THE VOYAGE OF THE SHIP _HANNIBAL_ OF
LONDON, IN 1693
It was my misfortune, as well as many others, this last war with France,
in my voyage home from Venice and Zant, in the _William_ of two hundred
tons and twenty guns, to fall into the clutches of three great French
men of war of seventy guns each, in the soundings, about sixty leagues
S.W. from Cape Clear in Ireland. There being so great an inequality in
our strength, and no hopes of escaping, I thought it prudence to submit
without any resistance, and not have my men killed and wounded to no
purpose; for they had five hundred men each, and I but thirty in all;
therefore I was forced to let might overcome right, and upon summons by
a shot athwart our fore foot, from the _Crown_, of seventy brass guns,
which came first up with us, to strike our ensign and become their
prize.[15]
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Footnote 15:
This early narrative of a slaving voyage has been abstracted from
Capt. Thomas Phillips’ “Journal,” printed in Churchill’s _Collection
of Voyages_, vol. VI, London, 1746.
-----
After my return to England, I was for some time destitute of imployment,
until Sir Jeffrey Jeffreys, Knt., out of his extraordinary generosity
and good will to me, understanding that the ship _Hannibal_ of four
hundred and fifty tons, and thirty-six guns, was to be sold, gave me
orders to buy her. Having done this he was pleased to deposit the money
for her presently out of his own pocket; and after, by his interest, to
bring in his worthy brother, John Jeffreys, Esq.; Sam. Stanyer, Esq.;
then sub-governor of the African company, and some other eminent
merchants, to be part-owners with me, and then to recommend me and the
ship to the Royal African Company of England; from whom, upon his
account I found acceptance. Being entered into their service, on a
trading voyage to Guinea, for elephant’s teeth, gold, and negro slaves;
and having the needful cargoes on board wherewith to purchase them, as
well as supplies of merchandise, stores, &c. for the company’s castles
and factories; my business being compleated at London, I took boat for
Gravesend the fifth of September in the year 1693, and got on board
about eleven at night, with money to pay my men their river-pay, and one
month’s pay advance-money, as per agreement.
Sunday the 10th in the morning, we broke ground from Gravesend, and
drove with the ebb to the upper end of the Hope, where we chop’d to an
anchor, and in the evening I went up to Gravesend.
Tuesday the 12th. This morning about three o’clock we got under sail,
with a brave gale at W. At nine we were past the Nore, where we drove
till one in the evening, waiting for water, at which time we bore away
for the red sand, and about four got through the narrow, and at six
anchored off the North Foreland, in nine fathom water.
Wednesday the 13th. At four this morning we got up our anchors, with the
wind at S.W. and after several tacks, about eleven we came to an anchor
in the Downs, in eight fathom water. We were detained in the Downs with
every blustering weather and contrary winds until the twenty-fifth of
October when the wind veering to the north, we got up our anchors, and
about seven in the evening were under sail. At noon the next day we saw
the isle of Wight, bearing north-west. We got our anchors up, and our
ship clear for the sea, and removed two of our guns that were open in
the waist into the after-ports in the great cabin.
[Illustration:
PROSPECT OF THE CUSTOM HOUSE, LONDON, IN 1714, WITH SHIPPING OF THE
PERIOD
From an engraving by John Harris, in the Macpherson Collection
]
Friday the 27th. From yesterday noon till twelve this day we have had a
brave topsail gale from north to north-east, steering away west. We run
from four in the evening yesterday, 112′ west, by the best computation I
could make, for our log-line breaking in the night, we lost our log and
were forced to make guess-work. We saw many ships on all sides, but
spoke with none, except one Portuguese of two-hundred tons, bound from
Oporto to London, laden with wine, for some quantities of which
commodity we had a great desire to traffick with him; but it blowing so
hard, and night being come on, hinder’d our design, so that we bid him
farewell, and left him to proceed on his voyage, as we did on ours.
Unbent our cables, and clap’d on house-boards, clear’d our ship, and
appointed by men their quarters in case of engaging an enemy, having
seventy men belonging to the ship, and thirty-three of the African
company’s passengers, for their castles in Guiney, so that we made in
all, men and boys, a hundred and three.
Wednesday the first. At three this morning, the mate that had the watch
came to acquaint me that they discover’d four strange ships with lights
to windward of us. When I came upon deck I perceiv’d one with a light
standing as we did, upon which we got our half ports off,—chests and
hammocks up, and order’d every man to their several quarters, to get
them clear for an engagement. About eleven, being clear day, we had all
things in order, and ready for a fight, at which time I plainly saw four
tall ships with all sails set standing directly with us. I am sure they
were men of war of sixty and seventy guns each, as near as I could
discover through my glass, but of what nation I could not tell, tho’ we
had great reason to believe them French, our frigats seldom or never
cruising so far to the S. and W. They stood towards us with all sails
set in a line, upon which I made a signal, by hoisting and lowering my
ensign four times, to give notice to Capt. Shurley of our new
companions, and crowded with all sails to speak with him, he being about
a mile distant upon my lee bow, and the only one of our fleet then in
company, we having lost the rest last night and the night before. When I
came up with him it blew so hard that we could not hear each other, tho’
we had good speaking-trumpets, therefore we were forced to endeavour to
understand one another by signs, by which I perceived that he was of my
opinion, that since they were so many, not to stand the brunt with them,
two to one being odds at football, we being deep loaden merchant ships,
and they frigats, built and fitted only for fight, but rather to go away
large, and endeavour, by often varying our course, to lose them, it
blowing very hard at S. and being thick dirty weather, which was likely
to continue and increase, which I was not sorry for, since I do verily
believe it saved us a French voyage; therefore we hal’d up our
mainsails, clapt the helm aweather, and bore away under foresail and
maintopsail, with two reefs in, upon the cap, W.N.W. and N.W. till nine,
handed maintopsail, and went away N.W. till ten, having lost sight of
the ships that pursued us e’er since we went large. At eleven, it
blowing a hard storm, having very thick weather and grown sea, lest we
should lose each other, Capt. Shurley brought to under a mizen; my
foresail being up I went to do the like, but in haling out our mizen the
strap of the sheet-block broke, so that e’er we could brail him up he
was by the violence of the gale split to pieces, which occasion’d us to
lower the yard down and unbend him, upon which the ship labouring much
for want of sail, found it convenient to set the mainsail, and having
got the tack aboard, e’er we could gather the sheet aft we split the
mainsail, and were forced to hale down the yard and furl him, and bear
away before the wind N. and N. by W. with only the bunt of our foresail
loose. In furling our mainsail one of our seamen, John Southern, being
careless of himself, fell off the yard-arm and was drown’d, which I was
extremely sorry for, but it was beyond human power to save him, it
blowing a mere fret of wind, and a very great sea, and having no sails
to command the ship.
Tuesday the 2d. From twelve yesterday until two in the evening, we went
away N. with our bare poles, running four miles an hour; at which time,
having brought to a new mizen and reef’d him, we hoisted the yard and
set him, and brought her to under a mizen, then unbent our mainsail that
was split, and with much pains and trouble, we bent another; and having
reef’d him we furl’d him; About four we furl’d our fore-sail snug, and
hoisted the mizen stay-sail, to keep the ship to, and her head upon the
sea, she labouring most dreadfully. At twelve last night the violence of
the storm being abated, we set the main-sail, and lay under it and mizen
till daylight; when having righted up the ship a little, to my great
trouble and surprise, we found that our fore-mast was sprung about three
feet above the partners in the forecastle; the crack being very large,
and opening above an inch upon every rent of the ship, which, to see,
made my heart ake; we found it likewise upon searching, to be almost
rotten to the heart in that place; whereupon I sent for my officers, to
consult what was most proper to be done upon this unexpected accident,
and how best to secure him; but finding some of them begin to urge that
there was no proceeding on so long a voyage with such a mast, and that
it was convenient to bear up for Plymouth, while we were so near it, to
furnish ourselves with another, I thought it convenient to quash this
motion in the bud, and declar’d I was resolv’d to proceed on my voyage,
though I should be forced to go with a jury-mast, rather than return
again to England; and forthwith order’d my carpenters to go to work to
secure him, by paying four new capston bars of good oak, and nine feet
long each, round him, where he was sprung, and spike them very well, and
afterwards clapt four good wooldings upon him, which I was in hopes
would sufficiently secure him, we every day approaching nearer a fair
weather country; and when our carpenters had done what I had order’d
them, it seem’d very firm, and did not complain all the voyage after. In
crowding yesterday morning with maintop-sail to speak with Capt.
Shurley, upon sight of the four strange ships, we wrench’d the head of
our main-mast; and this morning set some men to woold the hull of the
maintop-mast, to the head of the main-mast, to keep him fast, else the
cap would slue much where the head of the mast was wrung.
Saturday the 18th. This morning we found out that one of the Royal
African Company’s soldiers, for their castles in Guiney, was a woman,
who had enter’d herself into their service under the name of John Brown,
without the least suspicion, and had been three months on board without
any mistrust, lying always among the other passengers, and being as
handy and ready to do any work as any of them; and I believe she had
continued undiscover’d till our arrival in Africa, had not she fallen
very sick, which occasion’d our surgeon to visit her, and order’d her a
glister, which when his mate went to administer, he was surpriz’d at
what he discovered, which occasion’d him to make a farther inquiry,
which, as well as her confession, manifesting the truth of her sex, he
came to acquaint me of it, whereupon, in charity, as well as in respect
to her sex, I order’d her a private lodging apart from the men, and gave
the taylor some ordinary stuffs to make her woman’s cloaths; in
recompence for which she prov’d very useful in washing my linen, and
doing what else she could, till we deliver’d her with the rest at Cape
Coast castle. She was about twenty years old, and a likely black girl.
Wednesday the 22d. About four o’clock in the morning it being day-light,
Pico Tenerif bore due east of us, at which time being near Oratava road,
we discern’d two sail between us and the shore, one of which we
perceived to be a ship, and the other seem’d a barca longa; in a short
time we saw the ship standing off to us, with all sails set, whereupon
we tack’d off to the N. to have time to put our ship in a posture of
defence, in case she prov’d an enemy, and with all expedition got our
hatch ports off, our chests and hamocks up, our close quarters up, guns
and small arms all ready, and about twelve we were every way clear and
ready for an engagement, at which time we furl’d our main-sail, and
handed all our small sails, flung our arms, clapp’d on our stoppers, our
puddings, and plattings under our parrels, and being but little wind
hal’d up our fore-sail, and lay by for the ship that was so earnest to
speak with us.
Thursday the 23d. From noon yesterday we had but faint small breezes of
wind until three in the evening, at which time the ship that stood after
us was got within random gun-shot of us, appearing a fine long snug
frigate; so that now we no longer doubted but she was an enemy,
therefore letting fly my colours, we fir’d a shot athwart his fore foot;
upon which he shew’d an English ensign; but for all his cheat we knew
what he was, and were in all kinds ready to give him his welcome, we
jogging easily under our fighting sails till four, at which time, being
within carbine shot of us, he run out his lower tier of guns (which I
did not expect, nor was well pleased to see) nine of each side, and
struck his false colours, and hoisted the French white sheet. I
perceiv’d he was resolv’d to pluck a crow with me; therefore, after
drinking a dram, and encouraging all, order’d all my men to their guns,
to behave themselves courageously, and expected his broad-side, which
when within pistol-shot, he gave us, and his volley of small shot. We
return’d his civility very heartily with ours; after which he shot
a-head of us, and brought to, and fell along our larboard side, and gave
us his other broad-side, as we did him; then each of us loaded and fired
as fast as we could, until ten o’clock at night, when his foretop mast
came by the board; then he fell astern of us, and made the best of his
way to lee-ward, with his boat towing a-head, and took his leave of us.
We gave him a levet with our trumpets, and what guns we had loaded, to
bid him farewell, being heartily glad to be rid of such a troublesome
guest. I was extremely glad that by God’s assistance we defended the
ship, though she was most miserably shatter’d and torn in her mast and
rigging, having had eleven shot in our main mast, three quite through
him, and several lodg’d in him and gaul’d him standing three or four
inches deep; eight shot in our fore-mast, two quite through; our
main-top shot to pieces; our main-topmast splinter’d half away; our
mizen yard shot in two pieces; our sprit-sail, top-mast jack, and jack
staff, shot away; our ancient staff shot by the board, so that had no
colours flying most part of the ingagement but the king’s pendant,
which, by authority of my letter of mart, I fought under; we had several
shot through our yards, with much more too long to insert. As to the
rigging, I know not how to begin or end with it, it was so tore by long
bars of iron they fired; our main shrouds we were forced to knot in
fourteen places, and had but one shroud standing of the larboard side
when Monsieur tow’d off. We knotted our fore shrouds, in nine places;
our main-top chain and main tie were shot to pieces, so that the yard
hung wholly by the parrel and pudding: our stay, sheets and tacks were
shot in several places; and of the running rigging few or none escaped
their small shot, which flew very thick; we had not above thirty shot
placed in our hull, four of which were under water; he fired very high
for the most part, at our mast, yards and rigging, to bring our mast by
the board, and had we had a top-sail gale, they must have all gone away;
but it was our good fortune to have smooth water (a thing not common in
that place), and little wind, until we had opportunity, by stoppers,
preventers, knotting and splicing, to secure them indifferently. We
fired low all into his hull, and loaded our low guns (which were all
demiculverin) constantly with both double and round shot, and our
quarter deck guns with round shot, and tin cases full of musket bullets,
so that we must certainly have killed him a great many men; our three
boats and booms were shot thro’ in many places; and we had a suit of
sails quite spoil’d, some being shot thro’ like strainers. We had five
men kill’d outright, and about thirty-two wounded; among the last was my
brother, my gunner, carpenter, and boatswain; the carpenter had his arm
shot off, and three others their legs; five or six of my best men were
dreadfully blown up by their carelessness in laying the lighted matches
among some cartridges of powder; our harper had his scull fractur’d by a
small shot; the rest are but slight small shot and splinter wounds, and
bruises,—and hope will do all well; our surgeon, Mr. William Gordon,
being a diligent man, and an excellent artist in his profession. The
fight lasted six hours, from four till ten o’clock, being all that while
within pistol shot, little wind, and small water, and firing as fast as
both sides could load our guns. We often gave them huzza’s during the
engagement, and they would answer with _Vive le roys_; but when he towed
away under our stern his note was changed, for I never heard such
dreadful screeching and howling as was on board of him, so that he must
needs have a great many men wounded. I judged him to be about 48 guns,
and a man of war. After he left us we steered W. by S. with a small gale
at N.E. and spent all the night in fixing our rigging as well as we
could, to be in some posture to receive him, if he should incline to
have another bout with us in the morning; but our men being tired all
day, and the best of them kill’d or wounded, we could do but little,
tho’ they had all the encouragement that I could give them and as much
punch as they would drink. This morning, when it was light, we saw the
enemy about three leagues distance, standing to the northward from us,
having, I presume, had his belly-full the night before, and which,
without fallacy, I was very glad of, not desiring to have any more to do
with such a quarrelsome fellow.
Friday the 24th. These twenty-four hours we have spent in knotting our
shrouds, and fixing our other rigging as well as we could; knotted our
main shrouds in fourteen places, and the foreshrouds in nine, and after
set them up very tort, to secure our poor shattered mast; we were forced
to keep our chain-pump and both hand-pumps constantly going, to keep the
ship free, she making a great deal of water, through the four shot holes
rec’d under water, which we could not come at to stop effectually by
reason of the sea. This day we lived on bread and cheese and punch, not
being able to dress any meat, by reason our hearth and furnaces were
shot thro’, which our armourer was about mending. We had a hogshead of
brandy shot in our lazaretta, whose loss we much regretted. The poor
ship looked miserably with her shot rigging dangling about, and as full
of splinters as a carpenter’s yard full of chips.
Sunday the 26th. Yesterday in the evening we set up our shrouds tort
again, the heat of the weather and the drawing of the knots having much
slackened them; our shot mizen-yard being splic’d and fish’d, we bent a
new mizen to him, and got him up and set him; we unbent our foresail
(which had thirty large shot-holes thro’ him, some half-yard wide, done
with the long bars of iron they fired, and innumerable musket-shot
holes) and brought to another; we woolded three large crows to the
foremast, to succour a great gaul about eight inches deep which he had
received in the engagement, about ten foot above the forecastle; set our
carpenters to work about mending the shot-holes in our bolts.
Monday the 27th. Yesterday’s evening our carpenters spent in mending the
bottom of our yaul, so that now we have one boat that will swim, ready
to be hoisted out upon any sudden accident of a man’s falling overboard,
or the like. We kept our pumps constantly plying, to free the ship, in
which the Royal African Company’s soldiers did us good service in the
day-time. This morning, as soon as it was clear light, we saw a ship
upon our weather bow, bearing of us S. by W. distance about a league,
standing as we did; immediately we called up all hands to put the ship
in a fighting posture, and in truth our men were very dextrous at it, so
that we were clear for a fight in less than an hour’s time (being
improved by the last engagement). In about half an hour after we were
every where ready, we perceived her to hale close upon a wind, crowding
with all the sail she could towards the Barbary coast. She seemed to us
a good ship, and I do believe it might be Capt. Daniell in the
_Mediteranean_, bound to Angola. When we saw him shun us we kept on our
own course being not very desirous to force a quarrel, having so lately
been well bang’d, tho’ all our men that were unwounded were very
resolute to give him a rough salute, had he had any thing to say to us;
he keeping still close hal’d, about twelve o’clock was out of sight. We
then put our half ports on again, unflung our yards, and got off our
close quarters, and set our carpenters about mending the rest of our
boats. This false alarm hinder’d the paying of our tropick bottles. This
day our bag-piper’s leg was cut off a little below the knee.
Saturday the 2d. From noon yesterday until six in the evening we steered
along the island of St. Jago, at which time took in our small, and hal’d
up our low sails, and stood to the E. off, under our topsails only,
Santa Mayo then bearing E.N.E. distance five leagues. At ten we braced
our fore-topsail to the mast, and lay by for daylight to get into the
harbour of Praya, to rift our ship; at six in the morning made sail and
stood in for the port, and about ten we got in. We rid somewhat more
than a cable’s length from each shore, and about a mile from the bottom
of the bay, which is fine and sandy, with a large cocoanut orchard near
the water side.
Sunday the 3d. Yesterday we unbent the main-sail; and having lowered the
yard, got it fore and aft, in order to splice a piece ten foot long to
the starboard yard-arm, where it was broke. About three o’clock this
morning got our guns over, and gave the ship a heel to port, in order to
stop our leaks on the starboard side, where we received three shots
under water afore the chestree. Our carpenters spent till two in the
evening in stopping them, our men in the mean time giving the ship a
scrub as low as they could; then we heeled the ship the other way, and
found a very large shot-hole in the larboard-bow, about a foot under
water. Our carpenters spent the rest of the day in stopping that, and
righted the ship before night. About nine this morning I went with some
of my officers to pay my respects to the governor at St. Jago town,
having our trumpets in the pinnace’s head.
After we had rowed about seven miles, we came about a point into the bay
near the town. We run our boat ashore right against the gate; where
being landed, and seeing only a few negroes and children, our trumpets
sounded a levet, which soon brought an officer down to us, who conducted
us to the governor’s palace at the upper part of the town; where we saw
no body but negro women, who talked to us many smutty English words,
making lascivious undecent gestures with their bodies, which were all
naked, excepting a little clout about their waste, hanging down to the
middle of the thigh.
We were informed that the governor was at church; but our trumpets had
alarmed him so, that we had not waited long ere he appeared, advancing
towards us at the head of the congregation. There were two young
captains and the priest accompanied him, his horse being led after him
in pretty good equipage. When he was come where we were, we saluted him
with our hats, which he and his company returned very courteously. Then
he desir’d us to walk in, and led us thro’ a court into a large hut,
with an iron balcony facing the sea, towards which it had a fine
prospect. After we were seated I acquainted him we were come to pay our
respects to him, and gave him an account of our voyage, and what induced
us to put into his port, desiring he would permit us to furnish
ourselves with what fresh water and provisions we had occasion for. He
replied, That since he was perswaded we were upon an honest account, we
might furnish ourselves with what e’er the island afforded; which favour
I thankfully acknowledged. I fancied him all this time a little uneasy
by reason he saw so many of my officers and passengers with me, and that
he had an inclination to give me some treat, but that he was afraid they
would devour him; therefore calling one of them to me, I whispered him
to go with the rest and take a walk for an hour; which they soon did,
making their excuse to the governor, that they had a desire to see the
town, which he was not backward to grant them, none remaining with me
but my brother.
Soon after they were gone, we had a napkin laid, and a loaf of good
white bread; then he went into the next room and brought out a box of
marmalad, and a square case bottle half full of Madeira wine in which he
drank to me; but had it not been out of perfect civility, I had rather
have pledged him in water; for it was so thick, foul and hot, that it
had like to have made me commit an indecency in his excellency’s
presence; but having laid a foundation of good punch in the morning
aboard, it fortified my stomach so as that I had power to contain
myself. Afterwards I gave him an invitation to come and dine aboard our
ship, where he should find a cordial welcome, as well as all due
respect. He received the invitation kindly, but assured me, that he had
not been on board any ship since he had been governor there, and that if
he were inclined to go, the inhabitants would lose their lives ere they
would permit him, lest any harm should befal him, or tricks be put upon
him, as there have been on some governors of these islands, by pirates
and privateers, who when they have got them aboard, have carried them
away if they did not forthwith give orders to bring them such a quantity
of provisions as they demanded, for which they would pretend to give a
bill of exchange payable at London, but drawn upon John-a-Nokes, or the
pump at Algate, as Avery’s bill was to the governor of St. Thomas’s
isle.
Monday the 4th. This day our carpenters spliced a piece to the
main-yard, and clap’d two good iron hoops and two wooldings up it. We
unbent our shot topsails, and brought others to the yards; fitted our
shatter’d main-stay, sent the longboat for water, of which she filled
sixteen punchions. We had fine weather, and a curious easy gale at N.E.
In the morning I went ashore at the cod of the bay, which I found
covered with ragged merchants; some with oranges, lemons, cocoa-nuts,
pine apples, bananas, &c. Here one with a couple of small hens in his
hand, there another with a little monkey upon his knee; a little
farther, one with a goat betwixt his legs, another near him with a hog
tied to his arm, and our seamen so busy trafficking with them for old
ragged shirts, drawers, or any other moveables (for nothing came amiss)
that the trade was very brisk and diverting. After we had pleased
ourselves some time with this rag market, we walked up the hill to
deliver the cheese I had promised the governor, which I intrusted with
the before-named old officer, presenting himself with another. Here I
met with a gentleman of the island who was come on purpose to offer to
supply me with what provisions I wanted, and to take what money I could
muster, and the rest in goods for it. I gave him orders for fifteen
goats, ten sheep, four hogs, sixty hens, five hundred oranges, and five
hundred lemons, which he promised should be ready at the seaside in the
morning. The negroes here go naked, except a cloth about their middles,
and a roll of linen the women wear about their heads. The cloaths they
wear are of cotton, and chequered or striped with blue. I have been told
they make great quantities of these cloaths to sell, being much
esteemed, and a very good commodity upon the Gold Coast in Guiney; but
for my part I saw none but what the women wore; neither did any body
mention or offer any such to me for sale.
Tuesday the fifth. This morning, according to promise, I found the
provision we had bespoke at the water-side, which we bought very
reasonably, and paid for them three pounds in Spanish money which I had
picked up among my officers, and the rest in muskets, coral, and painted
linen. I went and took leave of the old officer, intending to go no more
ashore, and about noon returned aboard, where our men were busy setting
our shrouds well up fore and aft. Our carpenters had sawed a spare
maintopmast we had into two halves, with which this morning they fished
the foremast, which was very crazy. After having fayed and spiked the
fishes, they clap’d four good wooldings upon them. We got up our low
yards, and made all clear to sail next morning. Last night Thomas
Cronow, an honest stout Welshman, one of our sailors, died of his wounds
received in the late engagement, one of his legs being carried off about
the ancle, and half his other foot by the same shot. He was rowed some
distance from the ship and his body committed to the deep.
Wednesday the 6th. This morning at four we got our stream anchor and
hauser aboard, then having loosed and hoisted our topsails, hove up our
small bower, and stood out to sea, with the wind at N.E., a fine fresh
gale.
Thursday the 7th. Yesterday in the evening we cleaned all fore and aft
between decks; and having covered the gratings close with tarpaulins, we
burnt three buckets of tar to keep the ship wholesome and prevent
infection and distempers. We hoisted in our pinnace and yaul; and having
clap’d the boat rope and a hauser upon the longboat, towed her astern.
We unbent our cables, got up our anchors, clap’d on house-boards, and
took up one reef in our topsails.
Saturday the 23rd. From noon yesterday we steer’d along shore for Cape
Mounseradoe, with a small gale of wind. At daylight, we saw the cape,
and soon after descried three vessels riding at anchor under it; one of
which seem’d a large ship. We not knowing what they might be, made our
ship clear, and order’d all things ready for a battle, when we perceived
a boat, rowing off towards us, who having discover’d what we were, came
aboard us, being the pinnace of the _East India Merchant_, Captain
Shurley, my consort, who had sent her to intreat me to put in there to
his assistance, he having, off the cape, had his fore-mast and fore-yard
split to pieces, with a thunder-bolt, and his fore-topgallant-sail set
on fire by the precedent flash of lightning. I intended to wood and
water at Junco, about twelve leagues more to the E. where is a good
river, and plenty of wood; but understanding this disaster that had
befallen Captain Shurley, I alter’d my resolution, and made all the way
I could to get into Mounseradoe road, which, with the sea breeze, I did,
and about four in the evening let go my anchor in eight fathom water. We
found the other two vessels to be one Gubbins, an interloper, come from
Barbadoes, chiefly laden with rum, to trade for gold and slaves, of
which I bought about 500 gallons of him cheap, and sold it to good
advantage. The other vessel was the _Stanier_ sloop, with M. Colker on
board her, who was agent of Cherborough, and came thence to trade along
the coast for teeth, &c.
The people here are civil and courteous, but great beggars, the king and
cappashires continually haunting us for dashes (which is their word for
presents). Here is store of good rice, and cheap, which they brought us
in abundance; and for our better conveniency of trading with them, as
well as to lodge our carpenters that lay ashore in the nights to cut
wood, we erected two tents with old sails, upon the spit of sand at the
mouth of the river. The chief commodity we traded for was rice, of which
I bought about five tuns, paying mostly for it in booges or cawries,
which are the goods they chiefly esteem, for a pint of which we could
buy 30 lb. of rice. The other goods they approved of were iron bars and
red Welsh plains; but they had nothing considerable to trade with us for
them. We bought some fowls of them which they call “Cocadecoes,” being
not bigger than our English chickens, and eat dry. We also purchas’d
some limes, wild oranges, pine apples, and two or three small goats.
They had a few small elephants teeth, but not worth our regard.
The 28th came in here Capt. John Soans, in the _Jeffry_; and having
supply’d himself with some wood, water, and rice, set sail again for the
Bight, on Thursday the 3d of Jan. having left with me a packet of
letters directed for Sir Jeffrey Jeffreys, to be forwarded to Europe,
with the first conveniency. Agent Colker, set sail for Sherberow in the
5th, and Gubbins, in the Barbadoes interloper, the same morning for the
Gold Coast, by whom I sent letters to the African Company’s three chief
merchants at Cabo Corse Castle, signifying my agreement with the company
to slave upon the Gold Coast, and bespeaking their diligence in
procuring what numbers they could for me against my arrival there, with
what else was needful. I was forced to stay here ten days after I had
compleated my business, for Capt. Shurley to refit his ship, which at
length being done, we both set sail with the morning breeze, on the 9th
of Jan. 1693/4 for the coast. The negroes of this place, express’d a
great affection for the English, and as much hatred to the French; two
of them took Capt. Shurley’s and my name, assuring us their next sons
should be called so.
Saturday the 13th. Yesterday till about four in the evening, being off
the river of Sestos, we came to an anchor in nine fathom water. This
morning I went ashore in my pinnace with some goods to trade, and Capt.
Shurley sent his with his purser in her, being so ill that he could not
go himself.
About eight miles up the river is the town where king Peter their
monarch lives; but I could not spare time to go and visit him, and in
truth had no great inclination to venture so far in a boat, having been
informed that the negroes here are very treacherous and bloody, as some
of our European traders have found to their cost. The goods in demand
here are brass kettles, pewter basons of several sizes, boogas or
cowries, freezes, Welsh plains, red and blue, knives, &c., some of each
of which we carried ashore; but they had nothing to traffick with us for
them, except a few little calves teeth (for so they call the young
elephants) which were not worth our notice, and which they held very
dear. We bought some hens, limes, and oranges; were offer’d some rice,
but much dearer than we bought at Mounseradoe, where we had supply’d
ourselves.
[Illustration:
NEGRO SLAVES FROM LOANGO, AFRICA
From an engraving in Stedman’s _Narrative of an Expedition to
Surinam_, London, 1796
]
Sunday the 14th. Finding no trade to encourage our stay at Sestos, we
got up our stream-anchor this morning, and set sail with a small gale at
W.
Monday the 15th. From noon yesterday we steer’d along shore till two in
the evening, at which time came several canoos aboard us from Sanguin
river, where the Grain or Malagetta coast begins. They brought us
pepper, or, as they call it, Malagetta, which is much like our Indian
pepper and for ought I know, as good. It was brought in ozier baskets. I
bought 1000 weight of it at one iron bar (value in England three
shillings and six pence) and a dashy of a knife or two to the broker.
The reason of our buying this pepper is to give it to our negroes in
their messes to keep them from the flux and dry belly-ach, which they
are very incident to.
Tuesday the 16th. At noon this day we were off of Wappo, whence came off
to us more canoos, with Malagetta to sell, of which I bought three
hundred weight for three two-pound pewter basons. We might have bought
much more, but having enough for our purpose, we turn’d them ashore, and
pursue’d our course.
Wednesday the 17th. Yesterday my poor brother grew very ill and
delirious; and notwithstanding all the endeavours used by my own and
Capt. Shurley’s doctor for his recovery, about three in the evening this
day he took his leave of this troublesome world, and left me full of
affliction for the loss of him. He had been sick of a malignant fever
about eight days, and many of my men lay ill of the same distemper.
January the 18th. Having yesterday doubled Cape Palmas, about five in
the evening we came to an anchor in nineteen fathom water, where we rode
till six this morning. We got under sail, when the coffin being ready,
the deceas’d was nailed up therein; and our pinnace being hoisted out,
he was lower’d into her, and myself, my doctor and purser went in her to
bury him, the colours of our own ship and _East-India Merchant_ being
lowered half-mast down, our trumpets and drums sounding and beating, as
is customary upon such melancholy occasions. We row’d the corpse about
1/4 of a mile from the ship to seaward; and the prayers of the church
being read, I help’d to commit his body to the deep, which was the last
office lay in my power to do for my dear brother. Then the _Hannibal_
fired sixteen guns at 1/2 minute distance of time, which was the number
of years he had lived in this uncertain world; and the _East-India
Merchant_ fired ten guns.
Sunday the 21st. At six we weigh’d anchor, and stood along to the east.
About ten came two canoos aboard us from Caba-la-ho, and were follow’d
by several others with stores of good teeth, which invited us to come to
anchor; but ere the negroes in the canoos would come aboard, they
required that the captain of the ship should come down the out side of
the ship, and drop three drops of the sea water into his eye, as a
pledge of friendship, and of safety for them to come aboard; which I
very readily consented to and perform’d, in hopes of a good market for
their large fair teeth, which I had a longing desire to purchase. Then
they came aboard, but seeing so many men on deck, were mistrustful, and
went into their canoos again. I was much concerned at their fearfulness,
and with much persuasion prevailed on them to return, which they did,
and having given each that came in a good coge of brandy, I shewed them
some of my commodities, and they brought in some teeth. I was astonished
when first they came near the ship, to hear no other speech come from
them but “Qua, Qua, Qua, Qua,” like a parcel of ducks; from which I
presume this teeth coast hath had the appellation of Quaquaa coast, it
reaching from Cape Palmas to Bassam Picolo, where was the first gold I
meet with. I have no where upon the coast met with the negroes so shy as
here, which makes me fancy they have had tricks played them by such
blades as Long Ben, alias Avery, who have seiz’d them and carried them
away. The goods they most covet are pewter basons, the larger the
better, iron bars, knives, and large screw’d pewter jugs, which they did
much affect.
Saturday the 27th. At two in the evening yesterday we got up our
anchors, and sailed along shore until six, when came a four-hand canoo
aboard us from Bassam, assuring us of good trade of gold and slaves in
the morning, if we would anchor, and that they would stay with us all
night, which we permitted them, hoisting up their canoo in the tackles,
and let go our anchors in fourteen fathom water. In the morning those
aboard fell to trade, of whom I took thirty-six achies of gold in
fatishes for pewter and iron bars.
Sunday the 28th. The negroes yesterday promised us a good trade this day
if we stay’d. Accordingly this morning came aboard of me two canoos, of
which I took sixteen ounces of gold in fatishes, for iron bars, pewter,
and knives, viz. for one iron bar 1½ achy, for a dozen of knives, one
achy, for a four-pound pewter bason, one achy, with several knives for
dashes to those that traded briskly. Here the negroes are not so well
skilled in trade as upon the Gold Coast, for we could put the
bank-weights upon them; but to leeward, on the Gold Coast, they knew our
Troy weights as well as ourselves, and have weights of their own, which
they compare ours with. Like-wise at this place goods yield a better
price than among our factories to leeward, by reason that here they
can’t supply themselves at all times as they can there; therefore when
they have an opportunity of ships passing by, they buy what they want,
tho’ they give a better price for it; but they have but small quantities
of gold to trade with.
Wednesday the 31st. Last night I was taken with a violent racking pain
the right side of my head; and Capt. Shurley being very ill of a fever,
sent for Mr. Gordon, my doctor, to have his advice. On Sunday the pain
in my head increased, and I was taken with a dimness in my eyes, that I
could not see ten yards off, and a dizziness in my head, that I could
not stand nor walk without assistance.
Wednesday the 13th, in the morning we got under sail, and having doubled
Cape Apollonia, in the evening we came to an anchor at Axem in eight
fathom water, about two miles from the Dutch fort. Here we had but
little trade, therefore after we got aboard we weigh’d, and stood along
shore till night, when anchored in 18 fathom water, a-breast the
Brandenburg fort, near Cape Tres Puntar.
The 20th in the morning Capt. Shurley and I went ashore to our castle at
Succandy, where we found the factor, Mr. Johnson, in his bed raving mad,
cursing and swearing most wretchedly at us, not in the least knowing
Capt. Shurley, tho’ he had a long former acquaintance with him. I pity’d
from my soul this poor man, who had plunged himself into this condition
thro’ resentment of an affront put upon him by one Vanbukeline, the
copeman or merchant of the Mine-castle, which, as we were informed by
his second (who was a young lad, and had been a bluecoat-hospital boy)
was as follows: One Taguba, a noted negro woman in Cape Corce town,
being got with child by some of the soldiers of our castle there, was
brought to bed of a Malatto girl, who growing to be about 11 years old,
Mr. Johnson a factor, then at Cabo Corce, had a great fancy for her, and
purposed to take her for his wife (as they take wives in Guiney); and
about that time he being removed to Succandy, to be chief factor, to
make sure of the girl, took her there to live with him till she was of
age fit for matrimonial functions, using much tenderness and kindness to
her, and taking great pleasure and satisfaction in her company for two
or three years. When she was grown man’s meat, and a pretty girl,
Vanbukeline by bribes and presents corrupted her mother Taguba, and
prevailed with her to go to Succandy, and under pretence of making a
visit to her daughter, to steal her away and bring her to him, he having
ordered a swift canoo to lie ready under the Dutch fort at Succandy for
that end. The mother accordingly came, and having been kindly treated by
Mr. Johnson, who suspected nothing, went with her daughter to take a
walk, and being come near the canoo that lay perdue, the canoo men took
hold of her and put her per force into it, her mother following, and
carried them both away to the Mine-castle, and delivered the young one
to Vanbukeline, who soon cracked that nut which Mr. Johnson had been so
long preparing for his own tooth. When I dined with the Dutch general at
the Mine, I saw her there, being brought in to dance before us, very
fine, bearing the title of madam Vanbukeline. This, and some other old
differences between that Dutchman and he, did so disturb and vex him,
that it threw him into distempers, and quite turned his brain. We were
entertained by the young second as well as he could; and about three in
the evening we went aboard. I have been informed since my being here,
that the adjacent negroes, instigated by Vanbukeline and the Dutch
general, had in the night surprized and seiz’d the fort, cut Johnson the
factor to pieces, and plundered all the goods and merchandise.
On the 27th in the afternoon we came to an anchor in Cape Corce road in
eight fathom water, and saluted our castle with 15 guns, which they
returned. The merchandise and stores we brought for the castle, we sent
in our longboat as near the shore as she dare go, and the canoos came
and unlade her; which being flat bottom’d, play upon the sea until they
perceive a smooth, then with violence run themselves ashore, take out
the goods, and launch off again. We landed out of the _Hannibal_, at
this place, thirty soldiers for the company, in as good health as we
received them aboard in England; but in two months time that we lay here
to complete our business, they were near half dead, and scarce enough of
the survivors able to carry their fellows to the grave.
The commodities that are most in demand upon the Gold Coast, are blue
and red perpetuanoes, pewter basons of several sizes, from one to four
pound weight, old sheets, large Flemish knives, iron bars, cases of
spirits, blue sayes, if well dyed, and coral, if large and of a good
colour. These goods will seldom or never fail of a good market. I also
carried there on account of the African company, muskets, niconees,
tapseals, baysadoes, brass kettles, English carpets, Welsh plains, lead
bars, firkins of tallow, powder, etc. None of which did answer
expectation, being forced to bring back to England a great part of them;
and those we sold were at a very low rate.
Near the great gate of the castle is a dungeon for the confinement of
heinous malefactors, such as murderers, traitors, &c. till an
opportunity presents to send them into England to be tried, and receive
the rewards of their villainy. Which dark apartment one of my trumpeters
whose name was William Lord, hansel’d; for being ashore drinking punch
with some of the inferior officers of the castle, there happened a
difference between him and one of the serjeants, who gave him a
challenge to meet him with his sword near the redoubt, which the
trumpeter promis’d, and was as good as his word; and both lugging out,
it was the serjeant’s chance to be thrust into the belly; upon which he
resign’d his sword, begg’d his life, and sunk down. Upon knowledge
whereof at the castle, the trumpeter was seized and clap’d into the
dungeon, which as soon as I understood, I desir’d the agents that their
surgeon and mine might visit the serjeant, search his wound, and consult
the consequence thereof, if mortal or not, which they freely agreed to;
and in about an hour after the surgeons return’d, and made their report,
both concurring that it was not mortal nor dangerous, the sword having
only passed about five inches, glancing into the abdomen, without going
thro’ the belly, or injuring any of the entrails. Whereupon the
trumpeter was releas’d; who, after thanks given the agents, immediately
repair’d aboard the ship, as his best asylum, where he was out of the
reach of their power.
But though he was so lucky this time, yet I suspect a halter will be his
fate; for, tho’ a stout fellow, he was a most dissolute wicked wretch;
and for his villainies and irregularities aboard, I was forced, at St.
Thomas’s island, to clap him in irons, hands and feet, and keep him so
upon my poop eight weeks till my arrival at Barbadoes, where I purpos’d
to put him on board one of his majesty’s men of war that knew how to
handle such refractory sparks; but upon his seeming repentance and
earnest intreaty I was prevail’d upon to forbear, to my great vexation
afterwards; for he soon got ashore there, and run away from my ship,
concealing himself in some of the idle houses in Bridgetown, till, by
his extravagancies, he had not only spent all his wages, but run so far
in debt, that he could have no longer entertainment or credit; whereupon
he enter’d himself on board a small New-England frigat of twenty guns,
and an excellent sailer, which some Barbadoes merchants bought and
mann’d, and fitted out warlikely, and brought Colonel Russell, the
governor to be part-owner with them, who gave her his commission. The
pretence of her voyage was for Madagascar to purchase negroes; but as I
privately understood then, and since have been well assured, her design
was for the Red Sea, to make the best of her market with the Mogul’s
ships, which having done, and bought a few negroes for a colour, she
might boldly and safely return to Barbadoes with her treasure, as long
as the governor was interested, and a party concerned, and so near of
kin to the English admiral. I sold a certain judge and merchant there
then, a large parcel of fire-arms for her use, more than was customary
or necessary for such a small vessel to carry only for her defence on a
trading voyage. What became of her since I know not.
At Cabo Corce we took in part of the Indian corn ordered us for the
provision of our negroes to Barbadoes, the allowance being a chest which
contains about four bushels for every negro. Having landed all the
castle cargo, which took us up a great deal of time, the _East-India
Merchant_ and our ship having each 300 tons of goods, and no boats to
load it in but our own longboats, which could not work both at the same
time, and sometimes the sea so high, that we could do nothing for six or
seven days together, the canoos not being able to come off to fetch the
goods, which occasion’d our long stay here, together with filling our
water, disposing of our windward cargo as much as we could, the castle
refusing to take the remainder ashore on any terms, settling accounts
with the company’s chief merchants, taking corn aboard, &c. All which
having at length effected, on the 24th of April, about five in the
evening, I took my leave of the company’s worthy factors here, who had
heap’d upon me abundance of civilities during my stay with them, and
whose candour I shall always gratefully remember, as well as that of all
the honest gentlemen of our nation upon this whole coast, who
endeavour’d to out-vie each other in their favours and kind
entertainments of us in their several factories, being overjoy’d at our
arrival, and no less troubled and concern’d for our departure. But go we
must; and accordingly, after a great many reciprocal endearments, I
wish’d them all a merry Christmas, and took boat, having two chests of
gold for the African Company in London, with me, in her.
When we came aboard we got in the chests of gold, and hoisted our
pinnace upon the booms, but were acquainted by my mate, that when he
came to an anchor with the small bower in the tornado, bringing up the
ship, the cable broke, so that he was forced to let go the best bower,
by which we rid all night.
April the 25th. This morning we took our leave of the castle, paying our
respects with fifteen guns, which they return’d, it being too late to
salute them last night. About eight o’clock sent our longboat on the
buoy to weigh the small bower anchor, and get him aboard, but he was so
settled in the ground with the tornado, that in heaving a strain the
buoy-rope broke, and the boat drove to leeward. We afterwards sent our
boats with a tow-line and double-headed shot to sweep for him, but to no
purpose, for they could not find him all day, therefore were forced to
leave him behind. Captain Shurley got into Animabo this day, but the
seeking for our anchor hinder’d us.
[Illustration:
THE DUTCH CASTLE CORMANTINE, NEAR ANAMABOE ON THE GOLD COAST
From an engraving in Ogilby’s _Africa_, London, 1670
]
The 26th at six in the morning we hove up our best bower, and stood to
the E. for Animabo. About nine o’clock we were abreast Anishen, which is
a thatch’d house, where our African Company have a small factory, and
lies about a league short of Animabo, where about ten o’clock we arriv’d
and anchor’d in seven fathom water, about a mile and half off shore, the
castle bearing N.W. which we saluted with seven guns, and were return’d
the same. We moor’d our ship with ketch-anchor and hauser; and after
dinner I went ashore to Mr. Searle, the factor here, to know where and
when we should send for the corn assign’d us here by the chief merchants
at Cape Corce, there being not enough to supply us there, and therefore
we were to call for the rest at this place and Aena, to complete our
quantity of 700 chests each. Mr. Searle immediately order’d what
quantity he had to be deliver’d us whenever our boats came for it, and
entertain’d us very lovingly till night, when Capt. Shurley and I went
aboard. Animabo lies in the kingdom of Fantine and is a pretty large
town; the Negro inhabitants are accounted very bold and stout fellows,
but the most desperate treacherous villains, and greatest cheats upon
the whole coast, for the gold here is accounted the worst, and most
mix’d with brass, of any in Guinea; it lies about four leagues to the
east of Cabo Corce. Our castle is pretty strong, of about eighteen guns,
where we were very kindly entertain’d by Mr. Searle some days, and by
Mr. Cooper at Aga on other days. Aga is a small thatch’d house, about
half a mile to the east from Animabo on the sea-shore, having little or
no defence except a few muskets. It has a large yard and fine pond for
ducks. Mr. Cooper, the factor, who is a very ingenious young gentleman,
gave us a cordial reception, having the company of his wife (as he
call’d her) to dine with us, as we had of Mrs. Searl’s at Animabo, being
both Mulattos, as was Mr. Ronon’s at Cabo Corce. This is a pleasant way
of marrying, for they can turn them off and take others at pleasure;
which makes them very careful to humour their husbands, in washing their
linen, cleaning their chambers, &c. &c. and the charge of keeping them
is little or nothing.
We lay at Animabo until the 2d day of May, when Captain Shurley and I
having each of us got off 180 chests of corn, fill’d two boats of water,
and dispos’d of what we could of the remainder of our windward cargo, we
took leave of Mr. Searle and Mr. Cooper, and got up our anchors, and
stood to the E. along shore about two leagues distant; and at night came
to an anchor in fifteen fathom water.
May the 3d. This morning we got under sail, and stood along shore for
Winiba. We had several canoos come off, which occasion’d our lying by
often in hopes of trade, but found little, they wanting gold. At eight
in the evening we anchor’d, lest we should out-shoot our port.
May the 4th. This morning at eight made sail, and at eleven came to an
anchor at Winiba in nine fathom good ground; and having moor’d ship
after dinner, went ashore to see for our canoos, which Mr. Nicholas
Buckerige, the factor here, had promis’d to procure us for our use at
Whidaw.
Here we got each of us one five-hand canoo, and set our canoo-men and
carpenters to work to fit them with knees and timbers to strengthen
them. We hal’d our long-boat ashore and trimmed him, being leaky and
much worm-eaten. We fill’d some water, and cut good store of fire-wood,
by the queen’s permission. This queen is about fifty years old, as black
as jet, but very corpulent. We went with Mr. Buckerige to pay our
respects to her under a great tree where she sat. She received us very
kindly, and made her attendants dance after their manner before us. She
was very free of her kisses to Mr. Buckerige, whom she seemed much to
esteem; and truly he deserved it from all that knew him, being an
extraordinary good-humoured and ingenious gentleman, and understood this
country and language very well. We presented her with an anchor of
brandy each, and some hands of tobacco, which she received with
abundance of thanks and satisfaction, and so bid her good night. She was
so extremely civil before we parted, to offer each of us a bed-fellow of
her young maids of honour while we continued there, but we modestly
declined her majesty’s proffer, and that night lay ashore with Mr.
Buckerige. Next day we were forced to keep a fast; for the cook being
dressing of dinner, among which there was a young pig roasting at a
quick fire, the flame of it reached the dry palm branches that thatch’d
the kitchen, which immediately took fire and spread so in an instant,
that, in less than a quarter of an hour, our dinner and kitchen were
converted to ashes.
Our business being compleated at Winiba by the 9th instant, we went
aboard and got our ships under sail for Acra, Mr. Buckerige going my
passenger, to pay a visit to Mr. Bloome the factor there. Capt. Shurley
has been long sick of a flux and fever, and is now very ill, and I
troubled with violent convulsions in my head, that I can get no sleep
without opiates, and so giddy that I cannot walk without assistance. We
stood along shore all day with an early sail to the east, and at night
came to an anchor in 14 fathom water, with our stream-anchor and cable,
which we have chiefly used along the whole coast for the easiness of
weighing him.
The next day arrived at Acra two Danish ships of 26 guns a-piece; as
they passed by our ships they saluted us with nine guns each, which we
returned, and they came to an anchor about a mile to the east of us.
They were sent on purpose from Denmark to compound with the black
general for the surrendering of their fort, and to settle it again, for
which end they had brought with them a governor, soldiers, provisions,
ammunition, merchandize, &c. They made some propositions to the black
general while we were here, but his demands were so exorbitant that they
would not comply with them; tho’ since I understood that the fort was
delivered to them, and having resettled it, went for Whidaw to purchase
slaves, and in their voyage thence to the West Indies, put into the
island of Princes for water, where Avery, the pirate fell in with them,
fought, took, plundered, and burnt them, which was the unhappy end of
their voyage. The poor Danish general went from us aboard his
countrymen, but not without reluctancy, and fear of being harshly
treated in Denmark; but it seems Long Ben (as they called that rogue
Avery) prevented that.
Captain Thomas Shurley, commander of the _East India Merchant_, my
consort, departed this life here, having been long sick of a fever and
flux. He was handsomely buried in Acra castle, a la Soldado, his own
ship firing guns at half a minute distance, during the time the corpse
was rowing ashore. Mr. Bloome, myself, Mr. Buckerige, and the chief of
the Dutch factory, held up the pall. After he was buried, according to
the service of the church of England, his own ship fired 30 guns, the
_Hannibal_, 26, Acra fort, 20, and the Dutch and Black’s fort, 16 each:
He was very averse to making a will, and took it amiss when I urged him
to it; he left the command of his ship to his first mate, Mr. Clay, and
as to his own concerns, said his purser, Mr. Price, knew how all lay.
May the 20th. This morning about nine o’clock we arrived at Whidaw,
being about sixty leagues from Acra to the east, and let go our anchor
in eight fathom water, about two miles off shore, and moor’d with our
stream anchor right against the landing place, a little to the west of
the great thick tuft of trees that looks like a barn, and other trees at
the east end of it, making like a tower. This day got our canoos and all
things else ready, in order to go ashore to-morrow to purchase our
slaves.
May the 21st. This morning I went ashore at Whidaw, accompany’d by my
doctor and purser, Mr. Clay, the present captain of the _East India
Merchant_, his doctor and purser, and about a dozen of our seamen for
our guard, arm’d, in order here to reside till we could purchase 1300
negro slaves, which was the number we both wanted, to compleat 700 for
the _Hannibal_, and 650 for the _East India Merchant_, according to our
agreement in our charter-parties with the Royal African Company; in
procuring which quantity of slaves we spent about nine weeks, during
which time what observations my indisposition with convulsions in my
head, &c. would permit me to make on this country, its trade, manners,
&c. are as follows, viz.
Whidaw, or Quedaw, lies in the latitude of 6° 10′ N. latitude, being the
pleasantest country I have seen in Guiney, consisting of champaigns and
small ascending hills, beautified with always green shady groves of
lime, wild orange, and other trees, and irrigated with divers broad
fresh rivers, which yield plenty of good fish; towards the sea-shore it
is very marshy, and has divers large swamps.
Our factory, built by Captain Wiburne, Sir John Wiburne’s brother,
stands low near the marshes, which renders it a very unhealthy place to
live in; the white men the African Company send there, seldom returning
to tell their tale; ’tis compass’d round with a mud wall, about six foot
high, and on the south-side is the gate; within is a large yard, a mud
thatch’d house, where the factor lives, with the white men; also a
storehouse, a trunk for slaves, and a place where they bury their dead
white men, call’d, very improperly, the hog-yard; there is also a good
forge, and some other small houses: To the east are two small flankers
of mud, with a few popguns and harquebusses, which serve more to terrify
the poor ignorant negroes than to do any execution. While we were here
the factor made a wide deep ditch, round the factory, and had my
carpenters to make a draw-bridge over it, which has render’d it now
pretty secure; for before it was enterable every rainy time, the walls
being washed down, and when the rains were over, built up again. And
here I must observe that the rainy season begins about the middle of
May, and ends the beginning of August, in which space it was my
misfortune to be there, which created sickness among my negroes aboard,
it being noted for the most malignant season by the blacks themselves,
who, while the rains last, will hardly be prevail’d upon to stir out of
their huts, and myself and the poor men found it so by dear experience,
the rains that fall down then being more like fountains than drops, and
as hot as if warmed over a fire.
The factory is about 200 yards in circumference, and a most wretched
place to live in, by reason of the swamps adjacent, whence proceed
noisome stinks, and vast swarms of little flies, call’d musketoes, which
are so intolerably troublesome, that if one does not take opium,
laudanum, or some other soporifick, ’tis impossible to get any sleep in
the night; and that one I lay there was the most uneasy that I ever
felt, for I had not lain down above an hour in the factor’s bed, but I
was so vex’d and tormented by those little malicious animals, that I was
forced to get up again, and dress myself, put gloves on my hands, and
tie a handkerchief over my face till day-light, which notwithstanding
these troublesome devils would sting thro; and the place so stung would
be much inflam’d, and rise into a knob, much provoking the exercise of a
man’s nails; and had king James the first, been there some time, he
would have been convinc’d that scratching where it itches was not the
greatest pleasure in the world, as ’tis said was his opinion.
The best means I could find to allay the inflammation, was to rub the
parts affected with lime-juice, or vinegar, which, tho’ for the present
it produced a smart, the ease it gave, in a short time, made abundant
recompence; therefore to shun the spirit of this cursed little flie as
much as we can, as well as to give us some cool air (that which is
confin’d in a close place in this country, appearing as intensely hot to
an European, as if he suck’d in the heat at the mouth of an oven in
England), we have negro boys to fan us all night with large fans made of
skins.
This factory, feared as ’tis, proved very beneficial to us, by housing
our goods which came ashore late, and could not arrive at the king’s
town where I kept my warehouse, ere it was dark, when they would be very
incident to be pilfer’d by the negro porters which carry them, at which
they are most exquisite; for in the day-time they would steal the
cowries, altho’ our white men that attended the goods from the marine
watched them, they having instruments like wedges, made on purpose to
force asunder the staves of the barrels, that contain’d the cowries,
whereby the shells dropt out; and when any of our seamen that watch’d
the goods came near such porters, they would take out their machine, and
the staves would insensibly close again, so that no hole did appear,
having always their wives and children running by them to carry off the
plunder; which with all our threats and complaints made to the king, we
could not prevent, tho’ we often beat them cruelly, and piniar’d some,
but it was all one, what was bred in the bone, &c. whatever we could do
would not make them forbear.
The factory prov’d beneficial to us in another kind; for after we had
procured a parcel of slaves, and sent them down to the sea-side to be
carry’d off, it sometimes proved bad weather, and so great a sea, that
the canoos could not come ashore to fetch them, so that they returned to
the factory, where they were secured and provided for till good weather
presented, and then were near to embrace the opportunity, we sometimes
shipping off a hundred of both sexes at a time.
We had our cook ashore, and eat as well as we could, provisions being
plenty and cheap; but we soon lost our stomachs by sickness, most of my
men having fevers, and myself such convulsions and aches in my head,
that I could hardly stand or go to the trunk without assistance, and
there often fainted with the horrid stink of the negroes, it being an
old house where all the slaves are kept together, and evacuate nature
where they lie, so that no jakes can stink worse; there being forced to
sit three or four hours at a time, quite ruin’d my health, but there was
no help.
When we were at the trunk, the king’s slaves, if he had any, were the
first offer’d to sale, which the cappasheirs would be very urgent with
us to buy, and would in a manner force us to it ere they would shew us
any other, saying they were the Reys Cosa, and we must not refuse them,
tho’ as I observed they were generally the worst slaves in the trunk,
and we paid more for them than any others, which we could not remedy, it
being one of his majesty’s prerogatives. Then the cappasheirs each
brought out his slaves according to his degree and quality, the greatest
first, &c. and our surgeon examined them well in all kinds, to see that
they were sound wind and limb, making them jump, stretch out their arms
swiftly, looking in their mouths to judge of their age; for the
cappasheirs are so cunning, that they shave them all close before we see
them, so that let them be never so old we can see no grey hairs in their
heads or beards; and then having liquor’d them well and sleeked with
palm oil, ’tis no easy matter to know an old one from a middle-aged one,
but by the teeths decay. But our greatest care of all is to buy none
that are pox’d, lest they should infect the rest aboard; for tho’ we
separate the men and women aboard by partitions and bulk-heads, to
prevent quarrels and wranglings among them, yet do what we can they will
come together, and that distemper which they call the yaws, is very
common here, and discovers itself by almost the same symptoms as the
_Lues Venerea_ or clap does with us; therefore our surgeon is forc’d to
examine the privities of both men and women with the nicest scrutiny,
which is a great slavery, but what can’t be omitted. When we had
selected from the rest such as we liked, we agreed in what goods to pay
for them, the prices being already stated before the king, how much of
each sort of merchandize we were to give for a man, woman, and child,
which gave us much ease, and saved abundance of disputes and wranglings,
and gave the owner a note, signifying our agreement of the sorts of
goods; upon delivery of which the next day he receiv’d them; then we
mark’d the slaves we had bought in the breast, or shoulder, with a hot
iron, having the letter of the ship’s name on it, the place being before
anointed with a little palm oil, which caused but little pain, the mark
being usually well in four or five days, appearing very plain and white
after.
When we had purchased to the number of 50 or 60, we would send them
aboard, there being a cappasheir, intitled the captain of the slaves,
whose care it was to secure them to the waterside, and see them all off;
and if in carrying to the marine any were lost, he was bound to make
them good to us, the captain of the trunk being oblig’d to do the like,
if any run away while under his care, for after we buy them we give him
charge of them till the captain of the slaves comes to carry them away:
There are two officers appointed by the king for this purpose, to each
of which every ship pays the value of a slave in what goods they like
best for their trouble, when they have done trading; and indeed they
discharg’d their duty to us very faithfully, we not having lost one
slave thro’ their neglect in 1300 we bought here.
There is likewise a captain of the sand, who is appointed to take care
of the merchandise we have come ashore to trade with, that the negroes
do not plunder them, we being often forced to leave goods a whole night
on the sea shore, for want of porters to bring them up; but
notwithstanding his care and authority, we often came by the loss and
could have no redress.
When our slaves were come to the sea-side, our canoos were ready to
carry them off to the longboat, if the sea permitted, and he convey’d
them aboard ship, where the men were all put in irons, two and two
shackl’d together, to prevent their mutiny, or swimming ashore.
The negroes are so wilful and loth to leave their own country, that they
have often leap’d out of the canoos, boat and ship, into the sea, and
kept under water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up and
saved by our boats, which pursued them; they having a more dreadful
apprehension of Barbadoes than we can have of hell, tho’ in reality they
live much better there than in their own country; but home is home, &c.
We have likewise seen divers of them eaten by the sharks, of which a
prodigious number kept about the ships in this place, and I have been
told will follow her hence to Barbadoes, for the dead negroes that are
thrown over-board in the passage. I am certain in our voyage there we
did not want the sight of some every day, but that they were the same I
can’t affirm. We had about 12 negroes did wilfully drown themselves, and
others starv’d themselves to death; for ’tis their belief that when they
die they return home to their own country and friends again.
The best goods to purchase slaves here are cowries, the smaller the more
esteemed; for they pay them all by tale, the smallest being as valuable
as the biggest, but take them from us by measure or weight, of which
about 100 pounds for a good man-slave. The next in demand are brass
neptunes or basons, very large, thin, and flat; for after they have
bought them they cut them in pieces to make anilias or bracelets, and
collars for their arms, legs and necks. The other preferable goods are
blue paper sletias, cambricks or lawns, caddy chints, broad ditto,
coral, large, smooth, and of a deep red, rangoes large and red, iron
bars, powder and brandy.
With the above goods a ship cannot want slaves here, and may purchase
them for about three pounds fifteen shillings a head, but near half the
cargo value must be cowries or booges, and brass basons, to set off the
other goods that we buy cheaper, as coral, rangoes, iron, &c. else they
will not take them; for if a cappasheir sells five slaves, he will have
two of them paid for in cowries, and one in brass, which are dear
slaves; for a slave in cowries costs us above four pounds in England;
whereas a slave in coral, rangoes, or iron, does not cost fifty
shillings; but without the cowries and brass they will take none of the
last goods, and but small quantities at best, especially, if they can
discover that you have good store of cowries and brass aboard, then no
other goods will serve their turn, till they have got as much as you
have; and after for the rest of the goods they will be indifferent and
make you come to their own terms, or else lie a long time for your
slaves, so that those you have on board are dying while you are buying
others ashore; therefore every man that comes here, ought to be very
cautious in making his report to the king at first, of what sorts and
quantities of goods he has, and be sure to say his cargo consists mostly
in iron, coral, rangoes, chints, &c. so that he may dispose of those
goods as soon as he can, and at last his cowries and brass will bring
him slaves as fast as he can buy them; but this is to be understood of a
single ship: or more, if the captains agree, which seldom happens; for
where there are divers ships, and of separate interests, about buying
the same commodity they commonly undermine, betray, and out-bid one the
other; and the Guiney commanders’ words and promises are the least to be
depended upon of any I know who use the sea; for they would deceive
their fathers in their trade if they could.
The road where our ships ride is very good and clean ground, and gradual
soundings. The best anchoring is in eight fathom water, against a great
tuft of trees that make like a barn, about a mile and a half off the
shore, on which there runs such a prodigious swell and surf, that we
venture drowning every time we go ashore and come off, the canoos
frequently over-setting, but the canoo-men are such excellent divers and
swimmers, that they preserve the lives of those they have any kindness
for, but such as they have any displeasure to they will let shift for
themselves, therefore ’tis very prudent for all commanders to be kind
and obliging to them, their lives lying in their hands, which they can
make them lose at pleasure, and impute all to accident, and they could
not help it; and there are no amends to be had.
The canoos we buy on the Gold Coast, and strengthen them with knees and
weather-boards fore and aft, to keep the sea out, they plunging very
deep when they go against a sea. They are made of the trunk of the
cotton tree hollow’d, from a two hand to a twelve hand canoo, the
largest being not above four foot broad, but twenty-eight or thirty foot
long. Those that are most fit for the use at Whidaw, are five hand or
seven hand canoos; of which each ship that buys many slaves ought to
carry two, for they are very incident to be staved by the great sea when
they overset, and here is none for supply, and without them there is no
landing or coming off for goods or men.
The canoo-men we bring from Cape Corce, being seven in number, of which
one is boatswain, and is commonly one of the most skilful canoo-men in
Guiney; he commands the rest, and always steers the canoo, and gives his
orders to the rest, when to row or when to lie on their paddles, to
watch a smooth or shun a great sea they see coming. Their pay is certain
and stated, half of which we pay them in gold at Cape Corce; and the
rest in goods when we have done with them at Whidaw; ’tis also customary
to give them a canoo to carry them back, and cut up the other for
fire-wood, unless an opportunity offers to sell it, which is very rare.
They lost us six or seven barrels of cowries, above 100 bars of iron,
and other goods, by the oversetting of the canoos in landing them, which
we could never recover, or have the least satisfaction for, but were
forced to give them good words, lest they should, in revenge, play us
more such tricks. We kept two men ashore here constantly to fill water,
which lay and eat at the factory, which fill’d our small hogsheads in
the night, and roll’d them over the sand to the sea-side, ready to raft
off in the morning, before the sea breeze came in, which is the only
time, we having no other way to get it off but by rafting, and in
hauling off to the longboat the great sea would often break our raft,
and stave our cask, whereby we lost a great many.
The longboat was chiefly employ’d in bringing water aboard, which we
started into our butts in the hold, and sent the small cask ashore again
next morning, of which we had two gangs on purpose. We had a little deal
yaul which did us great service in bringing off cows, hogs, staves,
letters, &c. from the canoos, with only two boys in her.
When our slaves are aboard we shackle the men two and two, while we lie
in port, and in sight of their own country, for ’tis then they attempt
to make their escape, and mutiny; to prevent which we always keep
centinels upon the hatchways, and have a chest of small arms, ready
loaden and prim’d, constantly lying at hand upon the quarter-deck,
together with some granada shells; and two of our quarter-deck guns,
pointing on the deck thence, and two more out of the steerage, the door
of which is always kept shut, and well barr’d. They are fed twice a day,
at 10 in the morning, and 4 in the evening, which is the time they are
aptest to mutiny, being all upon deck; therefore all that time, what of
our men are not employ’d in distributing their victuals to them, and
settling them, stand to their arms; and some with lighted matches at the
great guns that yaun upon them, loaden with partridge, till they have
done and gone down to their kennels between decks. Their chief diet is
call’d dabbadabb, being Indian corn ground as small as oat-meal in iron
mills, which we carry for that purpose; and afterwards mix’d with water
and boil’d well in a large copper furnace, till ’tis as thick as a
pudding. About a peckful of which in vessels, call’d crews, is allow’d
to 10 men, with a little salt, malagetta, and palm oil, to relish.
[Illustration:
(A) HAND-CUFFS FOR SLAVES. (B) LEG SHACKLES. (C-E) THUMB SCREWS. (F-H)
“SPECULUM ORIS,” TO OPEN CLOSED JAWS.
From Clarkson’s _Abolition of the Slave Trade_, London, 1808
]
They are divided into messes of ten each, for the easier and better
order in serving them. Three days a week they have horse-beans boil’d
for their dinner and supper, great quantities of which the African
Company do send aboard us for that purpose. These beans the negroes
extremely love and desire, beating their breast, eating them, and crying
“Pram! Pram!” which is, “Very good!” They are indeed the best diet for
them, having a binding quality, and consequently good to prevent the
flux, which is the inveterate distemper that most affects them, and
ruins our voyages by their mortality. The men are all fed upon the main
deck and forecastle, that we may have them all under command of our arms
from the quarter-deck, in case of any disturbance; the women eat upon
the quarter-deck with us, and the boys and girls upon the poop. After
they are once divided into messes, and appointed their places, they will
readily run there in good order of themselves afterwards. When they have
eaten their victuals clean up (which we force them to for to thrive the
better), they are order’d down between decks, and every one as he passes
has a pint of water to drink after his meat, which is serv’d them by the
cooper out of a large tub, fill’d beforehand ready for them. When they
have occasion to ease nature, they are permitted by the centinels to
come up, and go to a conveniency which is provided for that purpose, on
each side of the ship, each of which will contain a dozen of them at
once, and have broad ladders to ascend them with the greater ease.
When we come to sea we let them all out of irons, they never then
attempting to rebel, considering that should they kill or master us,
they could not tell how to manage the ship, or must trust us, who would
carry them where we pleased; therefore the only danger is while we are
in sight of their own country, which they are loath to part with; but
once out of sight out of mind. I never heard that they mutiny’d in any
ships of consequence, that had a good number of men, and the least care;
but in small tools where they had but few men, and those negligent or
drunk, then they surpriz’d and butcher’d them, cut the cables, and let
the vessel drive ashore, and every one shift for himself. However, we
have some 30 or 40 Gold Coast negroes, which we buy, and are procur’d us
there by our factors, to make guardians and overseers of the Whidaw
negroes, and sleep among them to keep them from quarrelling, and in
order, as well as to give us notice, if they can discover any caballing
or plotting among them, which trust they will discharge with great
diligence; they also take care to make the negroes scrape the decks
where they lodge every morning very clean, to eschew any distempers that
may engender from filth and nastiness. When we constitute a guardian, we
give him a cat of nine tails as a badge of his office, which he is not a
little proud of, and will exercise with great authority. We often at
sea, in the evenings, would let the slaves come up into the sun to air
themselves, and make them jump and dance for an hour or two to our
bag-pipes, harp, and fiddle, by which exercise to preserve them in
health; but notwithstanding all our endeavour, ’twas my hard fortune to
have great sickness and mortality among them.
Having bought my complement of 700 slaves, viz. 480 men and 220 women,
and finish’d all my business at Whidaw, I took my leave of the old king
and his cappasheirs, and parted, with many affectionate expressions on
both sides, being forced to promise him that I would return again the
next year, with several things he desired me to bring from England; and
having sign’d bills of lading to Mr. Peirson, for the negroes aboard, I
set sail the 27th of July in the morning, accompany’d with the _East
India Merchant_, who had bought 650 slaves, for the island of St.
Thomas, from which we took our departure, on August 25th, and set sail
for Barbadoes.
We spent in our passage from St. Thomas to Barbadoes two months eleven
days, in which time there happened such sickness and mortality among my
poor men and negroes, that of the first we buried 14, and of the last
320, which was a great detriment to our voyage, the Royal African
Company losing ten pounds by every slave that died, and the owners of
the ship ten pounds ten shillings, being the freight agreed on to be
paid them by the charter-party for every negro delivered alive ashore to
the African Company’s agents at Barbadoes; whereby the loss in all
amounted to near 6500 pounds sterling. The distemper which my men as
well as the blacks mostly died of, was the white flux, which was so
violent and inveterate, that no medicine would in the least check it; so
that when any of our men were seized with it, we esteemed him a dead
man, as he generally proved. I cannot imagine what should cause it in
them so suddenly, they being free from it till about a week after we
left the island of St. Thomas. And next to the malignity of the climate,
I can attribute it to nothing else but the unpurg’d black sugar, and raw
unwholesome rum they bought there, of which they drank in punch to great
excess, and which it was not in my power to hinder, having chastised
several of them, and flung over-board what rum and sugar I could find;
and was forced to clap one Lord, our trumpeter, in irons, for his being
the promoter of their unseasonable carousing bouts, and going in one of
his drunken fits with his knife to kill the boatswain in his bed, and
committing other enormities; but tho’ he remained upon the poop day and
night in irons for two months, without any other shelter than the canopy
of heaven, he was never troubled with any sickness, but made good the
proverb, “That naught’s never in danger,” or “that he who is born to be
hang’d,” &c. I have given some account of him elsewhere, therefore shall
say no more here.
The negroes are so incident to the small-pox, that few ships that carry
them escape without it, and sometimes it makes vast havock and
destruction among them; but tho’ we had 100 at a time sick of it, and
that it went thro’ the ship, yet we lost not above a dozen by it. All
the assistance we gave the diseased was only as much water as they
desir’d to drink, and some palm-oil to anoint their sores, and they
would generally recover without any other helps but what kind nature
gave them.
One thing is very surprizing in this distemper among the blacks, that
tho’ it immediately infects those of their own colour, yet it will never
seize a white man; for I had several white men and boys aboard that had
never had that distemper, and were constantly among the blacks that were
sick of it, yet none of them in the least catch’d it, tho’ it be the
very same malady in its effects, as well as symptoms, among the blacks,
as among us in England, beginning with the pain in the head, back,
shivering, vomiting, fever, &c. But what the smallpox spar’d, the flux
swept off, to our great regret, after all our pains and care to give
them their messes in due order and season, keeping their lodgings as
clean and sweet as possible, and enduring so much misery and stench so
long among a parcel of creatures nastier than swine; and after all our
expectations to be defeated by their mortality. No gold-finders can
endure so much noisome slavery as they do who carry negroes; for those
have some respite and satisfaction, but we endure twice the misery; and
yet by their mortality our voyages are ruin’d, and we pine and fret
ourselves to death, to think that we should undergo so much misery, and
take so much pains to so little purpose.
I deliver’d alive at Barbadoes to the company’s factors 372, which being
sold, came out at about nineteen pounds per head one with another.
Having got aboard near 700 hogsheads of sugars, at nine and ten
shillings per hundred freight for Muscovadoes, and 11 for Clay’d; some
cotton at 2 _d._ per lb. and ginger at 8 _s._ per cent. we got all clear
to sail against the 2d of April, the _Tiger_ man of war being then ready
to carry Colonel Kendal to England, and to take under her convoy such
ships as were ready to sail at that time, of which there were small and
great about 30, seven of which were merchant-men of 28 guns and upwards
each, and were order’d by Capt. Sherman to make the line of battle, in
case we met an enemy, he being pleased to appoint me, in the _Hannibal_,
to lead on the star-board tack, and Capt. Buttrom in the _Faulkenburg_,
on the larboard tack, in case of engaging, while himself kept the
centre; and the other ships of the line were disposed for seconds.
Colonel Kendal having disengaged himself from the multitude of gentlemen
that came to attend him, and wish him a good voyage, the 2d of April in
the evening got aboard the _Tiger_, with a discharge of all the cannon
round the town; and the third, in the evening, we set sail for England,
with the _Chester_ man of war in our company, which Colonel Cothrington,
the general of the Leeward Islands, had sent from Antigua to Barbadoes,
to strengthen our convoy, till we were past Diseada, upon advice he had
receiv’d, that there was a squadron of French men of war from Martinico,
waiting for us thereabouts.
Wednesday the 3d. Yesterday about four in the evening we got under sail,
and stood out of Carlisle bay, and then laid our fore topsail to the
mast, and drove to leeward to wait for the rest of the fleet: At seven
were abreast the hole. We had great popling sea, but little wind at
night, till this day noon.
Friday the 19th. In the morning ’twas my unhappiness to be seized with
violent convulsions in my head, together with a vertigo, so that I could
not stand, and all things I look’d on turn’d round. The vertigo was much
allay’d soon, but the convulsions continued so severe upon me, that I
was forced for most part to keep my bed, till we made the island of
Scilly, which was upon the 22d of May, in which time the hearing of my
left ear was much impair’d, I having lost the hearing of my right ear
upon the coast of Guiney, by a former fit. And now, having none to look
after me (my doctor having died of the plague in Barbadoes), my deafness
increased daily.
When I came to London, thro’ the kindness and good-will of my friends
and acquaintance, who were sorry to see me return in that condition, I
was advised to a great many applauded physicians, who all pretended they
would cure my deafness. I went under the care of several of them, who
were the most celebrated in that famous city, by whose orders I was
tormented by the apothecaries, with doses of nasty physick every day,
for four or five months time, and butcher’d by the surgeons with
blisters, issues, setons, &c. and spent about 100 guineas among them,
without receiving a farthing benefit; wherefore I did conceive it more
prudence to bear my deafness as contentedly as I could, than any longer
to undergo so much misery and charge to no purpose; accordingly I shook
hands with the doctors, and being rendered unfit for my employment by my
deafness, I settled my affairs in London, took my leave of it, and came
down to Wales, among my relations in Brecknock, my native town, there to
spend the rest of my life as easily as I can, under my hard misfortune.