THE LAST VOYAGE OF AN AMERICAN SLAVER
In the year 1850 there died in New Orleans, a slave owner, John
McDonogh, who, after making bequests to the cities of New Orleans
and Baltimore for educational purposes, provided that his slaves
should be given their freedom after a certain number of years,
conditional upon their emigration to Liberia. The period having
elapsed in the spring of 1859, the commissioners in charge of the
estate began to look about for some vessel in which the freed slaves
might be sent to the negro republic on the African coast. At first
it was proposed to ship them on board the sailing-packet that left
Baltimore each spring, with emigrants and supplies, returning later
in the year with a cargo of the products of the colony: but about
that time it was learned that the ship _Rebecca_, then lying at the
government wharf in New Orleans, proposed sailing for the West Coast
of Africa about the first of May and could supply suitable
accommodations for the freed slaves and their baggage, and
negotiations were soon concluded. At the last moment it was decided
by the commissioners to send a doctor with them and application was
hurriedly made to Dr. Howard Smith, a professor at the medical
school, who recommended a young student, George Howe of Natchez,
Mississippi, who had just completed his course of lectures.
It was nine o’clock on the morning of the day the _Rebecca_ was to
sail, when Doctor Smith found the young student at the gates of the
Charity Hospital and without replying to his greeting, said:
“George, how would you like to go to the coast of Africa?” Howe at
once replied, “First rate, doctor.” “How soon can you get ready?”
Believing him to be joking, Howe said: “I am ready now.” Taking him
at his word, the doctor then explained the situation and the
necessity for haste and when he had finished the young man jumped
into the doctor’s buggy and was soon in the office of the McDonogh
commissioners, where he signed an agreement to make the voyage as
medical officer in charge of the freed slaves.[51]
-----
Footnote 51:
For a full account of this voyage, _see_ “The Last Slave-Ship,” by
George Howe, M.D., in _Scribner’s Magazine_, July, 1890.
-----
In the office some of the gentlemen indulged in pleasant jokes about
“wool and ivory,” and one of them wrote a letter to the surgeon of
the United States man-of-war _Vincennes_, stationed on the coast of
Africa, saying, “This is a letter of introduction and may be of use
to you.” Howe was so engrossed with the idea of going to Africa that
he did not attach any special significance to the jokes and going to
his lodgings packed his books and clothing.
He was on board the ship at twelve o’clock and on presenting himself
to the captain, found that he appeared annoyed, but soon asked him
to the cabin and ordered the steward to prepare a room. Going upon
deck, Howe saw a motley group of negroes, mulattoes, quadroons, men,
women, and children of all ages, numbering forty-three, busily
engaged in getting their baggage on board. Many of them were not
anxious to go, and seemed much disheartened at the idea of leaving
home. Just then several of the commissioners arrived with their
wives, who were known to the negroes, and after a while, they were
successful in imparting new courage and cheerful faces to the
immigrants.
[Illustration:
VIEW OF NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA, FROM ABOVE THE MIDDLE FERRY
From a colored aquatint, published in 1841, after a painting by
William J. Bennett, in the Macpherson Collection
]
The ship left the wharf at four o’clock in the evening. Early next
morning, they were at the mouth of the river and in another hour on
the open sea. A pleasant southerly breeze drove the ship along at
about eight miles an hour and dinner being called, Howe found at the
captain’s table, Captain C——, a naturalized Scotch-Englishman, the
first mate, Mr. T——, a Long Islander, and two Spanish gentlemen
speaking very little English. An introduction followed, one Spanish
gentleman explaining that they were on their way to a trading point
on the African coast, representing a commercial house in Havana, and
that having waited a long while unsuccessfully for an opportunity to
get there, he had taken passage on this vessel as far as its voyage
extended.
Dinner over, the mate remained in the cabin and the other officers
came to the table, and were introduced. “This is Doctor Sawbones; I
am mate; here is the second mate; there is the carpenter. Now, how
is it that you were engaged at the last moment to come with us?”
After Howe had explained all he knew about it, the mate said: “It
would have been better for you to have known something about the
ship and her destination before you accepted.” This recalled the
jokes of the commissioners and set the young doctor thinking and
that night during the mate’s watch, he approached him and, after a
few remarks about the weather, said: “Mr. T——, I did not quite
understand your remark at dinner; if you can do so, please explain.”
After a long silence, he replied: “Well, you will find it out sooner
or later, and I do not know that I am violating any confidence in
telling you now, _this ship is a Slaver_. Yes: that is just what she
is, and belongs to a company of Spaniards who are represented here
by the eldest of the Spanish passengers, who will be the captain at
the proper time; the other Spaniard will be his mate. They purchased
this ship two months ago, and have had all sorts of difficulties
ever since with the custom-house. She sails under the American flag,
and is supposed to be owned by a commission house in New Orleans,
who are the agents there of the Spanish company. They wanted to
obtain papers permitting the ship to go to the African coast; just
now everything destined there is regarded with suspicion and the
Spaniards wanted to go in ballast to seek a cargo of palm-oil,
camwood, and any other merchandise offering. The custom-house
authorities declined, for various reasons, to issue the papers. In
the meantime, the ship had been loaded with empty casks and a
quantity of staves in the rough from which to manufacture other
casks, if necessary. The question of getting sufficient supplies of
food aboard was a very delicate one, for food could not profitably
be carried as freight to that locality, and it was not required in
barter. Then the Spaniards proposed to equip her as a whaling-ship,
with her whaling-ground from Bermuda to the Cape of Good Hope. This
would permit her occasionally to call on the African coast for water
and fresh food-supplies, yet would require a much longer period to
complete the trip. Just at this time the commission house heard of
the purpose of the McDonogh commissioners to send the ex-slaves, via
Baltimore, to Liberia. After considering the matter it was
determined to offer this ship as a means of transportation at a very
moderate price. If they had dared to do so, they would have been
willing to pay a handsome premium. The offer was accepted and the
date fixed. The Spaniards now had a legitimate cargo for the African
coast, and easily procured the necessary papers for a trading point
on the Congo River, stopping at Liberia on the voyage out. I can
also tell you that your presence here is not pleasant for Captain
C——, for he had about determined to run down on the south side of
Cuba with these negroes, leave them at a place he knows of, and
continue on the voyage. Now, this cannot be done, unless you come
into the arrangement; but I do not think he will say anything to you
about it. You are a stranger and we are constantly in sight of and
speaking vessels, and it would be easy for you to say a few words
which might spoil the entire expedition.”
Next morning early, as the captain and the doctor were taking coffee
on deck, in the course of general conversation, the captain
remarked: “What a valuable lot of negroes these are; all the men
have some trade or vocation which makes them most desirable on any
plantation. The women are all experienced in their duties; they
would bring a round sum in Cuba; and Cuba is very near, and I know
where they could be landed without much risk.”
The doctor at once replied: “Captain, these negroes must be landed
at their destination in Africa, and as long as I can, I will not
permit any change of programme.”
As if to disarm any suspicion, the captain said: “Of course, they
must be landed in Liberia, I was only regretting that so much money
is just thrown away.”
During the mate’s watch which followed, he asked the doctor what the
captain had said, for on his return to the cabin there had been a
long and stormy conversation with the Spanish gentleman, who would
not be persuaded that there was very little risk in landing the
negroes in Cuba, whether the doctor consented or not. On learning
the details of the conversation between the captain and the doctor,
the mate replied: “Well, that matter is now decided, for we are
sailing southeast, instead of southwest, and that means we will not
stop at Cuba this part of the trip.”
“Now,” said he, “this is my second voyage of this kind; the first
was from New York to Africa and Brazil, and as slavery will probably
be abolished in Brazil, and coolies are getting cheaper than negroes
in Cuba, this is probably the last slave ship; and if we are
successful, we will land the last cargo of slaves. To begin, you
must understand that there are necessary one person as head manager,
and three agents, each one with an assistant to replace the
principal in case of accident, sickness or death. The head resides
in Havana. One agent, with his assistant, the Spanish captain and
his friend, on board with us, went to the United States to purchase
the fastest sailing-vessel that money could buy, and he found, in
New Orleans, the Baltimore clipper ship _Rebecca_, near five hundred
and fifty tons, carrying sky-sails, studding-sails to royal yards,
and stay-sails to royals, with a record of fourteen knots to
windward, sailing inside of four points from the wind. She was
fitted out with new sails, cordage, extra spars and yards, and a
large supply of material with which to make other sails at sea, and
to replace uncertain stays, running rigging, etc. The custom-house
officers seemed to be suspicious of her and watched everything
connected with the ship very closely. Just at this time the offer to
the McDonogh commissioners was made to take the negroes as
passengers and arrangements were completed. Now began the purchase,
in large quantities, of rice, white beans, pork and biscuit, which
were ostensibly for our passengers. With a long hose, all the casks
were filled with water from an opening below the water-line in the
ship’s bow, a supply of lumber was obtained, and bunks constructed
between decks the whole length of the ship’s hold, and for several
times the number of passengers expected; a large cooking furnace was
also built on deck. Another agent and his assistant sailed some
months ago for the coast of Africa, and have purchased and
contracted to carry on shares as many negroes as can be stowed on
board. The place where they are to meet is known on board only to
the Spaniards; another agent and his assistant are established as
fishermen on an unfrequented island on the south side of Cuba, I
know that much. There, with a companion or two, they fish, for the
markets, so as to require a regular camp and a small vessel. They
will be ready, when we arrive, to inform us when and where to land
the cargo. The head, in Havana, keeps everything in working order,
and it is his particular business to fee the customs officials and
keep them away from where they are not wanted. One ounce of gold,
seventeen dollars, per head, is the fee he pays to the officials for
every negro landed, who divide among themselves, according to
previous arrangements.”
Life on board was a very pleasant one, as our ship was splendidly
provisioned with every delicacy necessary to our comfort; and with
beautiful weather, the run in the Gulf Stream was full of interest.
Each day experiments were made, by changing the size and character
of sails, to develop the greatest speed. All the masts were examined
and put to their utmost strain; new stays and preventer-stays were
added until it was no longer doubtful about the masts being able to
support any strain. The ship could easily make three hundred and
twenty to three hundred and forty miles daily, running as close to
windward as she could sail. Being in the southeast trades, she would
run twelve hours on east-north-east tack and twelve hours on the
south by west tack, and in the twenty-four hours’ run make a net
gain, east, of thirty miles.
The negroes soon became accustomed to the motion of the vessel, but
the length of the voyage tired them, and they repeatedly said that
when they got ready to return to Louisiana they would walk around by
land, as they had had enough of sailing. To keep them employed, the
women were engaged to mend and launder the officers’ clothing; and
as their utensils were all stowed away in the lower hold, it was
necessary to extemporize others. The washing and drying were easily
accomplished, but the ironing was done by putting hot coals in a tin
bucket and rubbing that over the pieces—with not much of a success,
however.
On July 1, 1859, there was a terrible storm of wind and rain, and
the sea was very rough. Cape Palmas was in sight; Monrovia, the
capital of Liberia, being situated on it. The mist obscured all
objects near the water and when it cleared, a small steamer hove in
sight and fired a blank shot for the _Rebecca_ to come to. She
hoisted the American flag and sailed on, followed by the steamer,
which proved to be the English cruiser _Viper_, which approached as
near as could be safely done and sent an officer on board. He
politely stated his mission and was invited below, where the ship’s
papers were produced and shown him, as an act of courtesy—for the
ship was now within the limits of the Liberian Government. The
officer pleasantly observed that he knew the vessel as soon as it
was in sight and with other cruisers had been on the lookout for her
for some time; that his government, by the last mail steamer to St.
Paul de Loanda, had notified the cruisers that the ship _Rebecca_
was suspected. She had been described with such accuracy that there
could be no mistake. He thought she then had an outward bound cargo
and was much chagrined to find that it was inward bound and at its
destination. After a short stay he left and steamed away to the
south.
A long canoe, manned by four apparently naked negroes, then came out
from the shore, through a very rough sea but without much apparent
effort. Coming alongside, they climbed over the rail and jumped down
among the passengers. They were naked, except for a piece of cloth
tied around the loins, fine specimens of muscular development, short
and stout, tattooed down the forehead to the end of the nose and on
the cheeks with a dark-blue pigment. They were kroomen, a tribe
dispersed along the coast, employed by ships to load or obtain
water, or as pilots—and seldom exported. A wail as from Hades arose
from the passengers; who were filled with consternation and terror
at sight of the kroomen, and the sailors, taking advantage of the
situation, went among the poor negroes and told them it was now time
for them to take off their store clothes and get ready to go
ashore—just like these people whom they had come to live with.
The ship was anchored at a place assigned by the kroomen and a
message was sent ashore, but a storm delayed the arrival of an
official until the next evening. His appearance quieted the
negroes like oil on troubled waters. This agent was an enthusiast
and soon gave them to understand that the garden of Eden was an
ill-conditioned suburb compared to Monrovia.
July 4th was observed as a “fete” day and the officers of the ship
were invited to dine with the President of the Republic and his
ministers.
That evening, the missionary, the only white man living in the negro
republic, took the doctor aside and told him there was considerable
doubt as to the character of the _Rebecca_, and on reaching the
ship, he told the officers they were suspected. A council was held
at once and arrangements were made for the landing next day of the
passengers and their effects. The English gunboat had just returned
to Monrovia and was anchored but a short distance from the ship and
her company was not desired longer than possible.
Next morning a fleet of sloops, canoes, and yawls came alongside
early. The Spanish captain then told the doctor he could go with the
vessel as far as the Congo River, where he might meet the mail
steamer, and this offer he accepted. By noon the passengers and
their effects were landed and the captain had returned with ship’s
papers, etc. The anchor was hoisted and a southerly course was made.
The English cruiser at once followed, but as the _Rebecca_ sailed
twelve miles to his eight, before dark the Englishman was out of
sight.
[Illustration:
A VIEW OF FREETOWN, SIERRA LEONE
From a colored aquatint, published Sept. 14, 1837, after the
painting by W. J. Huggins, in the Macpherson Collection
]
The Spanish captain now appeared on deck, a short, swarthy,
black-whiskered man, with a cold, determined look, dressed in open
shirt with a large silk handkerchief around his neck, white
trousers, with a large red sash wrapped several times around his
waist, a wide soft hat—a typical bandit. His assistant followed in
almost similar costume and went forward and rang the ship’s bell;
the crew was called to the afterdeck, where the Spanish Captain A——
addressed them, in Spanish and English:
“Men, I am now the captain of this ship; this is my first mate,”
introducing his assistant; “the other subordinate officers are
retained in their positions; the late captain and mate will be
respected and advised with. The object of this voyage is a cargo of
negroes to be purchased in Africa and landed in Cuba; the trip is
full of peril, but if successful, full of money. If there is one of
you who desires to go ashore, the ship will stop at a place where he
can be safely landed and double wages to date given him.”
All expressed themselves anxious to sign new articles and the wages
were declared, if the voyage was successful, to be: For the American
captain and first mate, $5000 each; second mate, $3500; carpenter,
$3000; each sailor, $1500. The crew numbered twenty-three, all told,
Turks, Greeks, Italians, Spaniards, Scotch, Yankees, and Danes.
It was plain that the Spanish captain did not trust Captain C——, and
although they were courteous to each other, there was an entire
absence of familiarity. The crew had the same feeling, and on one
occasion while Captain C——, suspended in a bow-line over the stern,
was inspecting the rudder hinges, the sailor at the wheel took out
his knife and made a movement as if to sever the rope and drop the
captain into the sea, but the doctor saw the movement and sharply
called the Spanish captain’s attention to the intended treachery.
The ship was some weeks in advance of the time for her intended
arrival at a point agreed upon and so they sailed leisurely along
until one day’s sail from Mayumba, which is about two hundred miles
north of the mouth of the Congo River. This portion of the coast was
carefully guarded by the United States, English, Portuguese, and
Spanish steam and sailing vessels, so that in approaching the coast
there was considerable risk of being overhauled. Although the ship’s
papers were regular to a point on Congo River, yet the vessel might
have been seized as suspicious and subjected to a return to Sierra
Leone; and there, the matter fully investigated by a court organized
to condemn and confiscate.
One day her movements were so regulated that, by sailing all night
toward the coast, she would be, at daylight, fifteen miles distant.
A yawl was then lowered and the Spanish captain with two sailors
entered it, provided with two days’ supplies and compass, and pulled
away for land. The ship at once returned to sea with the
understanding that forty days after she was to return to the place
where the Spanish captain had expected to land. The Spanish mate was
now in command and put to sea, four hundred miles from land, then
sailed back one day, and the next returned to sea, for the entire
period of forty days, never coming within two hundred miles of the
shore. This was a very quiet and uneventful cruise; on two occasions
only, were vessels sighted, which proved to be whalers and were
given a wide berth.
At daylight, on the morning of the fortieth day, the ship had
approached the coast near enough to see distinctly objects along the
shore, but seeing no living creature, a man was sent aloft to be
sure no vessel was in sight and the ship ran along the coast a few
miles, until a negro was seen waving a large white flag, with a red
cross its entire length and width; this was the signal and in a
short time several negroes could be seen dragging the ship’s yawl to
the water from its place of concealment. In an hour, Captain A—— was
again on board. It was plain that something had gone wrong; the
agent and assistant had arrived much later than anticipated; both
had been ill with African fever and were at a trading post on the
Congo River, trying to get well. British cruisers had passed almost
daily and could be expected at any moment. A council was again held
in the cabin; the ship put to sea and it was determined that, as the
ship’s papers were regular and permitted going to the Congo River,
she would proceed there at once and await events.
Light winds and strong currents delayed arrival at the trading
station, which was about seventy miles from the mouth of the river.
On reaching moorings a boat with two white men in it was found; one
of whom was recognized as the agent’s assistant, who informed the
captain that the agent had died of consumption and African fever.
His assistant was slowly convalescing and all trading operations had
been suspended until his recovery or the arrival of the ship. His
companion in the boat was a trader, at whose post he had found a
home. The ship was now in for a delay of some time, as Spaniards
move slowly, and so she was anchored about seventy-five yards from
the shore on the left bank going up stream.
One day a man-of-war’s long boat was seen coming up the river with
an officer and ten men; they anchored almost immediately under the
bow of the _Rebecca_ and there they remained as long as the ship lay
in the river. They were from the British gunboat _Tigris_ and had
spoken the _Vixen_,—another gunboat, which had gone farther south in
search of the ship. The _Tigris_ lay at the mouth of the river to
intercept any attempt that might be made to leave with a cargo of
negroes. Again the Spanish captain left the ship and was gone for
many days. As it was necessary to replenish the supply of water,
this was done with a hose through an opening in the bow, without the
boat’s crew knowing anything about it, although but a few feet
distant.
One day a trader from the interior came aboard with the information
that a disease declared to be smallpox had broken out in the
barracoons where the negroes intended for the ship were being
collected, and asked what could be done about it. The doctor had in
his pocket-case a vaccine crust enveloped in adhesive plaster, and
going with the Spaniard he journeyed two days up the river and was
then carried southward, many miles into the interior, in a hammock
slung between two poles with two men at each end of a pole. This
route was circuitous to avoid the annoyance of other tribes who
would levy heavy tribute. On reaching the barracoon, it was found to
be an enclosure about three hundred feet square, fenced with bamboo
about eight or nine feet high, a thatched roof running entirely
around it and extending perhaps ten feet toward the center. It was a
very frail structure to be used as a place of confinement, but
sufficient to shelter from sun and rain and heavy dews, which were
very cool. These barracoons were permitted in this locality by
neighboring chiefs, because it enabled them easily to dispose of
their captured slaves, and, being so far in the interior, they were
safe from unauthorized visitors. A few negroes were found by the
doctor to be suffering from smallpox, contracted from a tribe which
frequented the coast, having intercourse with kroomen who had
contracted in it St. Paul de Loanda. The infected were separated and
new barracoons erected for them, as well as for the uninfected, in a
distant locality. The old barracoons were burned and as far as the
vaccine virus could be extended, it was used. From those vaccinated
a new supply of virus was obtained. The disease was arrested
there.[52]
-----
Footnote 52:
From the factors the doctor learned something about the manner in
which the slave trade was carried on at that time. A trader,
Portuguese always, procured consent from a head of a strong tribe
to establish himself among them and paid liberally in presents for
the privilege. Consent obtained, a barracoon was at once built and
each member of the tribe was a self-constituted guardian to
protect it; a scale of prices was agreed upon for negroes,
according to age and sex, averaging two fathoms or four yards of
calico, one flint-lock musket, one six-pound keg of coarse powder,
one two-gallon keg of rum, some beads and brass wire; an English
value of about eight dollars gold for each negro captured by this
tribe from neighboring and weaker ones. There had been a lower
rate of prices until within a few years when competition had
slowly increased the rates.
-----
Enough negroes had been purchased and contracted for to be
transported on shares, to load the ship; and her departure was only
a question of when they could be put on board without risk of
smallpox reappearing among them. The negroes were then to be sent by
easy marches to a place half a day’s journey from the sea-coast,
where they would remain until the time agreed upon to move to the
coast. This last march to the coast was done at night, so that they
had ample time to arrive before daylight. The ship was due at
daylight and if she could not reach the coast at that hour, the
whole business was to be postponed for a week and the negroes
immediately returned to the half-day station, rested and cared for.
When the doctor returned to the ship on the river, he found that
quiet preparations had been made to leave at a moment’s notice; and
fresh supplies of poultry and fruit had been taken aboard. The
Spanish captain alone knew the locality where the negroes would be
met and it was impossible for any sailor to have given information
of value to the English in their boat under the bow of the ship.
Rather than risk African fever on the Congo River during a stay for
an indefinite period, together with a spirit of adventure,
considerable curiosity and a great confidence in his good luck,
prompted the doctor to accept an invitation from the Spanish captain
to remain with the ship. They learned that a Portuguese man-of-war
had visited the mouth of the river and, finding the English gunboat
Vixen there, had gone on to the north. This made things very much
mixed; one cruiser south, one at the river’s mouth and one north,
and the Portuguese was the worst one of all. At that time, if a
vessel was captured with negroes on board, she would be taken to
Sierra Leone; the sailors being landed at or near the place of
capture to look out for themselves. If the ship had a flag and could
be identified, the officers were transferred at Sierra Leone to
their respective governments for trial, the negroes sent ashore, an
attempt at colonization made, and the ship sold and broken up; but
if no nationality could be established, the officers were imprisoned
for a term at Sierra Leone, with or without civil trials. If the
Portuguese made a capture, every officer and sailor was sent to
their penal settlements, and that was the last ever heard of them.
The American government had the sailing man-of-war _Vincennes_
stationed there.
One morning, early, about October 1, 1859, the anchor was raised and
the ship sailed down the river. Her papers yet protected her, for
she had ostensibly made an unsuccessful mercantile venture and was
returning home. The English yawl was taken in tow and the officer in
command was invited on board. It was a pleasant trip to the mouth of
the river, which was reached in the afternoon. The gunboat steamed
alongside to get her officer and learn the ship’s destination and on
being informed, “United States,” someone remarked, “Oh, of course!
perhaps!” The course during the evening and night was northwest
towards the United States. This was to get off shore and ascertain
the strength of the wind at that season and also to see what speed
could be made. At daylight the course was shaped south and all hands
were employed in removing every trace of name from bow, stern and
smallboats. The white ports on the ship’s side were painted out and
every paper or scrap that could be found was, with the American
flag, weighted and thrown overboard.
“Now!” said the captain, “we have no name, and no nationality; we
are nobody and know nothing. If we are captured, every mouth must be
sealed, in that only can we escape the severe penalties.”
For four days and nights they cruised about, keeping the distance of
nearly one hundred and fifty miles from land. On the afternoon of
the fourth day, having taken accurate observations of the position
at sea, the course was shaped for the coast; every light was
extinguished but that of the binnacle, which was hooded so that the
man at the wheel could see the compass and yet the light could not
be seen; an extra watch was kept and at three o’clock next morning,
the ship was within two miles of the shore in latitude 6° 10′,
South, previously agreed upon. So correct were the chronometers and
the estimation of wind and current, that there was no error in the
calculations; they could hear the roar of the breakers, but there
was not light enough to see the shore. As it grew lighter they could
see the low shoreline, which appeared to be broken into small
hillocks of sand sparsely covered with a scrubby vegetation.
[Illustration:
CAPTURE OF THE SPANISH SLAVER “MIDAS,” JUNE 27, 1829, ON THE GREAT
BAHAMA BANK, BY H.M. SCHOONER “MONKEY”
From the colored aquatint, after the painting by W. J. Huggins, in
the Macpherson Collection
]
A number of small craft resembling oyster boats could be seen
outside the breakers and after a satisfactory scrutiny of the
horizon from the masthead, a signal, a large white flag with a red
cross, was hoisted, and as it blew out it was answered from the
shore. Soon the beach seemed to swarm with moving objects. A number
of long, black objects left the shore and, when through the
breakers, they stopped at the small craft outside and it could be
seen that negroes were being transferred to the boats outside the
breakers, from canoes, which ran out with from four to six in each.
As the sloops were filled they sailed for the ship and, ladders
having been arranged, the negroes were soon coming over the ship’s
side; as each one reached the deck he was given a biscuit and sent
below. The sloops soon were flying to and fro and a great number of
negroes were already on board at 2 P.M., when the lookout at the
masthead shouted: “Sail ho! away to the southward.”
From the deck nothing could be seen but a danger signal was hoisted
at once to hurry all aboard faster. In a short time a little black
spot would be seen from the deck. Smoke! A cruiser! Another signal,
a blood-red flag, was hoisted, informing those ashore of the kind of
danger. If possible the bustle ashore was increased; the ship’s
boats were lowered and they aided materially. The approaching vessel
had seen the ship and the volume of smoke increased. She could now
be seen with the naked eye and was recognized as the _Vixen_. A
signal from shore that a very few remained was hoisted. Another hour
passed, and the vessel was certainly within three miles. The boats
were then recalled and the entire fleet of sloops soon sailed toward
the ship. The boats were hoisted in and lines were thrown to the
sloops now alongside. Just then the _Vixen_ changed her course
slightly and fired a solid shot, which passed to leeward. At this
the Spanish captain cried out: “Let go!” The pin holding the staple
in the anchor chain was cut and the chain parted. Sail was hoisted
rapidly, the negroes in the sloops climbed over the ship’s side, and
as the sloops were emptied they were cast adrift with their single
occupant, a krooman. They scattered like frightened birds.
It seemed a long time getting headway on the ship and everybody was
looking very anxious, as other sails were set; studding-sails were
added, stay-sails hoisted and a large square sail on the mizzen-mast
from the deck to topsail. The _Vixen_ was now within a mile and she
seemed to have wonderful speed; again she changed her course and
there followed a puff of smoke. That was too close for comfort, as
the splashing sea showed where the ball ricocheted and went very
near. However, the ship seemed to have gained some in distance
during this manoeuvre and the wind grew stronger the farther she got
from land. A cloud of black smoke showed that a grand effort was
being made by the gunboat to recover the distance lost while
changing her course to fire. The _Rebecca_ was now easily going
ahead and the distance between grew greater and soon the wind was so
strong that it was necessary to take in the lofty studding-sails.
Another hour and it was getting near night, with the cruiser at
least five miles astern, still holding on, hoping something would
happen to disable the ship yet. Night fell, but she continued her
course without change until midnight, when it was changed to
south-southwest until daylight, so that if something should happen
to the masts, she would be far from the route of the gunboat in case
it still followed us. At daylight the course was west by north and
the southeast trade-wind was driving the ship along at fourteen
knots an hour.
There were a number of strange white men aboard; Spaniards,
representing the barracoon from which some of the negroes were taken
on shares,—one-half for the ship, the other half for the owner,
whose representative would purchase merchandise in the United States
or England, and ship to St. Paul de Loanda in the mail steamer, and
from there in small sloops to destination. Among the sailors were a
number of strange faces, the crew of a captured vessel. They were
glad to have a chance to return.
During the embarkation the doctor was engaged in separating the
negroes who did not appear robust or who had received some trifling
injury in getting on deck, sending them to an improvised hospital
made by bulkheading a space in the rear of the forecastle. The
others, as they arrived, were stowed away by the Spanish mate; so
that when all were aboard there was just room for each to lie upon
one side. As no one knew what proportion were men, all were herded
together. The next morning the separation took place; the women and
girls were all sent on deck and numbered about four hundred. A close
bulkhead was then built across the ship and other bunks constructed.
The women were then sent below and enough men were sent up to enable
the carpenter to have room to construct additional bunks. A more
docile and easily managed lot of creatures cannot be imagined. No
violence of any kind was necessary; it was sometimes difficult to
make them understand what was wanted, but as soon as they
comprehended, immediate compliance followed.
The negroes were now sent on deck in groups of eight and squatted
around a large wooden platter, heaping-full of cooked rice, beans
and pork cut into small cubes. The platters were made by cutting off
the head of flour or other barrels, leaving about four inches of the
staves. Each negro was given a wooden spoon, which all on board had
amused themselves in making during our forty-day trip. Barrel staves
were sawed into lengths of eight inches, split into other pieces one
and a half inch wide, and then shaped into a spoon with
pocket-knives. A piece of rope yarn tied to a spoon and hung around
the neck was the way in which every individual retained his
property. As there was not room on deck for the entire cargo to feed
at one time, platters were sent between decks, so that all ate at
one hour, three times daily. Casks of water were placed in
convenient places and an abundant supply was furnished day and
night. When night came they were stowed in their new quarters, the
men amidships, the women in the apartment bulkheaded from the men
aft; the hospital forward. Looking down through the hatches they
were seen like sardines in a box, on the floor and in the bunks, as
close as they could be crowded. Large wind-sails furnished a supply
of fresh air, and the open hatches sufficient ventilation.
A muster was made the next day to verify the lists held by each
party represented. Each factor had a distinguishing brand; some a
letter, others a geometrical figure; and every negro was branded
with a hot iron on the left shoulder, a few days before shipment, by
his owner or representative. They were all young, none less than
twelve or fourteen, and none appeared over thirty years. They
numbered, all told, nearly twelve hundred.
The captain then selected about twenty of the strong men and clothed
them with a sack which had holes cut in it for head and arms. These
men were called _camisas_ (shirts) and were required to do the
scrubbing and cleaning between decks, etc., and given daily a small
allowance of rum. The women were divided into squads and sent on the
after-deck for an hour for each squad. This changing kept up until
night; the men were confined to the main-deck between cabin and
forecastle and sent in squads of as many as could get on deck at
once. As they came up on the first trip, each morning, every one
plunged into casks of salt water and ran about until dry.
Notwithstanding their apparent good health, each morning three or
four dead would be found, brought upon deck, taken by arms and
heels, and tossed overboard as unceremoniously as an empty bottle.
Of what did they die? and always at night? In the barracoons it was
known that if a negro was not amused and kept in motion, he would
mope, squat down with his chin on his knees and arms clasped about
his legs and in a very short time die. Among civilized races it is
thought impossible to hold one’s breath until death follows. It is
thought the Africans can do so. They had no means of concealing
anything and certainly did not kill each other. The duties of the
_camisas_ were also to look after the other negroes during the day
and when found sitting with knees up and head drooping, the
_camisas_ would start them up, run them about the deck, give them a
small ration of rum, and divert them until in a normal condition.
The negroes had brought on board with them several small monkeys,
which were, to them, a constant source of amusement. Another and
almost perpetual pastime was the exploration of each other’s head.
The ship was now far away from land, making fourteen knots each hour
and had no fear of any molestation for some time to come. The
negroes seemed to tire of the monotony of things and some grog was
daily distributed to the men and native songs and dances were
constantly going on. The ingenuity of everyone was taxed to provide
a new source of amusement; a special watch was put at each hatch to
render any assistance in the event of sickness and to prevent
intrusion by the sailors. The throwing overboard of the dead did not
seem to affect them in any way, as it was their belief they returned
to Africa after death away from home.
It was interesting to note the tribal distinctions among them.
Tattooing was not general, but the teeth were either drawn or filed
in most fantastic arrangements, generally to a point like saw teeth,
or every other one was filed half-way down. The nose, lips and ears
had perforations of different sizes, and a mark of distinction
appeared to be the cicatrices of numerous short incisions in the
skin of arms, breast and legs, sometimes of irregular shapes with
attempts at geometrical figures. The colors of their skin varied
also from a shining black to griffe.
It was now nearly the end of October and the ship was rapidly
approaching the Caribbee Islands. Maps were examined and, after some
discussion, it was thought safest to run between the French islands
of Martinique and Dominique and so the course was shaped for the
fifteenth degree of latitude, being midway. One morning the
mountains of each could be seen, appearing about twelve miles
distant. Thus far not a sail had been sighted and in passing,
although at considerable distance, all the negroes were sent below
so that the ship might appear to be an ordinary merchantman. A
course was kept about one hundred miles south of Porto Rico, San
Domingo and Hayti, until near the extreme western end of Hayti.
While about midway between Hayti and Jamaica, the lookout discovered
a steamer far to the westward and as its course was not yet known,
sail was shortened. After half an hour it was seen that the
steamer’s course was almost east, so that she would intercept the
ship and the course was changed slightly. All the negroes were sent
below as well as the greater part of the white men. It was desirable
to pass so far distant that the absence of a name on the bow of the
_Rebecca_ would not be noticed. The steamer was very slow and
probably was the English mail steamer from Kingston, touching at
Hayti and San Domingo. She eventually passed about five miles
distant, and breathing more freely after her disappearance, all sail
was again made, the negroes sent on deck, and an extra biscuit given
each one as a thank offering.
The ship was soon north of Jamaica, but there was a dangerous place
to pass, Cape de Cruz, the extreme southern point of Cuba, and on
the eastern end. The course was now northwest. Vessels from the
United States approach very closely, thereby saving distance to
Trinidad, a prominent port on the south side of Cuba, where sugar
and molasses were largely exported. It was known that an American
cruiser was stationed here to intercept slavers and it was very
inexpedient to run a race with her. Accordingly the speed of the
ship was so governed that she would run by the dreaded locality late
at night and distant about fifty miles.
The destination of the ship now became known. South-southeast of
Puerto Principe, Cuba, there is a chain of six little islands
running parallel with and about twenty-five or thirty miles distant
from the island. The second one from the western end is the largest.
It has a scrubby growth of mangrove bushes about eight feet high, a
few cocoanut trees, and a most valuable spring of fresh water. It is
less than a mile wide and nearly three miles long, of coral
formation and but a few feet above the level of the sea.
It was necessary that the ship approach the island after midday, so
that the negroes could be discharged and the vessel disposed of
before dark. By burning it at night the light would have attracted
greater attention than in the day, and during the day it might have
been supposed some brush was burning ashore. The place was a regular
highway for all vessels approaching and leaving the south of Cuba.
[Illustration:
THE HARBOR OF HAVANA, CUBA
From a drawing by J. W. Hill, made about 1850
]
November 3d, 1859, the ship was but fifty miles distant at daylight,
with light winds, making a headway of about eight miles an hour.
About ten o’clock, some few miles ahead an American bark was sighted
bound in the same direction. It never would have done to approach
her near enough to be spoken, for the captain would, in all
probability, have invited himself aboard to have a chat for an hour
or two. Sail could not be shortened, for it would have attracted
attention. What should be done? The captain called the carpenter,
who, with the assistance of the crew, brought on deck two large
water casks. The head of each was knocked out, ropes secured to the
rim, and then the casks were lowered astern, so that they would drag
with the open end toward the ship; as soon as the ropes tightened
the speed was reduced so much that the bark rapidly drew ahead and
in an hour could not see what was going on aboard the ship.
It was now mid-day and the chain of islands was in sight. The
position of the one sought had been calculated very closely, but the
casks had retarded speed so that the ship would reach the island
later than had been expected. At mid-day another observation was
taken and the island located exactly—about fifteen miles distant. As
the ship approached, a signal flag—a large white one with a red
cross—was hoisted to the top of the mainmast. Some time elapsed
without a sign of any living creature on the island. The ship was
more than six weeks behind the most liberal estimate of time, and
the Spaniards began to fear that those assigned to meet the ship had
given up all hopes of a successful voyage and had gone to the
mainland. Just as the gloomiest views seemed to be about realized,
two men appeared running through the thin undergrowth to the water’s
edge, waving their hats and gesticulating wildly. A shout of
recognition was the return salute. The ship was sailed to within
half a mile, and anchored in fourteen fathoms of water. The four
boats were lowered in a hurry and the landing of the negroes began.
More than two hours were needed to land all of them, with a
sufficient number of large sails for shelter and also food supplies.
Meanwhile, the carpenter had been sent below to scuttle the ship;
all the combustible material aboard was collected in the forecastle,
between decks, and in the cabin, liberally saturated with oil,
turpentine and paint, and as the last of the crew left the ship the
match was applied to each heap, and before the boats reached the
shore, she was on fire from stem to stern. The rigging soon burned
and the upper masts fell one after the other, still held to the ship
by the heavy stays. She gradually sank and before an hour there was
nothing left on the sea to indicate the destruction of the
_Rebecca_.
As the negroes were landed they were hurried back far enough to be
out of sight of any passing vessel, the scanty growth of mangrove
affording ample hiding. After dark the sails were so spread and
secured as to shelter the negroes from the dews, which were cold
after the warm days. These tents were taken down before daylight, as
they could have been seen by a passing vessel. Great was the joy of
the Spaniards at being ashore in a place of security, for they felt
tranquil about the part yet to come. Immediately after all were
ashore the fishing sloop was despatched to the mainland with
intelligence of their arrival. The island was of coral formation and
covered with thin soil and very little grass. It was covered with
mangrove bushes and there were about a dozen cocoanut trees, stunted
in growth but with a good supply of fruit, yet green.
The joy of the negroes was great at being ashore and so bountifully
supplied with food and water. Each day vessels passed, but none near
enough to discover the island’s secret.
Before the sloop left there was considerable discussion among the
sailors about their pay, they wishing to be paid before the negroes
were sent to the mainland, and the Spaniards desiring that the
remaining risks should be shared by all alike and all paid at the
final destination. The matter was compromised by the Spaniards
agreeing to pay those who demanded it. Four days after the sloop
left, two small schooners arrived bringing money for those who
demanded it, and they were paid in Spanish doubloons. The negroes
were now transferred to the two schooners and although they had been
closely packed in the ship they were now jammed together in the
hold, as none could be allowed on deck. The officers were divided
and were permitted to remain on deck in the little space that could
be found.
Sail was made for Trinidad, about seventy-five miles distant, and
before dark the harbor was reached amid a fleet of vessels. A
custom-house boat met the schooners and less than one hundred yards
from an American bark assigned an anchorage. The schooners had the
appearance of ordinary coasters and did not attract any attention.
At ten o’clock that night a bright light was seen on the beach at
the extreme east end of the harbor and the schooners made sail for
it, but on reaching the point were told that arrangements were not
complete for transportation and could not be before the next night,
so they returned to the anchorage and kept busy all night
distributing biscuits and water to the negroes, who were hungry and
restless. The night air was cold and to keep warm, the doctor stood
in the open hatch with his chin on a level with the deck, keeping
his body in the warm air below while he breathed pure air. To go
below for only a few minutes was terrible because of the impure air.
Morning came slowly and again every care was taken not to betray in
any way the character of the vessels. Sail after sail passed, coming
and going. At last the sun went down, the air became cool, and night
again obscured everything. At ten o’clock the light reappeared and
the schooners made for it, showing a single lantern, which was
extinguished as they approached. The schooners ran ashore in about
three feet of water and the negroes hurried ashore without noise,
wading.
In the darkness could be seen a long line of wagons, two-wheeled,
with an open frame of poles and cords extending around the body of
the wagon about three feet high. The women and youngest negroes were
put in the wagons, the framework supporting them from falling and
enabling many more to crowd in. When the wagons started, the negro
men followed on foot. The route led over a mountainous country,
through coffee plantations, into the interior and the traveling was
slow for some time. At 7 A.M. the plantation of Don S. B—— was
reached, which was the destination, nearly twenty-three miles from
the coast. The negroes were sent to an inclosure to be fed and
rested and the officers were escorted to the residence of the
proprietor, where all had a bath, change of clothing and a good
breakfast.
The doctor was seated on the veranda smoking, when a Catholic priest
and an assistant arrived and passed on to the inclosure. Shortly
after came a wagon filled with clothing and being curious the doctor
followed. Inside the inclosure the negroes were drawn up in rows.
Their brands were examined and they were separated into lots
representing each mark. The priest, assisted by his young man,
passed along in front, the young man registering the name the priest
had given each as they were baptized. As the priest finished one lot
they were at once furnished with clothing, the women with a sort of
loose gown of coarse cotton cloth and the men with a long shirt, and
then sent off in different directions. Don S. B—— said that there
were but twenty-five of the new arrivals on his plantation, the
others having been delivered to the planters who had already
contracted for them, paying $350 for each.
[Illustration:
THE GUINEA COAST ABOUT THE YEAR 1860
From Black’s _Atlas of the World_, Edinburgh, 1867
]
The Spaniards now began to interest themselves in behalf of the
American captain, mate, and the doctor. The laws of Cuba required
every person landed to be provided with a passport or permit, the
latter being issued under certain conditions for one month, at the
expiration of which the holder would be arrested if on the island;
this permit, if the person was satisfactorily identified and vouched
for, could be renewed from month to month. The Americans had arrived
without the knowledge of the government and had neither passport nor
permit. These permits for one month were now purchased by the
Spaniards from an accommodating official, at a cost of one doubloon
(seventeen dollars) each, and the Americans concluded to go now to
Havana, that place offering more opportunities for leaving the
island than the smaller ports. The doctor’s permit represented him
as a machinist, the captain’s, as a carpenter, and the mate’s, as a
merchant.
At three o’clock on the morning of the fifth day after their arrival
they started for Trinidad to take the coast steamer to Batabano,
stopping at Cienfuegos, Casilda, and other points. They were
escorted by their Spanish friends, all on horseback with
old-fashioned trappings, holsters and pistols. The steamer left soon
after they reached the wharf and there were several passengers who
scrutinized them very closely. On the evening of the following day
the Americans reached Batabano, the terminus of a railroad across
the island to Havana, and late in the evening were in Havana and at
the American Hotel.
Two weeks later, a steamer from New York to Panama arrived, with
some accident to her machinery which delayed her several days. The
doctor went out to her, shortly after her arrival, and saw that a
number of her passengers were going ashore to visit the city during
the delay of the ship; they could get a permit at a certain place on
the wharf and remain ashore if they desired. A happy idea came to
him and he went ashore with them and asked for a permit to visit the
island during the stay of the vessel; it cost twenty-five cents. He
then went to the Captain-General’s office, to the passport
department, and stated that he was a passenger on the steamer in the
harbor from New York to Panama, destined to San Francisco; that he
was an engineer going to California and while visiting the city on
permit had met a planter with whom he had made arrangements to take
off his sugar crop; that some new machinery was needed in the
sugarhouse, which could only be procured in the United States in
time for use that season, and that it would be necessary for him to
return to New Orleans by the Panama steamer now due. He therefore
asked for a passport, as the steamer could not take him without one.
The clerk said such things were of frequent occurrence and soon had
a passport ready. Hurrying to the hotel, the doctor related his
experience to the American captain and mate, who concluded to try
their luck in the _rôle_ of homesick and discontented gold-seekers
anxious to return to their home in the States. Both of them got into
a boat, were taken out to and around the ship and returning,
obtained their permits, and together went to the passport office
declaring themselves disgusted with the idea of going to California
and desiring to go back home, via New Orleans, on the steamer
reported due in a day or two. They obtained their passports and came
to the hotel, where, in a well-closed room, a bottle of wine was
opened and a toast drank to the success of the scheme for reaching
home.
Two days after they were aboard the Panama steamer and two days
later in New Orleans where the doctor sent the following message to
his parents in Natchez, Mississippi: “Just returned from the coast
of Africa, safe and well.”
INDEX
Acra, 57.
_Adelaide_ (brig), 240.
_Adventure_ (sloop), 259.
African Company, Royal, 4, 7.
_Aguila_ (bark), 249.
_Alabama_ (Confederate cruiser), 276.
_Albion-Frigate_ (ship), 73-88.
Allen, Capt. ——, 317.
Anamaboe, 8, 54.
_Ann_ (ship), 260-265.
Arnold, Dr. James, 167.
Ashantee sacrifice, 250.
Avery, the pirate, 42, 57.
Baille, Capt. ——, 100.
Barbot, James, 73-88.
Barca, Miguel, 211, 218, 222.
Beans, 66.
Bibby, Capt. ——, 169.
Bill of Lading, 106.
Bishop, Capt. ——, 96.
Blackmore, Capt. ——, 240.
Blanco, Pedro, 16, 227, 229, 246.
Brandy, pepper treatment, 13.
_Brisk_ (sloop-of-war), 276.
Bristol slavers, 89-112.
_Boa Morte_ (brig), 237.
Bonny, 12, 13, 76, 134.
Bontemps, Capt. ——, 28.
Bowen, Capt. Francis, 275, 276.
Branding, 10, 205.
_Britannia_ (ship), 178.
Buckerige, ——, 56, 57.
Bullson, William, 175.
Burial at sea, 47.
_Cabenda_ (ship), 223.
Calabar, 12.
Cameroons, 14.
Canoes, 24, 64, 80.
Canot, Theodore, 16.
Cape Coast Castle, 6, 51.
Carlet, Capt. David, 28.
_Carter_ (ship), 100.
Champlin, Christopher, 259.
Capt. Robert, 259.
_Charles_ (brig), 240.
Charleston, S. C., slave trade, 269-272.
_Chester_ (man-of-war), 70.
Clarke, Henry, 181.
Clay, ——, 57, 58.
_Clayton_ (snow), 100.
Cleghorn, ——, xxii.
Climate, 7.
Cooke, ——, 227.
George Frederick, 110.
_Coralline_ (brig), 193, 204.
Corrie, Capt. W. C., 276, 278.
Cothington, Col. ——, 70.
Covado, Blas, 227, 229, 230.
Cowper, William, 89.
Cowries, 60, 63.
Crocodiles, 29.
Crossing the line, 86.
Crow, Capt. Hugh, 181-188.
_Crown_ (ship), 31.
Crus, Pablo, 218, 220, 232.
Curtis, ——, 227.
Dahomey, xxxiii, 113, 193-200.
Daniell, Capt., 40.
Dennison, Capt. Jonathan, 260, 261.
_Desire_ (ship), 267.
DeWolf, James, 260, 261.
_Diana_ (schooner), 237.
Diseases, xxx, 61, 68, 69, 81, 85, 146-154, 165, 178, 191, 228,
238, 244.
_Douglas_ (ship), 93.
Drake, Capt. Richard, 189-254.
Drunkenness, 7, 241.
Ducket, Lionel, 19.
Dunbar, Charles, 117.
_East India Merchant_ (ship), 44, 47, 53, 57, 58, 68.
Elizabeth, Queen, 21.
_Elisabeth_ (ship), 124.
Ellery, Capt. William, 268.
Elliott, Capt. ——, 317.
_Enterprize_ (ship), 107, 109, 110.
_Erie_ (ship), 279.
Falconbridge, Alexander, 133-154.
_Fanny Butler_ (ship), 249.
_Faulkenburg_ (ship), 70.
_Ferres Galley_ (ship), 129.
_Florida_ (brig), 209.
Floss, ——, 223.
Forbes, Commander ——, 115.
Forts, 2, 4.
Fraley, Capt. ——, 201, 209, 227.
_Friendship_ (brig), 202.
Gambia river trade, 5.
Gardner, John, 271.
_Gloria_ (brig), 241.
Gonson, Benjamin, 19.
Gordon, Doctor, 49.
Capt. Nathaniel, 279.
William, 38.
_Green Dragon_ (ship), 28.
Guinea coast, 1-17.
Guineas, minting of, 4.
Guthrie, John J., 276.
_Hannibal_ (ship), 31-72.
Harrison, Capt. Joseph, 102.
Hartop, John, xxiii.
Hawkins, Capt. John, xxiii, 3, 19-30.
Capt. William, 19.
_Hector_ (ship), 101.
_Henry_ (ship), 121.
Herring, Capt. ——, 190.
Higginson, Capt. ——, 317.
Hispaniola, 1.
Howe, Dr. George, 319.
Indian slaves, 267.
_Indus_ (transport ship), 216.
Jackson, Capt. ——, 96, 98.
_James_ (ship), 186.
_Jeffrey_ (ship), 45.
Jeffreys, Sir Jeffrey, 31, 45.
John, 31.
Jenkins, Capt. ——, 100.
_Jesus of Lubeck_ (ship), 21.
_John_ (ship), 110.
Johnson, ——, 50.
Johnston, William, 257.
_Jonas_ (bark), 20.
_Katharine Galley_ (ship), 113.
Kendall, Col. ——, 70.
_Kitty’s Amelia_ (ship), 181.
Lace, Capt. Ambrose, 93-99.
Lawson, Capt. Caesar, 107.
_Leda_ (man-of-war), 260.
_Le Rodeur_ (ship), xxviii.
Leyland & Co., Thomas, 109, 110.
Lindsay, Capt. David, 257.
Lion, fight with, 196-198.
_Little Pearl_ (brig), 163, 167.
Liverpool slavers, 89-112.
Lodge, Thomas, 19.
Lok, Capt. John, xviii.
Lord, William, 51.
Machado, J. A., 317.
McGhee, Capt. A. C., 277.
MacTaggart, Capt. ——, 167.
Manning, Edward, 282.
_Marquis of Granby_ (ship), 93.
_Marquis of Lothian_ (ship), 101, 102.
_Martha_ (ship), 273.
_Mary Borough_ (ship), 106.
Maxwell, Dr. ——, 192, 204, 206, 223, 225.
_Mediterranean_ (ship), 40.
_Medusa_ (warship), 276.
Mendez, Antonio, 245, 249.
_Mersey_ (East Indiaman), 246.
_Merlin_ (ship), 22.
Messervy, Capt. ——, 129.
Middle Passage, 26, 157.
_Minion_ (brigantine), 22.
_Miranda_ (ship), 214.
_Mohican_ (warship), 279.
_Molly_ (ship), 169.
Mooney, Thaddeus, 192.
Morton, David, 107.
_Moseley Hill_ (ship), 136.
_Nancy_ (schooner), 271.
_Napoleon_ (schooner), 247.
Negro sacrifice, 115, 196, 250.
_Nightingale_ (clipper ship), 274.
Olds,——-, 239.
Ophthalmia, xxxi, 238.
_Othello_ (ship), 186.
Patrick, Capt. ——, 100.
Pawns, slave trade, 169.
Penn, William, xxvi.
Pentecost, Capt. Ernest H., xv, xxxv.
Pepper, 47.
Perry, Capt. M. C., 272.
_Perry_ (U. S. brig), 273.
Phillips, John C., 271.
Capt. Thomas, 31-72.
_Phoenix_ (ship), 101.
Pinckard, Dr. George, xxii.
Pirates, 42, 48, 53, 57.
_Prince_ (ship), 186.
_Princess Caroline_ (sloop-of-war), 229.
_Princess Charlotte_ (frigate), 181.
_Polly_ (packet ship), 190, 191.
_Ponchecta_ (schooner), 245.
Quobah, ——, 194, 196, 224.
_Rainbow_ (ship), 102.
Ramos, Diego, 214, 216, 217, 221, 222, 226, 229, 246.
_Rebecca_ (ship), 319.
Rhode Island slavers, 255-266.
Richardson, William, 13.
Romaigne, J. B., xxviii.
Ross, Prof. Edward A., xxvi.
Roux, Francis, 270.
_Ruby_ (brig), 167-180.
Rum, 256, 257.
Rumbold & Co., Thomas, 102.
Sailing orders, 22.
_St. Augustin_ (brig), 109.
St. Jago, visit to, 41.
_Saint Leon_ (ship), xxxiv.
_Sanderson_ (brigantine), 257.
_Saratoga_ (U. S. sloop-of-war), 275.
Scott, Capt. George, 257, 258.
Seamen, treatment of, 155-166, 167-180.
Searle, ——, 54, 55.
Sharks, 10, 63, 117, 238.
Sherman, Capt. ——, 70.
Shurley, Capt. ——, 33, 35, 44, 46, 47, 55-57.
_Sierre Leone_ (schooner), 258.
Slabber sauce, 13, 144.
Slave coast, 2, 6, 9, 10.
Factory, 58, 211-236.
Insurrection, 223-225.
Market, 1, 61, 208, 220.
Mutinies, 83, 113-132, 175, 207, 272.
Trade abolished, 14.
Trade on the coast, 1, 5, 9, 11, 45, 46, 49, 51, 61, 75, 78, 80,
93, 101, 103, 107, 133, 205, 211-236, 258-260, 330.
Trade profits, 17, 110, 247.
Trade, suppression of, 15, 272-280.
Traders, 3, 5, 12, 61, 116, 137, 140, 169, 219.
Slavery in United States, 239, 240, 253, 267-280.
Slaves, kidnapping, 23, 25, 137, 173, 198, 202.
Sickness of, 68.
Sold in West Indies, 27, 87, 90, 152.
Treatment of, xix, xxx, 12, 61, 66, 82, 119, 142, 173, 184, 205,
241, 243, 298.
Small pox. _See_ Diseases.
Snelgrave, Capt. William, xxxiii, 113-132.
Soans, Capt. John, 45.
_Solomon_ (ship), 20, 22, 25, 26.
Souza, ——, 234-236, 252.
Sparke, John, 24.
_Spitfire_ (schooner), 273.
Stanfield, James F., 156, 165.
_Stanier_ (sloop), 45.
Stanyer, Samuel, 31.
_Sunny South_ (clipper ship), 276.
Sugar industry, 89.
_Swallow_ (pinnace), 22, 25.
_Swallow_ (ship), 20.
Tavell, Frederick, 270.
_Tartar_ (brig), 270.
Tawne, ——, 75.
Taylor, Capt. James, 270.
_The Brothers_ (ship), 203.
_Thomas Watson_ (ship), 281, 317.
Thorley, Capt. ——, 202.
_Three Sisters_ (ship), 100.
_Tiger_ (bark), 22.
_Tiger_ (ship), 70.
_Truxton_ (U. S. brig), 273.
_Ulysses_ (man-of-war), 271.
Vanbukeline, ——, 50.
Venezuela, 27.
_Venus_ (schooner), 272.
_Venus_ (ship), 249.
Viall, Capt. Joshua, 271.
_Vincennes_ (man-of-war), 320.
_Wanderer_ (yacht), 276-279.
West Indies, slavery in, 20.
Whidaw, 58.
Wiburne, Sir John, 58.
_William_ (ship), 31.
Williams, Gomer, 93.
Williams, Capt. Joseph, 167-179.
Willing, Capt. Richard, 192, 204.
Winter, Sir William, 19.
Woman soldier, 35.
Wood & Nicholas, 94.
PUBLICATIONS
_of the_
MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY
SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS
I. THE SAILING SHIPS OF NEW ENGLAND, 1607-1907, by JOHN ROBINSON and
GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. 8vo. 320 illus. 430 pp. 1922.
_Out of Print_
II. THE PIRATES OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1630-1730, by GEORGE
FRANCIS DOW and JOHN HENRY EDMUNDS; INTRODUCTION by CAPT. ERNEST H.
PENTECOST, R.N.R. 8vo. 47 illus. 416 pp. 1923.
_Out of Print_
III. WRECKED AMONG CANNIBALS IN THE FIJIS, by WILLIAM ENDICOTT, WITH
NOTES BY LAWRENCE WATERS JENKINS. 8vo. 13 illus. 76 pp. 1923.
_Out of Print_
IV. THE PIRATES OWN BOOK, OR AUTHENTIC NARRATIVES OF THE LIVES,
EXPLOITS AND EXECUTIONS OF THE MOST CELEBRATED SEA ROBBERS. 8vo. 78
illus. 486 pp. 1924.
_Out of Print_
V. THE SAILING SHIPS OF NEW ENGLAND, SERIES II, by JOHN ROBINSON and
GEORGE FRANCIS DOW. 8vo. 252 illus. 468 pp. 1924.
_Out of Print_
VI. VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES IN THE SOUTH SEAS, 1792-1832, by CAPT.
EDMUND FANNING. 8vo. (6¼ × 9½), 32 plates, 355 pp. 1924.
_$5.00_
VII. THE SEA, THE SHIP AND THE SAILOR: TALES OF ADVENTURE FROM LOG
BOOKS AND ORIGINAL NARRATIVES; INTRODUCTION by CAPT. ELLIOTT SNOW,
CONST. U. S. NAVY. 8vo. (6¼ × 9½), 32 plates, 373 pp. 1925.
_Out of Print_
VIII. THE ART OF RIGGING, CONTAINING AN EXPLANATION OF TERMS AND
PHRASES AND THE PROGRESSIVE METHOD OF RIGGING, by CAPT. GEORGE
BIDDLECOMBE, R.N.; INTRODUCTION by CAPT. ERNEST H. PENTECOST, R.N.R.
8vo. (6¼ × 9½), 17 plates, 177 pp. 1925.
_$5.00_
IX. SHIPS AND SHIPPING: PAINTED BY ANTOINE ROUX AND HIS SONS;
INTRODUCTORY TEXT by LOUIS BRES and REMINISCENCES by EDOUARD
GAUBERT. TRANSLATED by ALFRED JOHNSON. 118 illus. 268 pp. 1925.
_Out of Print_
X. WHALE SHIPS AND WHALING: A PICTORIAL HISTORY OF WHALING DURING
THREE CENTURIES, WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE WHALE FISHERY IN COLONIAL
NEW ENGLAND, by GEORGE FRANCIS DOW; INTRODUCTION by FRANK WOOD,
CURATOR OF THE BOURNE WHALING MUSEUM, NEW BEDFORD. Large 8vo. (7 ×
10), 207 illus. 454 pp. 1925.
_$7.50_
XI. SHIP MODELS: HOW TO BUILD THEM, by CHARLES G. DAVIS. 8vo. 165
illus. and folding plans, 184 pp. 1925.
_Out of Print_
XII. THE SHIP MODEL BUILDER’S ASSISTANT, by CHARLES G. DAVIS. 8vo.
(6¼ × 9½), 280 illus. 285 pp. 1926.
_$5.00_
XIII. AMERICAN CLIPPER SHIPS, 1833-1858, by OCTAVIUS T. HOWE, M. D.,
and FREDERICK C. MATTHEWS. Large 8vo. (7 × 10), 2 vols. 114 plates,
796 pp. 1926-1927.
_Out of Print_
XIV. RIGGING THE SHIP IN THE DAYS OF THE SPRITSAIL TOPMAST
(1600-1720), by R. C. ANDERSON. 8vo. (6¼ × 9½), 369 figures, 25
plates, 293 pp. 1927.
_$5.00_
XV. SLAVE SHIPS AND SLAVING, by GEORGE FRANCIS DOW; INTRODUCTION by
CAPT. E. H. PENTECOST, R.N.R. Large 8vo. (7 × 10), 50 plates, 388
pp. 1927.
_$7.50_
OTHER PUBLICATIONS IN PREPARATION
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s Note
Spelling and punctuation in the quoted material was generally left
as printed.
At pp. 96-100, there is a transcript of correspondence that includes
interspersed blank spaces, apparently where there were gaps in the
original. They are preserved here.
At 19.6, Capt. William Hawkins is said to be “trading on the coast
of Brazil as early as 1630”. His son, Capt. John Hawkins is said to
have been born in 1532. The year 1630 is clearly an error, and
certainly should be 1530.
At 99.19, asterisks are used to elide a word (‘piss’?) which was
likely deemed unseemly.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected,
and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the
original.
34.28 unbent our mai[l/n]sail Replaced.
137.19 advanced in their pregna[n]cy Inserted.
172.20 lay s[ei/ie]ge to the island Transposed.
200.20 a twenty day[’s/s’] journey Transposed.
286.25 of the same suspic[i]ous-looking kids Inserted.
287.22 was cautioned to[ be] very careful Inserted.