's levee, told me that at White's last night, all was hurra!
and triumph. Charles Sturt and other youngsters took part at the
bar, to echo the "Hear, hear," from Fitzpatrick and Burke, of
Fox's doctrine; yet the "Hear, hear," was but little caught or
repeated, though given loudly. Looking back to the history of this
"Man of the People," and to his present conduct, in despite of his
talents of logical discrimination, I begin almost to doubt whether
his weakness or profligacy is transcendant. Pitt's language was
most masterly and decisive; and has been done but little justice to
in the papers of this day. The general tenor of subject they will
give you, but what I have seen does not touch on the overthrow of
Fox's resort to the doctrine that Parliament was of "Kings, Lords,
and Commons; that no two branches thereof could make _a law_," by
the just and constitutional distinction between the two Houses
making a law, and the providing or giving efficiency to the third
executive branch of Legislature in cases of defect, whatever it may
be. The report of the physicians being ordered to be printed, will
be out to-morrow, when I will send it, with a few remarks. Our
great days are to be Monday and Tuesday.
It will scarcely escape your Lordship's penetration, that when Fox
said recognition of the Prince's claim _de jure_ to be the sole
right and province of Parliament, implied an act of the House to
debate, and, if to debate, to decide upon. So idle is genius! I see
through the motive power: if Parliament has a right to confer
power, it has a right to say what sort of power. So far Fox's
penetration reached, and so he boldly denied the major of the
proposition; and then, in a puzzle for consistency of popular
attachment to good old rights of the Lords and Commons, and his
subscription to the pillar at Runnymede, run into the contradiction
of admitting the major in shape of _recognitions_. It is impossible
yet to foresee what tergiversation will take place, or how many
will sacrifice their principles to the rising sun; forgetting that
apostacy to honest principles requires that there should be a
transcendancy of merit of another sort--namely, of great ability to
be useful to make that apostacy acceptable or the object of
remuneration. Hating the traitor and loving the treason, is a
state maxim to be remembered by those whose treason is scarcely
ever to be regarded while themselves are the objects of civil
contempt. Yet some hold a language of _doubt_. One or two, whom I
will not yet name, I told if they had not made up an opinion, they
had better ask their constituents for one. It seems to me, that the
business must close in a resort to the sense of the nation. In what
shape such resort may _possibly_, I think not _probably_, be made,
is serious indeed. But the violence of the faction of Fox portends
every evil. Perhaps, however, and most likely, the resort to a new
election, may give us time to grow cool, and close matters there.
Adieu, for the day.
Ever, my dear Lord, in truth and affection,
Your devoted friend and servant,
WM. YOUNG.