SIR HENRY IRVING
Too much is said about the evanescent nature of an actor's fame. Is it
so evanescent? Or are we believing, according to habit, merely what we
have been told? Burbage's fame has lived as long as Queen Elizabeth's,
and that is long enough. Suppose the Great Queen's fame eventually
should chance to live longer than that of her subject, what is there
evanescent about the latter since it has lived already through the
three hundred years which separate us from his death? Betterton's fame
may yet outlive that of the sovereigns under whom he
flourished,--Charles II, William and Mary, and Queen Anne. What reason
have we to suppose that it will not? Betterton's name has been one of
the highest, most honoured names in England for two centuries and a
half. Garrick's fame has lived as long as Doctor Johnson's, and
Garrick had no Boswell. Mrs. Siddons is as well known to-day as, say
George III, and more favourably known. Talma's fame has not been
eclipsed by Napoleon's. Of Rachel we know as much as of the Empress
Josephine. It is easier to tell offhand who was a famous actor one
hundred and fifty years ago than {186} to say who was Prime Minister at
the same time. Plunket was a greater orator, by all accounts, than
Gladstone or Canning, Disraeli or Bright. Tell me--without looking him
up in a Book of Reference--who was Plunket? Who were the chancellors
of exchequer during Henry Irving's reign? Who were the leaders of the
House of Commons? How long must fame last to satisfy all reasonable
requirements? The names of how many princes, generals, preachers,
statesmen, survive their deaths a hundred years?
An actor's fame, however short it may be, is long enough. How long has
the fame of Roscius lasted? An actor has more than fame. He has the
public's affection, its money, its applause, its cheers. And he has
these nightly, besides the name that lingers after death. How will you
prove now that Macready's name is less well known than Macaulay's? Are
you safe in asserting that Edmund Kean's name will not add another
century to its credit? Or Kemble's name? What reason is there for
assuming that Byron's will live longer than that?
Even if the art of acting die, and the acted drama with it, overwhelmed
by the cinema, it does not follow that the names and memories of the
great players who have already lived will perish the more quickly. We
may cherish them with a lively curiosity as the eminent practisers of a
lost art, cherish them, in fact, because we are no longer able to
replace them. The cinema could never have given us Sir Henry Irving,
or the Kendals, the Bancrofts, or John Hare, or Edwin Booth, or Joseph
Jefferson, or {187} Sir Johnston Forbes-Robertson. No, not if it
unreeled to a million spectators an hour, and its daily receipts
exceeded the transactions at the Bank of England!
It is something to have lived till the second decade of the twentieth
century turns the corner, and find that Irving still glows in the
memory, Irving and the Lyceum nights. That glow makes the generation
which has it richer than the generation which has it not. The Lyceum
with Irving was as different from anything now known to London as was
all Europe before the war. You cannot make the generation that is
pressing on behind understand this. Words cannot do it. Moving
pictures cannot do it. Imagine a motion picture of "To be or not to
be"!
There was once an art of acting. It is used now chiefly by
politicians. But if their parts are more important, their presentation
of them is less interesting than that of Irving and Ellen Terry, and
the others mentioned here. And it is of no importance at all to art.
The politicians will be remembered only for the troubles they bring to
us and to posterity; the actors are still remembered for the enjoyment
they brought.
We who saw Irving through his long reign know what the world lost in
losing him, for we seek through the world and find nothing to take the
place of that sovereign and his achievements, nothing at this day to
suggest them even remotely. The lack is a gap in life.
Will the gap ever be filled again? I doubt it. What chance is there
of filling it? To begin with, {188} they tell us every day that public
taste does not run in that direction. It really does not seem to do
so, that is certain. And as the survivors of an older tradition die,
their tradition dies with them. Tradition means more to the theatre
than it means to other callings. Irving died in 1905. His tradition
cannot be revived, that is clear. And it required traditions unbroken
for nearly three hundred years to make the conditions for him. Broken
now, for the first time in three centuries, who shall replace them?
And how? It may never be done. I do not say that it never will be
done, but I do say that all the conditions of modern entertainment are
against it. And the generation which furnishes the majority of the
playgoers of to-day does not care a button. It is their affair, after
all. And they cannot take from us what we have had.
Irving was a kingly possession. He was as much a national figure as
any statesman, or painter, or warrior, or popular personage of his
time. He was a great man, and he worked to noble ends. No one could
be in his presence without the consciousness of being in the presence,
under the spell, if you like, of a great man. If one appreciates him
more since his death, it is because the world is so much the poorer for
his absence. We cannot say: "The King is dead; long live the king."
There is no king. There is not even a pretender.
Irving's declamatory moments were often queer, but his handwriting was
always almost the worst in the world. It was almost as bad as Horace
Greeley's. I have letters from him which I cannot read to-day. {189}
I have forgotten what they were about and appear to have kept no key to
their mystery. But I connect with them pleasant recollections, for
they never concerned anything that Irving wanted for himself, but
always something that he wanted to do for somebody else,--an invitation
to the play for some distinguished visitor from my own country, a
supper in the Beefsteak Rooms, a Sunday up the river, or something of
the kind. If, at the time, the hieroglyphics were indecipherable and
could be associated with no known subject, I would take the letter to
my neighbour, Bram Stoker, Irving's business manager and _Fidus
Achates_, and adroitly prevail upon him for a translation. Usually,
though, the letter from Irving would be followed, next post, by one
from Stoker who would say: "The Chief tells me that you have kindly
consented to so-and-so, or will bring So-and-So, or ask This-and-That;
do you mind my suggesting Thus-and-So?"
Stoker's handwriting was almost as cryptic as Irving's, but not quite.
It could be read by due perseverance. And, at the worst, one could
always know who wrote the first letter because Irving's signature was
like a flight of stairs, and Stoker's--well, it was different. Whether
Stoker followed up all the letters of his Chief with a translation I
cannot say, and now that he has followed his Chief Out Beyond there is
no one who can decipher the few remaining letters and so revive in my
memory incidents which I am sure were charming and in every way
delightful. I must get on without the letters.
I saw the beginning and the end of Irving's {190} management of the
Lyceum Theatre, and nearly all the brilliant achievements between the
beginning and the end. Management! It was more than a management; it
was an august and splendid reign! It lasted more than twenty years; it
made victorious expeditions to America; it seemed likely to end only
with his life. And it did end only with his life. But the Lyceum,
which he had made his home, which indeed he had made the chief temple
of the drama in the English-speaking world, passed from his control as
the nineteenth century died. He made valiant efforts to restore his
kingdom, but the Fates prevailed against him. He went to Drury Lane
for a while, but it was not _his_ place, not _his_ temple, not the
centre to which _he_ had drawn the world. He reigned now, but did not
govern. He felt the change. Misfortunes had pressed upon him hotfoot.
The splendour and pomp had vanished; he withdrew from London; he became
a king in exile; he died in the provinces. They gave him a stately
funeral in Westminster Abbey. If they had supported him as liberally
in his final years as they had in his prosperous ones, I would not be
inclined to scoff as I do sometimes when the Londoners flatter
themselves on their loyalty to old favourites. And Irving would not
have died, as I think he died, with a broken heart. But he was valiant
and upstanding to the end.
A public loyalty that can last twenty years is indeed marvellous at any
time. The marvel is the more interesting in Irving's case. He served
his public with all his power. They knew that. They {191} were
conscious, I suppose, of Irving's limitations, but I am not sure that
he himself was conscious of them. At any rate, his limitations set no
bounds to his endeavours. And he achieved everything,--great fame,
adulation, financial success; he was more honoured than any other actor
of his century; his life was dignified, his death became the man. But
what a marvel it was that this man could have become renowned among
great actors!
He could not conquer his mannerisms, or he did not. The spectators had
to do that, or ignore them. His mannerisms were dropped between the
spectator and the performance like a veil. It was a thin veil, but
none the less a veil. You saw him through the veil. Suddenly the veil
would rise, there would be no mannerism; as suddenly it would fall.
And you heard him through strange obstacles. He could not walk, on the
stage, without frequently strutting. Sometimes he did not talk, on the
stage, without mouthing, marring the King's English. If he had
learned, he had not mastered the elements of his calling. The elements
mastered him. He had not the strength for what are called "sustained
flights" of passion. And yet he would thrill you. There were times
when he thrilled you with the suggestion of his meaning, rather than
with the expression of it.
It is a commonplace of dramatic criticism to assert that there is not,
and that there cannot be, such a thing as intellectual acting, because
acting is concerned wholly with emotions. But Irving proved that what
is impossible for the critics was possible {192} for him. There were
three aspects of any character he played which never could escape the
appreciation of an audience: the inner character, his conception of
it--the soul, if you will; the meaning of the man, if you will
not--that was the first aspect. The second was the picturesque aspect.
Irving was always picturesque. He understood the appeal to the eye.
Graceful he could not be, but he was always picturesque and always in
the picture. The third aspect was the dramatic, the action through his
personality. He could and did express every dramatic instant, every
meaning, expressed them somehow,--by flashes of the mind, by movement,
by simple gesture, by accentuation of line, by lights, by shades. It
was acting illuminated by intellect. Whatever he did had behind it a
powerful and searching mind, and you came to regard it for its
operations. And your admiration of him, if you did admire him, was
intellectual rather than emotional. You liked him, or you disliked
him. There was no halfway. I am speaking of him now as an actor, not
as an actor-manager. When I first saw him, I thought him the worst
actor there could be in the world. I was young then, but I had seen
much fine acting, great acting. I had grown almost to manhood under
the great art of Edwin Booth. Hamlet was the first part I saw Irving
play. I suppose that, even then, I knew the lines almost as well as
Irving himself. I thought he was speaking Choctaw, or Yorkshirese.
His vowels confounded him. They confused me. The effect was
distressing. After Hamlet I had seen him, during '79, in revivals of
{193} "Richelieu" (which did not impress me much), "Charles I" (which
did impress me), "Eugene Aram", "The Bells", and one or two other
parts. It was on November 1, 1879, that he produced "The Merchant of
Venice." This was the first of the "great productions" at the Lyceum
under his management. His reign actually began then, for then he began
fully to exercise his powers. The Tubal scene revealed all Irving's
defects; they stood between his Shylock and my eyes and ears; they
barked at me, jumped at me like grotesque manikins; I sympathised with
the old lady who is reported to have said, after an hour of Irving's
Hamlet: "Does that young man come on often? If he does, I'll go home!"
But there were other moments which denied the Tubal scene altogether.
That was forgotten as if it never had been. Shylock grew under your
eye, inner man and outer man. The presentation of the entire play felt
the magic of the poet-author, the poetic powers of the manager. I
began to understand what Irving was--the actor-manager with a poetic
spirit.
Possibly the full impact of the shock of his strange personality had
worn down its effects by this time. And I had come to know London
better. I had had a year of it, and in that time had heard all there
was to hear about Irving. His name and his doings were talked of
everywhere; the Lyceum, where he had acted several years under
Bateman's management, had become a British institution; and Irving was
as much talked of, everywhere, as the Prince of Wales, {194} Mr.
Gladstone, or the weather. Discussion of his mannerisms was inevitable
at any dinner party or afternoon tea. Burlesques of him were frequent,
imitations of him were part of the stock-in-trade of weary comedians
and gifted amateurs. But, in spite of all the skits and all the
laughter, every one respected the man and his work, and knew he was a
genius.
When his Shylock came, the awkwardness of the actor was concealed by
the costume, or what was not so concealed became apparently
characteristic of the Jew. If the Tubal scene showed him almost
tone-bound and muscle-bound, the other scenes found him free of many of
his afflictions.
Actor-manager with the poetic spirit! Those Lyceum nights were quite
Arabian. How fully I realise that as I look back upon them more than
forty years after. The pit nights at the play were the best nights I
ever knew at the play, wherever the pit, but not, it must be
acknowledged, whatever the play. When I ceased to be a pitite, and my
connections with the press thrust me a few feet nearer the footlights,
half the pleasure of theatre-going vanished, never to return. What had
been a joyous zest became plain duty which had to be fulfilled whatever
the conditions. As a pitite one went to the play for the fun of the
thing; as a stallite he went in quest of "copy." As a pitite one had
the pleasure of anticipation. Even the fatigue of waiting hours at the
doors, and going without dinner, had compensations; one knew that at
least he had capacity for endurance. One had, in brief, {195}
enthusiasm. One does not have enthusiasm in the stalls, or does not
display it. In the pit he lets it loose. There is nothing so
contagious as an expressed enthusiasm for a thing, or against it. And
the pitite is always conscious of the fact that man is a gregarious
animal. The stallite has forgotten this, if ever he knew it. He may
not prefer segregation, but he is the victim of it. The usages are
stronger than his feelings. The pitite's feelings come first. That is
why the pit is important to the London actor, whatever it may be to the
box office.
I have mentioned the first night of Irving's "Merchant of Venice."
That was November 1, 1879. I was in the very front of the crowd that
waited five hours in the old covered passage that led up from the
Strand. There were no _queues_ in those days. Only the strong faced
that struggle at the doors. You stood hours in the swelter, and then
when the bolts were heard thrusting back from their rings, you thrust
yourself back against the crowd, which surged and pressed behind you,
and was pressed again by the less fortunate beings in the distant rear.
The tactical manoeuvres consisted in avoiding the door frame while you
clung to your half-crown and leaned heavily against your neighbour who
was hurled against your ribs. The strategy was to know which half of
the door opened first and directly opposite the hole behind which the
ticket seller stood ready for action. If you lowered your arms you
were helpless in the crowd. The art was to hold them in front of you,
breast high, with your half-crown clenched in your left hand, because
that was {196} nearer the box office. If you put your hand in your
pocket, you were lost, the crowd would rush you aside. If you muddled
for change, they roared at you. Your left hand slapped your half-crown
on the ledge, your right snatched the pit-check which slid across to
you; you ran past the ticket collector, shoving the check into his hand
and, making a sharp turn to the left, dashed along the benches until
you came to the middle of the pit, and then went over the tops of
bench-backs until you had captured your place in the centre of the
front row! You had won the best place in the house! A barrier
separated you by half an inch from the last row of the stalls. You
were cheek by jowl with the mighty. You saw the celebrities of London
arrive, you heard them chat; you saw them make others uncomfortable as
they uncomfortably squeezed their way to their seats (for the Lyceum
stalls were set closely) and as they entered your neighbour would tell
you who they were, or you would tell him.
It was in the pit of London's theatres that I first came to know the
London crowd, to understand it, to share its enthusiasms, or the
reverse. It was in the Lyceum pit that I came to know how the crowd
adored Irving, the place Ellen Terry had in its heart, and the place
traditions held in the heart of the pit. Are there such pitites now, I
wonder, as there were thirty and forty years ago?
Those first nights with the first favourites dissolved my American
notions of the British character. I had heard, with the rest of the
outer world, that the British were stolid, phlegmatic, cold, and what
not, {197} that they repressed their emotions, that they would not and
could not let themselves go. I was to find what everybody finds,
sooner or later,--that the individual and the mass differ as chalk from
cheese. The pit crowds were not icebergs; they had not the immobility
of mountains. They laughed, they wept, they cheered; they unlocked
their emotions. They were the most sentimental, the most enthusiastic,
the most appreciative crowds I had ever seen. The individual was
dissolved in the mass. He became natural man. The crowds always took
fire from a spark. They received their favourites as if they were
conquering heroes. Irving, their greatest favourite, they received
like a reigning monarch. One has to learn this about the British;
their hearts are big and near their skins, and that is why, as
individuals, they armour them.
If you know how to touch them, they respond with such demonstrations of
devotion, of enthusiasm, of loyalty, as no other race ever equals in
our time. Their loyalty to Irving they expressed with a zeal that was
greater even than their appreciation of his powers, immense as that
appreciation was. They loved the man. He embodied for them another
lofty mark in the records of English achievement. He was great and
would be greater by the integrity, the persistence, the elevation of
his purpose. Such qualities win the English, and deep is the loyalty
with which England rewards them. That, at all events, was true in the
Victorian days.
There was a blessed vision called Ellen Terry, in those far-away Lyceum
nights. Her power was {198} charm. And she wielded her power almost
to the end of King Henry's reign. In comedy she was alluring,
audacious, delightful,--as Portia, for instance; as Beatrice; as any
number of arch, graceful, incomparable creatures. In tragedy,--well,
we forgave her the tragedies, her Lady Macbeth, for example. As
Ophelia there was nothing to forgive; as Juliet--here was the exception
to her tragic parts; she was a poet's dream, a fragile, loving, playful
thing enmeshed by fate and borne down to death. Ellen Terry was the
witching consort of Irving's reign. She won half his battle. "A star
danced, and under that" she "was born." When Father Time told her that
she could not play Portia and Beatrice and Juliet any more, half the
attractiveness of the Lyceum was gone, and Irving had to carry the load
alone.
But I have wandered far from the first night of "The Merchant of
Venice." It was a great occasion. "Everybody" was there. To my
gratified eyes the audience was nearly as interesting as the play and
the players. Celebrities were "as plenty as blackberries." Now forty
years have gone, and the celebrities have gone with them. And the
nonentities, too. Of the two thousand or more persons who saw the
performance that night, it may be that not more than fifty survive.
There is no one in these days to rouse us as we were roused in the late
seventies and to the end of the century. The playgoer of to-day is fed
on other stuff, on experiences quite unlike those his predecessors
knew. And he is not fed so well. He is {199} growing up, or has grown
up, without standards. All's fish that comes to his net. I wonder
what he would think of Irving if, by miracle, Irving could return to
the Lyceum with undiminished powers, with Ellen Terry as she was in the
eighties, and all the galaxy and circumstance that surrounded them? I
think the playgoer of the present would scarcely notice Irving's
mannerisms of speech, of gesture, of gait, he has seen so many
mannerisms almost equally quaint, heard so much speech that is quite as
queer. What caused Irving's mannerisms? For the life of me I cannot
tell. They were not always with him. They grew upon him with the
seasons. I do not think he affected them. He was too honest, too
sincere for affectations. Besides, he did not need them to attract
attention. And they injured his work. They were not caused by
physical defects. They were entirely absent when he was not acting.
Then his movements and speech were easy, pleasing. His manner had
great dignity. I have said that his mannerisms were not with him in
all characters, nor at all times. Intensity might bring them out.
Declamation did so almost invariably. But they could not be relied
upon either for coming or for going. What caused them?
Self-consciousness perhaps, nervousness possibly. But why should he be
self-conscious or nervous in his own theatre, where he played every
night, and show no trace of either when he spoke at a university, or a
dinner, or a public meeting? Why should he walk naturally and with
ease in Bond Street, and with constraint, as if he were rheumatic, as
Hamlet, at Elsinore, and why {200} should he speak with perturbed
vowels when he was in costume, and in easy control of them when in
ordinary dress? The questions are easily asked; they have never been
answered. If I have dwelt upon his peculiarities, it is partly because
no one could ignore them, but mainly because he was so great a man that
we can measure his powers by the obstacles against which he contended.
His peculiarities of speech and motion may have been the causes which
retarded his advancement for so many years. And, by the way, he was
born in Somersetshire. Perhaps it was the Somersetshire dialect that
cropped out at times in his delivery.
Irving's maltreatment of vowels gave much offence to trained ears. I
do not know when I ceased, if ever I did cease, to wince at some of his
pronunciations, but with time they ceased to present themselves as
crimes for scourging, and came to be regarded as misfortunes, as
penalties that must be endured for seeing him and enjoying him. When
all is said, this thought remains,--the Lyceum productions were
immensely satisfying; the beauty of them, the appeal to the eye, the
appropriateness of everything that was painted, or woven, or said, or
done; the groupings, the general and particular movement, whether of
principals or supernumeraries, the tone of the thing, the atmosphere of
it. When was the like known before? When since?
Seeing through the fog of mannerism took me a year. After that, as I
have said, I grew gradually to appreciate him, to admire him. When I
made {201} his acquaintance, ten years after first seeing his Hamlet, I
had long passed from the benches of opposition. But even then the
wonder grew. First it had been: how did this man of many mannerisms
ever become an actor and one of the most distinguished actors of his
time? And then it was: how does he escape from carrying his mannerisms
into private life? For he did not carry them there. He was a natural,
unaffected gentleman, distinguished in bearing, courteous, fine in
dignity, without pose. He walked and talked like a human being
accustomed to the best of intellectual society, accustomed, indeed, to
the ruling of men. He was then neither tone-bound nor muscle-bound.
He moved with a certain ease, spoke with exquisite courtesy and quiet,
and did not speak too much. He preferred to listen rather than to
talk. He could--and did--make excellent speeches after dinner, or
before the curtain. They would always have a touch of humour and a
touch of pathos. They would always be in earnest. He never spent
himself on trivial things; he never trifled about anything.
He had a certain air of authority; he had, at any rate, earned the
right to breathe it. Besides, it protected him from bores. It made
him, as a listener, the more gracious by just the suggestion of
deference to an opinion, especially when he had invited the opinion.
He preferred flattering to being flattered. Perhaps discreet flattery
was an instrument that he knew how to employ better than most men. It
may have been on that account that {202} when it came his way he did
not care for it. In all things he preferred giving to receiving.
Next to his work he enjoyed hospitality, that is, the exercise of
hospitality. He did not like going out, and very seldom went out to
dinners and receptions, those affairs of which one grows weary in
London, because there are so many of them, and the celebrity is so
often a sacrifice. He enjoyed being the host. This gave him the right
of selection, with the minimum of sacrifice.
And what a host he was! You saw him at his best then, I think, his
Majesty in evening dress, presiding at his table, after the play. You
had seen him crowned and robed and reigning, heard him cheered by his
loyal subjects, the British public, and now you were to sup with him
after the play. His guests--they might be two, or six, or a
dozen--would be shown to a suite of historic rooms upstairs behind the
scenes, the rooms which in the eighteenth century and later had
belonged to The Sublime Society of Beefsteaks. Perhaps, that night,
the play had finished at eleven. The green curtain seldom fell earlier
at the Lyceum. In fifteen or twenty minutes Irving would come in. If
Miss Terry were coming, she would be later. An actress is usually
longer than an actor about "changing." But whether she came, or not,
and she would not always come, the feast would be a memorable one, both
as to company and to dishes, to coffee and cigars and wines.
In those days teetotalism did not stalk over the world, and arrogantly
claim all the virtues, and cry {203} tyrannically, "You shall not touch
wine! There are weak souls who cannot drink without drunkenness. To
protect them we shall deprive you!" A lot of kindly feeling has
vanished with the rise of Bolshevism, Syndicalism, and Teetotalism.
Are we coming to a time when Shaving will be forbidden because razors
are dangerous? If there are people who drink to excess, are there none
who eat excessively? Are dyspepsia and indigestion to reduce the world
to a common level of sallowness and pain, to the pangs and palenesses
that prevail in teetotal regions? What has all this to do with Henry
Irving? Nothing, of course, seeing that he died in 1905. But were he
living and in his prime, I can fancy him saying, as many another man is
saying: "No more America for me. They won't let me have a pint of wine
with my dinner. I believe in freedom."
Irving's first nights were famous for their supper parties. These were
not given in the Beefsteak Rooms but on the stage. The stage would be
cleared after the play, and at long tables, at the rear of it, the
guests would help themselves, and stroll about, smoking, talking,
munching chicken sandwiches and salad, and sipping champagne, claret,
or whatever was going. There would be two or three hundred guests,
possibly more, men and women titled and untitled, well known in
politics, science, letters, art, and social leaders, generals, and
admirals, an epitome of that world which is London. It would be one of
the most enjoyable receptions of the season. Wearied with conversation
and {204} standing about, the guests would begin to disperse about one
or half-past one in the morning. By two o'clock, usually, nearly all
of them would be gone. Then some one would find a few chairs, and half
a dozen of us would sit in a corner talking, and presently Irving would
join us, and the talk would gain in weight and point. About three
o'clock, I think it was seldom earlier, we would start homeward.
Frequently Irving and I would go together. My hansom would drop him at
the door of his chambers in Grafton Street, and then I would go on to
Chelsea. But whether on first nights, or on other nights, this was our
custom for ten years, a custom broken only by my increasing absences
from London. I might be in New York or Washington, or Rome, but Irving
would know somehow, and we would exchange wires on first nights. On
his first night in the World Beyond, I was farther away than usual. I
was in Chicago. I wondered, when I heard, next morning, that he had
gone, whether he missed the little group that used to foregather with
him, and what hansom had conveyed him after his life's drama, and who
had accompanied him Home. Always he had seemed to me a lonely man. He
was a generous man and a great one. And his fame will last as long as
the English stage retains its fame.
{205}