THE LIVERPOOL AND BRISTOL SLAVERS
The growth of the English slave trade was largely based upon the
development of the sugar industry in the West Indies. It was not until
after Barbadoes and Antigua were colonized, about 1625, that slave labor
in quantity was needed in order to raise the cane and produce the
muscovado or raw sugar, to be sent to the sugar boilers in London or
Bristol. Slaves were a necessary feature of this trade, which grew in
importance as England gained possession of other West India islands and
in time slave labor produced sugar enough to supply not only the demands
of England and her colonies but also a considerable amount for
exportation.
It is now difficult for us to realize that before this development came
about in the West Indies, our English ancestors were only able to obtain
sugar in limited quantity, principally from Spanish sources, and were
dependent upon honey and other substitutes. At a later day, William
Cowper, an English poet, was moved to express his longing for the
products of slave labor, in the following lines:
“I own I am shocked at the purchase of slaves,
And fear those who buy them and sell them are knaves;
What I hear of their hardships, their tortures and groans,
Is almost enough to draw pity from stones.
I pity them greatly, but I must be mum,
For how could we do without sugar and rum?”
“The Company of Royal Adventurers of England to Africa” was organized in
1662 and shortly after turned over its trading-rights to “The Royal
African Company” which entered into assiento or contract, in 1689, to
supply the Spanish West Indies with slaves. This lasted until 1698, when
the trade was thrown open by the breaking up of the Assiento Company. In
1713, a treaty was signed between England and Spain whereby the former
was granted a monopoly of the Spanish Colonial slave trade for thirty
years with the provision that at least 4,800 slaves be supplied
annually. The kings of Spain and England were each to receive one-fourth
of the profits of the trade and the Company could import as many slaves
as it wished and sell them, except in three ports, at as high a price as
it was able to obtain.
How many negroes were carried to America in English ships? From 1680 to
1688 the African Company sent out 249 vessels and shipped 60,783 slaves,
losing 14,387 lives in “the middle passage.” In 1701, the records show
that 104 ships cleared for Africa. During the twenty years between 1713
and 1733, about 15,000 slaves were annually carried to America, in
English vessels. In 1771, there were 192 clearances. The Revolutionary
War nearly stopped the traffic; but by 1786 the clearance had risen to
146 vessels.[17] In the year 1768, out of a total number of 97,000
slaves carried to America and the West Indies, English shipping took
about 60,000. In 1780, there were nearly 700,000 negro slaves in the
West Indies[18] and according to the census of 1790, there were 697,897
slaves in the United States. No one knows how many Africans were held in
slavery by the Spanish and Dutch and no account has been taken of the
vast number in the Portuguese possessions in Brazil and elsewhere.
-----
Footnote 17:
_See_ Bandinel, _Some Account of the Trade in Slaves from Africa_,
London, 1842; and Du Bois, _Suppression of the African Slave-Trade_,
Cambridge, 1896.
Footnote 18:
Edwards, _The British Colonies in the West Indies_, London, 1798.
-----
During the seventeenth century the English trade with Guinea and the
West Indies centered in the Port of London, but about 1701, the
merchants of Bristol embarked in the slave trade and shortly were
sending out over fifty vessels annually. The effect on the London trade
was apparent at once. In 1701, London was employing 104 vessels in the
Guinea trade. Six years later, the number was reduced to only thirty
ships.
Bristol was forced into the slave trade by the successful competition of
Liverpool in the exportation to the West Indies and America of
provisions, and coarse checks and other Manchester manufactures. The
checks of Manchester, carried in Liverpool vessels, ousted from the
American market the German, French and Scotch osnaburgs exported from
Bristol, and the merchants of the latter port were forced to employ
their vessels in another trade, with such success that by 1720, the year
when the “South Sea Bubble” burst with so great financial disaster,
London had very nearly abandoned the slave trade. Meanwhile, the
Liverpool adventurers, with smaller capital, were carrying on a
flourishing contraband trade in the West Indies, where Spain exacted a
duty of 300 per cent on checks and osnaburgs. But this trade ceased in
1747, with the signing of the new Spanish treaty. When this contraband
trade was at its height, the annual profit to the Liverpool merchants
was estimated at £273,467; and this wealth laid the foundation of the
fortunes of several mercantile houses in Liverpool and led them to
embark in the Guinea trade, when they were cut off from profits in the
West Indies.
Previous to this time, Liverpool had been competing with Bristol in the
slave trade, but in a small way. Between 1709 and 1730, only one vessel
of thirty tons burden sailed from the Mersey for Africa. But upon the
adoption of new regulations in 1730, fifteen vessels, of an average
burden of seventy-five tons each, cleared from Liverpool for the African
coast. In 1751, the number had increased to fifty-three vessels with an
aggregate burden of 5,334 tons, and the following year, eighty-seven
slavers were owned in Liverpool,[19] with a carrying capacity for at
least 25,000 slaves. In this trade the Liverpool merchants out-distanced
all competitors and won for their town the distinction of being the
chief slaving port in Europe.
-----
Footnote 19:
They traded with the following places: 5 with Benin, 11 with Angola, 3
with New Calabar, 11 with Old Calabar, 38 with the Windward and Gold
Coast, 12 with Bonny, and 8 with Gambia. Williamson, _Liverpool
Memorandum Book_, 1753.
-----
“The reason the port of Liverpool could undersell the merchants of
London and Bristol, was the restriction in their outfits and method of
factorage. The London and Bristol Merchants not only allowed ample
monthly pay to their captains, but cabin privileges, primage and daily
port charges; they also allowed their factors five per cent on the sales
and five per cent on the returns, and their vessels were always manned
by seamen at a monthly rate. The Liverpool merchants proceeded in a more
economical but less liberal plan. The generality of their captains were
on annual salaries, or, if at monthly pay, four pounds were thought
great wages at that time. No cabin privileges were permitted, primage
was unknown amongst them, and as to port charges, not a shilling was
given, while five shillings a day was the usual pay from Bristol and
seven and six from London. The captains from these ports could,
therefore, occasionally eat on shore and drink their bottle of Madeira;
whereas, the poor Liverpool skipper was obliged to repair on board to
his piece of salt beef and biscuit, and bowl of new rum punch, sweetened
with brown sugar. The factors, instead of a rate per centum, had an
annual salary and were allowed the rent of their store, negro hire and
other incidental charges; therefore, if the consignments were great or
small, the advantages to the factor suffered no variation. Their portage
was still more economical as their method was to take poor boys
apprentice for long terms, who were annually increased, became good
seamen, were then second mates and then first mates, then captains, and
afterwards factors on the islands. This was the usual gradation at the
time, whereby few men, at monthly pay, were required to navigate a
Liverpool vessel.”[20]
-----
Footnote 20:
Williams, _History of Liverpool Privateers_, London, 1897.
-----
[Illustration:
VIEW OF LIVERPOOL, ENGLAND, FROM THE FORT, IN 1798
From a colored aquatint by John T. Serres, in the Macpherson
Collection
]
From this time on the Guinea trade flourished. Fast sailing vessels,
especially adapted for the trade, were built on the banks of the Mersey
and busts of blackamoors and elephants, emblematical of the African
trade, adorned the Town Hall. Not all the negroes were disposed of in
the West Indies as is shown by numerous advertisements in the current
newspapers, of slaves to be sold at auction, by “inch of candle,” or
otherwise; and the young bloods of the town sometimes amused themselves
by circulating hand bills in which young women were offered for sale.
In 1756, the following articles, suitable for a Guinea voyage, were
advertised to be sold at auction at the Merchant’s Coffee house:
One iron furnace and copper, 27 cases with bottles, 83 pairs of
shackles, 11 neck collars, 22 handcuffs for the travelling chain, 4 long
chains for slaves, 54 rings, 2 travelling chains, 1 corn mill, 7
four-pound basons, 6 two-pound basons, 3 brass pans, 28 kegs of
gunpowder, 12 cartouch boxes, 1 iron ladle, 1 small basket of flints.
Another advertisement, the following year, lists one large negro hearth
with 2 iron furnaces, 1 copper ditto for 450 slaves, 1 decoction copper
kettle, ditto pan, a parcel of shackles, chains, neck collars and
handcuffs, 1 iron furnace, 245 gallons, with a lead top, sufficient to
boil 10 barrels of liquor.
The methods by which a slaving voyage out of Liverpool was conducted at
that time, are shown in the following owner’s letter of instructions
printed in Gomer Williams’ interesting account of the Liverpool slave
trade.
Liverpool, 14 April, 1762.
Cap^n Ambrose Lace,
Sir.—You being Master of the ship _Marquis of Granby_, and now clear^d
out of the Custom house, and ready to sail for Africa, America, and back
to Liverpoole, the Cargoe we have ship^d on Board is agreeable to the
Annexed Invoice, which we consign you for sale, For which you are to
have the usual Commission of 4 in 104 on the Gross Sales, and your
Doctor, Mr. Lawson, 12d. per Head on all the slaves sold, and we give
you these our orders to be observed in the course of your intended
voyage. With the First Favourable wind you must sail and proceed in
company with the _Douglas_, Cap^n Finch, who has some Business at the
Isle of Man, when you must accompany him not waiting longer for him than
six days. When finished at the Isle of Man, you are to make the Best of
your way in Company thro the So. Channell, and as you are Both Ships of
Force, and we hope Tolerably well mann^d you will be better able to
Defend yourselves against the Enemy we therefore Recommend your keeping
a good Look out that you may be Prepair^d against an attack, and should
you be Fortunate enough to take any vessell or vessells From the Enemy,
we recommend your sending them Home or to Cork whichever will be most
convenient so as not to Distress your own ship, and on your arrival at
Old Callebar if one or more ships be there you will observe to make an
agreement with the Master or Masters so as not to advance the Price on
each other and we doubt not you will use your utmost endeavours to keep
down the Comeys which in Generall are to extravagant there and For which
you have no Return at least not worth any thing to the Ownery and as
your Cargoe is larger than we expected we hope will be able to Purchase
550 slaves, and may have to spare £400 to lay out in Ivory which we
Recommend your Purchasing From the Beginning of your Trade and pray mind
to be very Choice in your Slaves. Buy no Distemper^d or old Ones, But
such as will answer at the Place of Sale and stand the Passage and as
Callebar is Remarkable for great Mortality in Slaves we Desire you may
take every Prudent Method to Prevent it, viz.—not to keep your Ship to
Close in the Day time and at Night to keep the Ports shut as the night
Air is very Pernicious. The Privilege we allow you is as Follows:
yourself ten Slaves, your first mate Two, and your Doctor Two, which is
all we allow except two or three Hundred w^t of screveloes amongst your
Officers, but no Teeth, which you will take care to Observe, as we will
not allow any thing more. When Finished at Callebar you are to make the
Best of your way For Barbadoes, where you will Find Letters Lodged For
you at the House of Messrs. Wood & Nicholas, how you are to proceed
which will be to Guadaloupe or Martinico or any other of the Leeward
Islands, whichever is the best Markett which you may advise with the
House of Mess^{rs} Wood & Nicholas unto which place to Proceed, or any
other Person you Can Confide in. We expect your Cargoe of Slaves will be
taken up at £[21]st^g per Head, and what more they sell For to be For
the Benefitt of the Owners and to have the Ship Loaden in the Following
Manner viz: about One Hundred Casks good Mus^o Sugar for the Ground
Tier, the Remainder with First and Second white Sugars, and Betwixt
Decks with good Cotton and Coffee, and the Remainder of the neat
Proceeds in Good Bills of Exchange at as short Dates as you can. If the
aforementioned Prices cannot be obtain^d For your Slaves at either
Guadaloupe or Martinico, or the Leeward Islands as aforesaid we then
desire as little time may be Lost as Possible, but proceed for Jamaica
and on your arrivall there apply to Mess^{rs} Cuthbert & Beans,
Mess^{rs} Hibberts, Mess^{rs} Gwyn and Case, or any other House you
think will do best for the Concern, unto whom Deliver your Cargoe of
Slaves which you think will make the Most of them, if Possible, by a
Country Sale and to have your agreement in writing, and the Ship Loaden
in the Following Manner; as much Broad Sound Mahogany as will serve for
Dunnage, the Hold fill^d with the very Best Mus^o Sugar and Ginger and
Betwixt Decks with good Cotton and Pimento and about Ten Puncheons Rum,
the Remainder of the neat Proceeds of your Cargoe in Bills of Exchange
at as short Dates as you can get them. The House you are to sit down
with must Fournish you with what money you may want for Payment of wages
and other necessary Disbursements of your ship which we recommend the
utmost Frugality. In annex^d you have invoice of Slops for the use of
the seamen and apprentices. What the seamen have you must lay an advance
on to pay Interest of Money, &c. The Apprentices only Prime cost. We
recommend your keeping Good Rules and good Harmony amongst your Crew and
a good watch. Particularly whilst you have any Slaves on Board, and
Guard against accidents of Fire, Particularly in Time of Action. Suffer
no Cartridges to be Handed out of the Magazine without Boxes, which will
Prevent any Powder being sprinkled on the Deck and in Case of your
Mortality (which God Forbid) your first Mate, Mr. Chapman must succeed
you in command. Pray mind to embrace every opportunity that Offers
advising us of your Proceedings, For our Government as to Insurance &c.
We wish you a Prosperous Voyage and Safe Return and are your assured
friends.
Crosbies & Trafford Cha^s Goore
Wm Rowe Will^m Boats
Robert Green Cha^s Lowndes
Tho^s Kelly
P.S. You and your officers’ slaves are to be equal Q^y Male and Female.
-----
Footnote 21:
Obliterated.
-----
And this letter may well be supplemented by the following letters to
Captain Lace from “Grandy King George,” King of the Old Town Tribe, at
Old Calabar. They are addressed to “Mr Ambrose Lace and Company,
Manchents in Liverpool,” and are interesting examples of the literacy of
the English trader or sea captain to whom the letter was dictated by the
African King.
Ould Town, Ould Callabar, January 13, 1773.
Marchant Lace, Sr,—I take this opertunety of Wrighting to you and to
acquant you of the behaveor of Sum ships Lately in my water there was
Capt Bishop of Bristol and Capt Jackson of Liverpool laying in the river
when Capt Sharp arived and wanted to purchese his cargoe as I supose he
ought to do but this Bishop and Jackson consoulted not to let him slave
with out he payed the same Coomey[22] that thy did thy sent him out
of the River so he went to the Camoroons and was away two munths
then he arived in my water again and thy still isisted upon his
paying the Coomey acordingly he did a Nuff to Blind them so I gave
him slaves to his content and so did all my peeple, till he was full and
is now ready to sail only weats for to have a fue afairs sattled and
this sall be done before he sails to his sattisfection, and now he may
very well Laffe at them that was so much his Enemy before, for that same
day thy sent him out of the River this Jackson and Bishop and a brig
that was tender to Jackson at night began to fire at my town without the
least provocation and continued it for twenty-four hours for which I
gave them two cows but it seems as after wards Jackson confirmed
that Bishop and him was to cary away all our pawns as it was lickely
true for Jackson did cary of his but more than that before he sailed he
tould me that if I went on bord of Bishop, I shuld be stoped by him and
my hed cut of and sent to the Duke at Nuetown, but I put that out of his
power for to cut of my hed or cary of the pawns by stoping his boats and
sum of his peeple and so I would Jackson had I known his entent when he
informed me of Bishop, but he took care not to divulge his own secrets
which he was much to bleam if he did so my friend marchant Lace if
You Send ship to my water again Send good man all same your Self or same
marchant black. No Send ould man or man want to be grandy man, if he
want to be grandy man let he stand home for marchant one time, no let
him com heare or all Same Capt. Sharp he very good man, but I no tell
before that time Capt. Sharp go to Camoroons he left his mate till he
came back again, so they say I do bad for them but I will leave you to
Judg that for if any ship fire at my town I will fire for ship again
Marchant Lace Sr there is Mr Canes Capt. Sharp and second mate a
young man and a very good man he is very much Liked by me and all my
peeple of Callabar, so if you plase to sand him he will make as quick a
dispatch as any man you can send and I believe as much to your advantage
for I want a good many ship to cum, for the more ships the more treade
wee have for them for the New town peeple and has blowed abuncko for no
ship to go from my water to them nor any to cum from them to me tho
Bishop is now lying in Cross River but thy only lat him stay till
this pelaver is satteled for I have ofered him 10 slaves to Readeem the
Pawns and let him have his white people, but he will not for I dount
want to do any bad thing to him or any ship that cums to my water but
there is 4 of my sons gone allredy with Jackson and I dont want any more
of them caried of by any other vausell the coomy in all for my water
now is 24 thousand cop^{rs} besidges hats case and ship gun, Marchant
Lace I did as you bob me for Lett^{rs} when this tend^r com I no chop
for all man for you bob me No Chop to times for bionbi I back to much
Cop^r for Coomy so I do all same you bob me who make my father grandy no
more white man so now marchant Lace send good ship and make me grandy
again for war take two much cop^r from me who man trade like me that
time it be peace or break book like me so Marchant Lace if you Send Ship
now and good cargo I will be bound shee no stand long before shee full
for go away.
-----
Footnote 22:
Coomey was the duty paid to the king for the privilege of trading.
-----
The following is another lucid passage from “Grandy King George’s”
correspondence:
And now war be don Wee have all the Trade true the Cuntry so that wee
want nothing but ships to Incorige us and back us to cary it on so I
hope you and marchant Black wount Lat ous want for that InCurigement O^r
the other marchants of that Pleasce thut has a mind for to send their
ships thy shall be used with Nothing but Sivellety and fare
trade other Capt^{ns} may say what they Please about my doing them
any bad thing for what I did was thier own faults for you may think Sr
that it was vary vaxing to have my sons caried of by Capt Jackson and
Robbin sons and the King of Qua son thier names is Otto Imbass Egshiom
Enick Ogen Acandom Ebetham Ephiyoung Aset and to vex ous more the time
that wee ware fireing at each other thy hisseted [hoisted?] on of our
sons to the yard arm of Bishop and another to Jacksons yard arm and then
would cary all of them away and cut of my hed if it had not been
Prevented in time and yet thy say I do them bad only stoping Sum of
thier peeple till I get my Pawns from them Marchant Luce when you
Send a ship send drinking horns for Coomey and sum fine white mugs and
sum glass tanckards with Leds to them [ ] Send Pleanty of ship guns the
same as Sharp had I dount care if there was 2 or 3 on a Slave Send one
Chints for me of a hundred yard ° 1 Neckonees of one hundred yards 1
photar of a hundred y’s 1 Reamall 1 hund. yards one Cushita of a hundred
yds one well baft of the same Send sum Leaced hats for trade and
Licor bottles and cases to much [to match?] for all be gon for
war Send sum Lucking glasses at 2 Cop^{rs} and 4 Cop^{rs} for trade
and Coomey to and send Planty of hack and Bally for Trade and Coomey and
Small Bells Let them be good ones and send sum Lango Sum Large and sum
small and sum Curl beads Send me one Lucking glass six foot long and six
foot wide Let it have a strong wooden freme Send two small Scrustones
that their Leds may Lift up send Plenty of Cutlashs for Coomey of 2
Cop^{rs} price Let your Indgey goods be Right good and your ship no
stand long send me one table and six Chears for my house and one two
arm Schere for my Salf to sat in and 12 Puter plates and 4 dishes 12
Nifes and 12 forcks and 2 Large table spoons and a trowen and one Pear
of ballonses 2 brass Juggs with their Covers to lift the same as a
tanckard and two Cop^r ones the same two brass falagons of two
gallons each Pleanty for trade of puter ones Send Plenty of Puter
Jugs for trade send me two Large brass beasons and puter ones for trade
Send me one close stool and Send me one Large Red [illegible] Send
me one gun for my own shuting 5 foot barill and two pueter p*** pots.
Send me one good Case of Rezars for my Saveing Send me sum Vavey
brade Iron bars of 16 foot long Send 100 of them Send Large caps of 2
Cop^{rs} for Coomey &c Please to show this to Marchant black and
shend sum Large Locks for trade Sum chanes for my Salf two brass tea
kittles and two scacepang a fue brass Kittles 12 or fifteen Cop^{rs}
each Send Pleanty of canes for Coomey and one long cane for my self
gould mounted and small Neals for Coomey and you may pay your Coomy Very
Reasonable Saws or aney tools No Send Small Iron moulds for to cast
mustcats and sum small 3 pounders Send me sum banue [brand new?]
canvess to make sails for my canows and sum large Leg monelones with
hendges [hinges?] to thim to lock with a Screw and two large iron wans
for two sarve in the Room of irons and Send me one whip shaw and one
cross cut shaw Send red green and white hats for trade Send me one
red and one blue coat with gould Lace for to fit a Large man Send
butt^r and Suger for to trade Send sum green sum red sum blue Velvet
caps with small Leace and Send Sum files for trade, So no more at
Preasent from your best friend
GRANDY KING GEORGE.
Give my Complements to the gentlemen owners of the brigg _Swift_ Mr
Devenport Marchant Black and Capt^n Black and as allso Mr Erll. Please
to have my name put on Everything that you send for me.
These Liverpool slavers met with many strange adventures and
misadventures.
In March, 1752, the _Clayton_ snow,[23] Captain Patrick, of Liverpool,
200 tons burden, armed with four two-pounders and ten swivel guns, was
taken off Fernando Po, by pirates, also from Liverpool. These proved to
be nine men and a boy belonging to the _Three Sisters_, Captain Jenkins,
who had run away with the ship’s long-boat. The pirate took the
opportunity of luffing up under the lee quarter of the _Clayton_ when
all her hands were forward, except the captain and gunner, and then
boarded with sword and pistol in hand, wounded the captain in several
places, captured the ship, kept the crew in irons one night, and the
next morning put them on board their own long-boat and turned them
adrift. The pirates had brought with them in their boat a bale of
scarlet cloth and another of handkerchiefs, and told the _Clayton’s_
crew that if they “would go a-roving they should be clothed with
scarlet.” Four, unable to resist this dazzling proposal, voluntarily
entered as rovers, and the chief mate and two boys were impressed into
the pirate service. The rest of the crew were twelve days in getting
into the river Bonny, where the king seized their long-boat, and the men
had to enter on board different slavers trading there.
-----
Footnote 23:
A common type of slaver at this time was a snow, of about 140 tons,
square sterned, 57 feet keel, 21 feet beam, 5 feet between decks, 9
feet in the hold—a miniature Malbolge when crammed with slaves like
sardines in a box.
-----
[Illustration:
VIEW OF CLARENCE COVE, ISLAND OF FERNANDO PO
Colored aquatint after a painting by W. J. Huggins, in 1833, in the
Macpherson Collection
]
Captain Baille, commander of the slave ship _Carter_, writing to his
owners in Liverpool, from the River Bonny, on January 31, 1757, reveals
the method sometimes resorted to by slave captains to compel the native
chiefs to trade with them. He says:
“We arrived here the 6th of December, and found the _Hector_, with about
100 slaves on board, also the _Marquis of Lothian_, of Bristol, Capt.
Jones (by whom I now write), who was half slaved, and then paying 50
Barrs, notwithstanding he had been there 3 months before our arrival. I
have only yet purchased 15 slaves at 30 and 35 Barrs; but as soon as the
bearer sails, I propose giving more; for at present there is a dozen of
our people sick, besides the two mates, some of whom are very bad, and I
have been for these last 8 days in a strong fever, and frequently
insensible. Yesterday morning I buried Thomas Hodge, and on the 13th
James Barton. Capt. Nobler of the _Phoenix_ arrived here the 3d, and on
the 19th our trade was stopt (as it had often been before); upon which
we all marched on shore to know the reason and applied to the King
thrice, though he constantly ordered himself to be denied, and wou’d not
admit us. However, we heard his voice in doors, and as he used us so
ill, we went on board, and determined (after having held a Council), to
fire upon the town next morning, which we accordingly did, in order to
bring them to reason but found that our shot had little effect from the
river, upon which we agreed that the _Phoenix_ and the _Hector_ shou’d
go into the Creek, it being nigher the town, whilst Captain Jones and I
fired from the river. The _Phoenix_ being the headmost vessel went in,
and the _Hector_ followed about a cable’s length astern. The _Phoenix_
had scarce entred the Creek before they received a volley of small arms
from the bushes which were about 20 yards distant from the ship, and at
the same time several shot from the town went through him, upon which
they came to anchor, and plied their carriage guns for some time; but
finding there was no possibility of standing the decks, or saving the
ship, he struck his colours, but that did not avail, for they kept a
continued fire upon him, both of great and small arms. His people were
thrown into the utmost confusion, some went down below, whilst others
jumpt into the yaul which lay under the ship’s quarter, who (on seeing a
number of canoes coming down to board them) desired Capt. Nobler to come
down to them, which he at last did, as he found the vessel in such a
shattered condition, and that it was impossible for him to get her out
of the Creek before the next ebb tide, in case he cou’d keep the canoes
from boarding him. With much difficulty, they got on board the _Hector_,
but not without receiving a number of shot into the boat. The natives
soon after boarded the _Phoenix_, cut her cables, and let her drive
opposite the town, when they began to cut her up, and get out her
loading, which they accomplished in a very short time. But at night in
drawing off some brandy, they set her on fire, by which accident a great
many of them perished in the flames. The _Phoenix’s_ hands are
distributed amongst the other three ships, and all things are made up,
and trade open, but very slow, and provisions scarce and dear.”
The _Marquis of Lothian_ was afterwards taken and carried into
Martinico.
The following letter, dated Barbadoes, February 28, 1758, was written by
Captain Joseph Harrison, commander of the slave ship _Rainbow_, to his
owners, Messrs. Thomas Rumbold & Co., of Liverpool:
“We arrived here on the 25th inst. in company with Capt. Perkins from
Bonny, and Capt. Forde from Angola, whom we fell in with at St.
Thomas’s. The packet arrived here from England the day after us. I
expect to sail from hence for South Carolina in five days, having on
board 225 slaves, all in good health except eight. On the 23rd of June
last, I had the misfortune to fall in with a French brig privateer, of
fourteen 6-pounders, to leeward of Popo. We engaged him four hours, and
were so near for above four glasses, that I expected every moment we
should run on board him, as he had shot away all my running rigging and
the fluke of my small bow anchor. My standing rigging and sails were
mostly cut to pieces, and the privateer was in a little better
condition. Fifteen of his shot went through and through my sides, we
being scarce the length of the ship from one another. I lost in the
engagement, my boatswain—William Jackson—Robert Williams—and Henry
Williams. My first and second mates, three landsmen, and one servant
were wounded. The privateer being well satisfied sheered off. We were
three days in repairing our rigging &c., and on the 28th got over the
Bar of Benin and found only one vessel there, viz. a Portuguese sloop at
Warree. I purchased eight slaves on the windward coast, and 261 at
Benin, besides 5400 weight of ivory. Leaving the river, Nov. 9th, we
arrived at St. Thomas’s Dec. 17th, from whence our three vessels sailed,
Jan. 4th. I have buried all my officers, except my first and third mates
and gunner. Having lost since left Liverpool, 25 white people and 44
negroes. The negroes rose on us after we left St. Thomas’s; they killed
my linguister whom I got at Benin, and we then secured them without
farther loss. We have an account of five privateers being to windward of
Barbadoes, by a retaken vessel brought in here this day, so that we
shall run a great risk when we leave Barbadoes.”
The system of trade carried on by the Liverpool merchant was as follows:
Ships were built and fitted to carry slaves; the out cargoes consisted
of Manchester and Yorkshire goods, hatchets, cutlasses, knives,
gunpowder and trinkets, pistols, muskets, etc., from Birmingham and
Sheffield; these goods were bartered for slaves on the west coast of
Africa; the ships then carried their cargoes of slaves to the West
Indies where the slaves were sold for spice, sugar, and rum and these
commodities were then carried to Liverpool and sold, thereby making
three profits to the merchants in one voyage.
The following curious particulars regarding the customs paid at Whydah,
when trading for slaves, were drawn up for the guidance of the captain
of a Liverpool slaver.
“State of the Customs which the ships that make their whole trade at
Whydah pay to ye King of Dahomey:
{ Thes slaves paid to y^e Caborkees
Eight Slaves for Permission { after which he gives you two small
of Trade gongon Beater and { children of 7 or 8 years old which
Broakers { the King sends as a return for the
{ Customs.
1 Slave for Water and washerwoman { These slaves paid to
2 Do for the Factory house { whom supplies you
7 Do for the Canoe { These to the Fort
6 Anchors Brandy is 1 Slave
20 Cabess of Cowries is 1 Do
40 Sililees 1 Do
200 lb Gunpowder 1 Do And if any other goods must be in
25 Guns 1 Do proportion but you must observe to
10 Long Cloths 1 Do pass the Goods Least in Demand.
10 Blue Basts 1 Do
10 Patten Chints 1 Do
40 Iron Barrs 1 Do
“After the Customs are paid which should be done as soon as possable for
the traders dare not trade till the Kings Customs are paid, the Vice Roy
gives you the nine following Servants viz. one Conductor to take care of
the goods that comes and go’s to and from the waterside which you
deliver him in count and he’s obliged to answer for things delivred him
he’s paid 2 Gallinas of Cowries every time he conducts any thing whether
coming or going and one flask of brandy every Sunday.
“Two Brokers which are obliged to go to the traders houses to look for
slaves and stand Interpiter for the Purchas the are paid to each two
Tokees of Coweres day and one flask of brandy every Sunday and at the
end of your trade you give to each of them one Anchor of Brandy and one
p^s of Cloth.
“Two Boys to serve in the house the are paid each two tokees day at the
end of your trade p^s of cloth.
“One Boy to Serve at the tent water side 2 Tokees }
day. }
“One Doorkeeper paid 2 Tokees day 1 p^s Cloth for }
him and ye above. }
“One Waterwoman for the factory 2 Tokees day at end of trade One p^s of
Cloth.
“One Washer Woman 2 Tokees day and six Tokees everytime you give her any
Linnen to Wash and one p^s of Cloth at ye end of trade.
“N.B. the two last Servants are sometimes one if so you only pay one.
“To the Cannoemen for bringing the Captain on shore one Anchor Brandy
and to each man a hatt and a fathom Cloth. To the Boatswain a hat 1/2
p^s Cloth one Cabes Cowrees a flask of brandy every Sunday and a bottle
every time the cross the Barr with goods or Slaves and every time the
pass a white man and at the end of trade for carring the Capt^n on board
one anchor of Brandy and four Cabeses Cowrees.
“N.B. The above Bottles flasks &c was usely given to ye Conoemen but now
the Capt^n gives y^m one Anchor of Brandy and one Cabese of Cowrees
every Sunday for the weeks work. To the Gong Gong Beater for announcing
trade 10 Gellinas of Cowrees and one flask of Brandy.
“To the Kings Messenger for Carring News of the ships Arrivell and
Capt^{ns} Compliments to the King ten Gallinas.
“To the Trunk keeper a bottle brandy every Sunday and a peice of Cloth
when you go away if you are satisfied with his service.
“To the Capt^n of the Waterside on your arrivell one anchor of brandy
and at your Dep^t one p^s Cloth and one anchor of brandy.
“To the six Waterrowlers two tokees day each and two Bottles Brandy
besides which you pay them 2, 3 or 4 tokees of cowrees each Cask
according to the size at the end of trade two p^s Cloth and one anchor
Brandy.
“To the Vice Roy who go’s with his people to Compliment the Cap^t at his
arrivell and Conduct him to the Fort one Anchor Brandy and two flasks
but if Coke be their four flasks Brandy.
“To the Vice Roy for his owne Custom 1 p^s Silk 15 yards 1 Cask of
Flower one of Beef but if you are short of these you may give him some
thing else in Lew of them:
“To making the Ten one Anchor Brandy 4 Cabess Cowrees.
“To the Capt^n Gong Gong that looks after the house at night one bottle
day and one p^s Cloth if your content.
“You pay 3 Tokees of Cowrees for every load such as one Anchor 40
Sililees 10 p^s Cloth and so in proportion for small goods but when
loads are very heavy you pay more as ten Gallinas for a Chest of pipes
&c.
The Tokee is 40 Cowrees }
The Gallina is 200 ——— }
The Cabess is 4000 ——— }
“N.B. their go’s five tokees to one Gallina and twenty Gallinas makes
one Cabess.”
Here is a bill of lading for slaves shipped in a Liverpool ship printed
in “Liverpool as it was during the last quarter of the Eighteenth
Century.”
SHIPPED by the grace of God, in good order and well
condition’d by James [surname illegible], in and upon the good
Ship call’d the MARY BOROUGH, whereof is Master, under God,
for this present voyage, Captain David Morton, and now riding
at Anchor at the Barr of Senegal, and by God’s grace bound for
Georgey, in South Carolina, to say, twenty-four prime Slaves,
six prime women Slaves, being mark’d and number’d as in the
margin, and are to be deliver’d, in the like good order and
well condition’d, at the aforesaid Port of Georgia, South
Carolina (the danger of the Seas and Mortality only excepted),
unto Messrs. Broughton and Smith, or to their Assigns: he or
they paying Freight for the said Slaves at the rate of Five
pounds sterling per head at delivery, with Primage and Avrage
accustom’d. [Sidenote: Marked on
the Right
Buttock
O
O] IN WITNESS whereof, the Master or Purser of the said Ship
hath affirm’d to three Bills of Lading, all of this tenor and
date; the one of which three bills being accomplish’d, the
other two to stand void; and so God send the good ship to her
desir’d port in safety, Amen.
Dated in Senegal, 1st February, 1766,
DAVID MORTON.
A voyage made in 1803-1804, by the ship _Enterprise_, may be taken as a
typical example of the working of the system at that time. The owner’s
instructions were as follows:
Liverpool, 18 July 1803.
Cap. Caesar Lawson,
Sir.—Our ship _Enterprize_, to the command of which you are appointed,
being now ready for sea, you are immediately to proceed in her, and make
the best of your way to Bonny on the Coast of Africa. You will receive
herewith an invoice of the Cargo on board her which you are to barter at
Bonny for prime Negroes, Ivory, and Palm Oil. By Law this vessel is
allowed to carry 400 Negroes, and we request that they may all be males
if possible to get them, at any rate buy as few females as in your
power, because we look to a Spanish market for the disposal of your
cargo, where Females are a very tedious sale. In the choice of the
Negroes be very particular, select those that are well formed and
strong; and do not buy any above 24 years of Age, as it may happen that
you will have to go to Jamaica, where you know any exceeding that age
would be liable to a Duty of £10 pr head. While the slaves are on board
the Ship allow them every indulgence Consistent with your own Safety,
and do not suffer any of your officers or Crew to abuse or insult them
in any respect. Perhaps you may be able to procure some Palm Oil on
reasonable terms, which is likely to bear a great price here, we
therefore wish you to purchase as much as you can with any spare cargo
you may have. We have taken out Letters of Marque against the French and
Batavian Republic, and if you are so fortunate as to fall in with and
capture any of their vessels Send the Same direct to this Port, under
the care of an active Prize Master, and a sufficient number of men out
of your ship; and also put a Copy of the Commission on board her, but do
not molest any neutral ship, as it would involve us in expensive Lawsuit
and subject us to heavy Damages. A considerable part of our property
under your care will not be insured, and we earnestly desire you will
keep a particular look out to avoid the Enemy’s Cruisers, which are
numerous and you may hourly expect to be attacked by some of them. We
request you will Keep strict and regular discipline on board the ship;
do not suffer Drunkenness among any of your Officers or Crew, for it is
sure to be attended with some misfortune, such as Insurrection, Mutiny
and Fire. Allow to the ship’s Company their regular portion of
Provisions &c and take every care of such as may get sick. You must keep
the ship very clean and see that no part of her Stores and Materials are
embezzled, neglected, or idly wasted. As soon as you have finished your
trade and laid in a sufficient quantity of Yams, wood, water, and every
other necessary for the Middle Passage, proceed with a press of sail for
Barbadoes, and on your arrival there call on Messrs. Barton Higginson &
Co. with whom you will find Letters from us by which you are to be
govern’d in prosecuting the remainder of the voyage. Do not fail to
write to us by every opportunity and always inclose a copy of your
preceding Letter.
[Illustration:
GEORGETOWN, DEMERARA, SHOWING THE BRITISH BARK “CAESAR” ENTERING THE
HARBOR, SEPTEMBER, 1839
From a colored aquatint, after a painting by W. J. Huggins, in the
Macpherson Collection
]
You are to receive from the House in the West Indies, who may sell your
cargo, your Coast Commission of £2 in £102 on the Gross Sales, and when
this Sum with your Chief Mate’s Privilege and your Surgeon’s Privilege,
Gratuity and head money are deducted, you are then to draw your
Commission of £4 in £104 on the remaining amount. Your Chief Mate, Mr.
James Cowill, is to receive two Slaves on an average with the Cargo,
less the Island and any other duty that may be due or payable thereon at
the place where you may sell your Cargo; and your Surgeon, Mr. Gilbt.
Sinclair, is to receive two Slaves on an average with the Cargo less the
Duty beforementioned, and one Shilling S^{tg} head money on each slave
sold. And in consideration of the aforementioned Emoluments, neither you
nor your Crew, nor any of them, are directly or indirectly to carry on
any private Trade on your or their accounts under a forfeiture to us of
the whole of your Commissions arising on this voyage. In case of your
Death, your Chief Mate, Mr. Cowill, is to succeed to the Command of the
Ship, and diligently follow these and all our further orders. Any Prize
that you may capture, direct the Prize Master to hoist a white flag at
the fore and one at the main top Gallant Mast-heads, on his approach to
this Port, which will be answered by a signal at the light House.
We hope you will have a happy and prosperous voyage, and remain
Sir, Your ob Serv^t
THOMAS LEYLAND & CO.
P.S. Should you capture any vessel from the Eastward of Cape of Good
Hope, Send her to Falmouth and there wait for our orders. In case of
your Capturing a Guineaman with Slaves on board, Send her to the address
of Messrs. Bogle, Jopp & Co. of Kingston, Jamaica.
I acknowledge to have received from Messrs. Thomas Leyland & Co. the
Orders of which the aforegoing is a true Copy, and I engage to execute
them as well as all their further orders, the Dangers of the Seas only
excepted, as witness my hand this 18 July 1803.
CAESAR LAWSON.
On the owner’s account book is entered the following memoranda of the
voyage:
SHIP ENTERPRIZE, 1st Voyage.
Sailed from Liverpool, 20 July 1803
August 26th detained the Spanish Brig _St. Augustin_, Capt. Josef Ant^o
Ytuno, in Lat. 22, 47 North, Long. 26, 14 West; bound from Malaga to
Vera Cruz, which vessel arrived at Hoylake on the 25th October.
September 10th Recaptured the _John_ of Liverpool in Lat. 4, 20 North,
Long. 11, 10 West with 261 Slaves on board, and on the 2nd November she
arrived at Dominica.
September 23rd the _Enterprize_ arrived at Bonny, and sailed from thence
on the
December 6th the _St. Augustin_ sailed from Liverpool.
9th January 1804 the _Enterprize_ arrived at the Havanna and sold there
392 Negroes. On the 28 March she sailed from the Havannah and arrived at
Liverpool 26 April 1804.
The outfit of the _Enterprize_ cost £8148 18 s. 8 d.; her cargo of
trading goods, £8896 3 s. 9½ d.; total £17,045 2 s. 5½ d. In January,
1804, Captain Lawson delivered to Messrs. Joaquin Perez de Urria, at
Havanna, 412 Eboe slaves (viz., 194 men, 32 men-boys, 66 boys, 42 women,
36 women-girls, and 42 girls) to be sold on account of Messrs. T.
Leyland & Co. Nineteen of the slaves died, and one girl, being subject
to fits, could not be disposed of. The net profit on the round voyage,
after selling the 392 remaining slaves, paying damages for detaining the
_St. Augustine_, and crediting salvage of the _John_, profit on teeth,
logwood, sugar, etc., amounted to £24,430 8 s. 11 d.
It appears from a calculation printed in Williams’ work on the Liverpool
slave trade, that during the eleven years from 1783 to 1793, 878 slavers
owned in Liverpool, imported to the West Indies, 303,737 slaves whose
estimated value amounted to the total of £15,186,850—a brilliantly
successful traffic that brought great wealth to the principal
adventurers and an unhappy reputation to the busy port of Liverpool.
A tragedian, George Frederick Cooke, the predecessor of Kean, while
drunk, staggered on to the stage of the Theatre Royal in Liverpool, one
evening and was hissed and hooted by the audience for presenting himself
in such a condition. Steadying himself, the outraged actor shouted, “I
have not come here to be insulted by a set of wretches, every brick in
whose infernal town is cemented with an African’s blood.”
Time brings its compensations. Liverpool is now one of the greatest
maritime ports in the world, a great _entrepôt_ for the nations of the
New World, whose development at one time demanded the labor and lives of
kidnapped Africans transported overseas in the holds of ships hailing
from that port.