CHAPTER IV.

1800-1801

Austria bribed by England--M. de St. Julien in Paris--Duroc's

mission--Rupture of the armistice--Surrender of three garrisons--

M. Otto in London--Battle of Hohenlinden--Madame Moreau and Madame

Hulot--Bonaparte's ill-treatment of the latter--Congress of

Luneville--General Clarke--M. Maret--Peace between France and

Austria--Joseph Bonaparte's speculations in the funds--

M. de Talleyrand's advice--Post-office regulation--Cambaceres--

Importance of good dinners in the affairs of Government--Steamboats

and intriguers--Death of Paul I.--New thoughts of the

reestablishment of Poland--Duroc at St. Petersburg--Bribe rejected--

Death of Abercromby.

Mm armistice concluded after the battle of Marengo, which had been first

broken and then resumed, continued to be observed for some time between

the armies of the Rhine and Italy and the Imperial armies. But Austria,

bribed by a subsidy of 2,000,000 sterling, would not treat for peace

without the participation of England. She did not despair of

recommencing the war successfully.

M. de St. Julien had signed preliminaries at Paris; but the Court of

Vienna disavowed them, and Duroc, whom Bonaparte sent to convey the

preliminaries to Vienna for the Imperial ratification, was not permitted

to pass the Austrian advance poets. This unexpected proceeding, the

result of the all-powerful influence of England, justly incensed the

First Consul, who had given decided proofs of moderation and a wish for

peace. "I want peace," said he to me, "to enable me to organise the

interior; the people also want it. You see the conditions I offer.

Austria, though beaten, obtains all she got at Campo-Formio. What can

she want more? I could make further exactions; but, without fearing the

reverses of 1799, I must think of the future. Besides, I want

tranquillity, to enable me to settle the affairs of the interior, and to

send aid to Malta and Egypt. But I will not be trifled with. I will

force an immediate decision!"

In his irritation the First Consul despatched orders to Moreau, directing

him to break the armistice and resume hostilities unless he regained

possession of the bridges of the Rhine and the Danube by the surrender of

Philipsburg, Ulm, and Ingolstadt. The Austrians then offered to treat

with France on new bases. England wished to take part in the Congress,

but to this the First Consul would not consent until she should sign a

separate armistice and cease to make common cause with Austria.

The First Consul received intelligence of the occupation of the three

garrisons on the 23d of September, the day he had fixed in his ultimatum

to England for the renewal of hostilities. But for the meanwhile he was

satisfied with the concessions of Austria: that power, in the expectation

of being supported by England, asked her on what terms she was to treat.

During these communications with Austria M. Otto was in London

negotiating for the exchange of prisoners. England would not hear of an

armistice by sea like that which France had concluded with Austria by

land. She alleged that, in case of a rupture, France would derive from

that armistice greater advantage than Austria would gain by that already

concluded. The difficulty and delay attending the necessary

communications rendered these reasons plausible. The First Consul

consented to accept other propositions from England, and to allow her to

take part in the discussions of Luneville, but on condition that she

should sign a treaty with him without the intervention of Austria. This

England refused to do. Weary of this uncertainty, and the tergiversation

of Austria, which was still under the influence of England, and feeling

that the prolongation of such a state of things could only turn to his

disadvantage, Bonaparte broke the armistice. He had already consented to

sacrifices which his successes in Italy did not justify. The hope of an

immediate peace had alone made him lose sight of the immense advantages

which victory had given him.

Far from appearing sensible to the many proofs of moderation which the

First Consul evinced, the combined insolence of England and Austria

seemed only to increase. Orders were immediately given for resuming the

offensive in Germany and Italy, and hostilities then recommenced.

The chances of fortune were long doubtful. After a reverse Austria made

promises, and after an advantage she evaded them; but finally, fortune

proved favourable to France. The French armies in Italy and Germany

crossed the Mincio and the Danube, and the celebrated battle of

Hohenlinden brought the French advanced posts within ten leagues of

Vienna. This victory secured peace; for, profiting by past experience,

the First Consul would not hear of any suspension of arms until Austria

should consent to a separate treaty. Driven into her last intrenchments,

Austria was obliged to yield. She abandoned England; and the English

Cabinet, in spite of the subsidy of 2,000,000 sterling, consented to the

separation. Great Britain was forced to come to this arrangement in

consequence of the situation to which the successes of the army of Moreau

had reduced Austria, which it was certain would be ruined by longer

resistance.

England wished to enter into negotiations at Luneville. To this the

First Consul acceded; but, as he saw that England was seeking to deceive

him, he required that she should suspend hostilities with France, as

Austria had done. Bonaparte very reasonably alleged that an indefinite

armistice on the Continent would be more to the disadvantage of France

than a long armistice by sea would be unfavourable to England. All this

adjourned the preliminaries to 1801 and the peace to 1802.

The impatience and indignation of the First Consul had been highly

excited by the evasions of Austria and the plots of England, for he knew

all the intrigues that were carrying on for the restoration of the

Bourbons. His joy may be therefore conceived when the battle of

Hohenlinden balanced the scale of fortune in his favour. On the 3d of

December 1800 Moreau gained that memorable victory which at length put an

end to the hesitations of the Cabinet of Vienna.

--[On the eve of the battle of Hohenlinden Moreau was at supper with

his aides de camp and several general officers, when a despatch was

delivered to him. After he had read it be said to his guests,

though he was far from being in the habit of boasting, "I am here

made acquainted with Baron Kray's movements. They are all I could

wish. To-morrow we will take from him 10,000 prisoners." Moreau

took 40,000, besides a great many flags.-- Bourrienne.]--

On the 6th of December the First Consul received intelligence of the

battle of Hohenlinden. It was on a Saturday, and he had just returned

from the theatre when I delivered the despatches to him. He literally

danced for joy. I must say that he did not expect so important a result

from the movements of the army of the Rhine. This victory gave a new

face to his negotiations for peace, and determined the opening of the

Congress of Luneville, which took place on the 1st of January following.

On receiving information of the battle of Hohenlinden, Madame Moreau came

to the Tuileries to call on the First Consul and Madame Bonaparte. She

did not see them, and repeated her calls several times with no better

success. The last time she came she was accompanied by her mother,

Madame Hulot. She waited for a considerable time in vain, and when she

was going away her mother, who could no longer restrain her feelings,

said aloud, before me and several persons of the household, that "it ill

became the wife of the conqueror of Hohenlinden to dance attendance in

this way." This remark reached the ears of those to whom it was

directed. Madame Moreau shortly after rejoined her husband in Germany;

and some time after her departure Madame Hulot came to Malmaison to

solicit promotion for her eldest son, who was in the navy. Josephine

received Madame Hulot very kindly, and requested her to stay to dinner.

She accepted the invitation. The First Consul, who did not see her until

the hour of dinner, treated her very coolly: he said little to her, and

retired as soon as dinner was over. His rudeness was so marked and

offensive that Josephine, who was always kind and amiable, thought it

necessary to apologise, by observing that his mind was disturbed by the

non-arrival of a courier whom he expected.

Bonaparte entertained no dislike of Moreau, because he did not fear him;

and after the battle of Hohenlinden he spoke of him in the highest terms,

and frankly acknowledged the services he had rendered on that important

occasion; but he could not endure his wife's family, who, he said, were a

set of intriguers.

--[Napoleon had good reason for his opinion. "Moreau had a mother-

in-law and a wife lively and given to intrigue. Bonaparte could not

bear intriguing women. Besides, on one occasion Madame Moreau's

mother, when at Malmaison, had indulged in sharp remarks on a

suspected scandalous intimacy between Bonaparte and his young sister

Caroline, then just married. The Consul had not forgiven such

conversation" (Remusat tome i. P. 192). see also Meneval, tome

iii. p. 57, as to the mischief done by Madame Hulot.]--

Luneville having been fixed upon for the Congress, the First Consul sent

his brother Joseph to treat with Count Louis de Cobentzel. On his way

Joseph met M. de Cobentzel, who had passed Luneville, and was coming to

Paris to sound the sentiments of the French Government. Joseph returned

to Paris with him. After some conversation with the First Consul they

set out next day for Luneville, of which place Bonaparte appointed

General Clarke governor. This appeared to satisfy Clarke, who was very

anxious to be something, and had long been importuning Bonaparte for an

appointment.

A day or two after the news of the battle of Hohenlinden M. Maret came to

present for Bonaparte's signature some, decrees made in Council. While

affixing the signatures, and without looking up, the First Consul said to

M. Maret, who was a favourite with him, and who was standing at his right

hand, "Are you rich, Maret?"--"No, General."--" So much the worse: a man

should be independent."--"General, I will never be dependent on any one

but you." The First Consul then raised his eyes to Maret and said,

"Hem! that is not bad!" and when the secretary-general was gone he said

to me, "Maret is not deficient in cleverness: he made me a very good

answer."

On the 9th of February 1801, six weeks after the opening of the Congress

of Luneville, peace was signed between Austria and France. This peace--

the fruit of Marengo and Hohenlinden--restored France to that honourable

position which had been put in jeopardy by the feeble and incapable

government of the pentarchy and the reverses of 1799. This peace, which

in the treaty, according to custom, was called perpetual, lasted four

years.

Joseph Bonaparte, while treating for France at Luneville, was speculating

on the rise of the funds which he thought the peace would produce.

Persons more wise, who were like him in the secret, sold out their stock

at the moment when the certainty of the peace became known. But Joseph

purchased to a great extent, in the hope of selling to advantage on the

signature of peace. However, the news had been discounted, and a fall

took place. Joseph's loss was considerable, and he could not satisfy the

engagements in which his greedy and silly speculations had involved him.

He applied to his brother, who neither wished nor was able to advance him

the necessary sum. Bonaparte was, however, exceedingly sorry to see his

elder brother in this embarrassment. He asked me what was to be done.

I told him I did not know; but I advised him to consult M. de Talleyrand,

from whom he had often received good advice. He did so, and M. de

Talleyrand replied, with that air of coolness which is so peculiar to

him, "What! is that all? Oh! that is nothing. It is easily settled.

You have only to raise the price of the funds."--"But the money?"--

"Oh, the money may be easily obtained. Make some deposits in the Mont-

de-Piste, or the sinking fund. That will give you the necessary money to

raise the funds; and then Joseph may sell out, and recover his losses."

M. de Talleyrand's advice was adopted, and all succeeded as he had

foretold. None but those who have heard M. de Talleyrand converse can

form an accurate idea of his easy manner of expressing himself, his

imperturbable coolness, the fixed unvarying expression of his

countenance, and his vast fund of wit.

--[Talleyrand had a large experience in all sorts of speculation.

When old he gave this counsel to one of his proteges: "Do not

speculate. I have always speculated on assured information, and

that has cost me so many millions;" and he named his losses. We may

believe that in this reckoning he rather forgot the amount of his

gains (Sainte-Beuve, Talleyrand, 93).]--

During the sitting of the Congress the First Consul learnt that the

Government couriers conveyed to favoured individuals in Paris various

things, but especially the delicacies of the table, and he ordered that

this practice should be discontinued. On the very evening on which this

order was issued Cambaceres entered the salon, where I was alone with the

First Consul, who had already been laughing at the mortification which he

knew this regulation would occasion to his colleague: "Well, Cambaceres,

what brings you here at this time of night?"--"I come to solicit an

exception to the order which you have just given to the Director of the

Posts. How do you think a man can make friends unless he keeps a good

table? You know very well how much good dinners assist the business of

Government." The First Consul laughed, called him a gourmand, and,

patting him on the shoulder, said, "Do not distress yourself, my dear

Cambaceres; the couriers shall continue to bring you your 'dindes aux

truffes', your Strasburg 'pates', your Mayence hams, and your other

titbits."

Those who recollect the magnificent dinners given by Cambaceres and

others, which were a general topic of conversation at the time, and who

knew the ingenious calculation which was observed in the invitation of

the guests, must be convinced of the vast influence of a good dinner in

political affairs. As to Cambaceres, he did not believe that a good

government could exist without good dinners; and his glory (for every man

has his own particular glory) was to know that the luxuries of his table

were the subject of eulogy throughout Paris, and even Europe. A banquet

which commanded general suffrage was to him a Marengo or a Friedland.

--[Bourrienne does not exaggerate this excellent quality of the

worthy Cambaceres. When Beugnot was sent to administer the Grand

Duchy of Berg, Cambaceres said to him, "My dear Beugnot, the Emperor

arranges crowns as he chooses; here is the Grand Duke of Berg

(Murat) going to Naples; he is welcome, I have no objection, but

every year the Grand Duke sent me a couple of dozen hams from his

Grand Duchy, and I warn you I do not intend to lose them, so you

must make your preparations . . . . I never once omitted to

acquit myself of the obligation, and if there were any delay, . .

his Highness never failed to cause one of his secretaries to write a

good scolding to my house steward; but when the hams arrived

exactly, his highness never failed to write to my wife himself to

thank her.

This was not all; the hams were to come carriage free. This petty

jobbery occasioned discontent, . . . and it would not have cost

me more to pay the carriage. The Prince would not allow it. There

was an agreement between him and Lavalette (the head of the Posts),

. . . And my Lord appeared to lay as much stress on the

performance of this treaty as on the procuring of the ham, (Beugnot,

tome i. p. 262).

Cambaceres never suffered the cares of Government to distract his

attention from the great object of life. On one occasion, for

example, being detained in consultation with Napoleon beyond the

appointed hour of dinner--it is said that the fate of the Duc

d'Enghien was the topic under discussion--he was observed, when the

hour became very late, to show great symptoms of impatience sod

restlessness. He at last wrote a note which he called a gentleman

usher in waiting to carry. Napoleon, suspecting the contents,

nodded to an aide de camp to intercept the despatch. As he took it

into his hands Cambaceres begged earnestly that he would not read a

trifling note upon domestic matters. Napoleon persisted, and found

it to be a note to the cook containing only the following words,

"Gardez les entremetes--les rotis sont perdue." When Napoleon was

in good humor at the result of a diplomatic conference he was

accustomed to take leave of the plenipotentiaries with, "Go and dine

"Cambaceres." His table was in fact an important state engine, as

appears from the anecdote of the trout sent to him by the

municipality of Geneva, and charged 300 francs in their accounts.

The Imperial 'Cour des Comptes' having disallowed the item, was

interdicted from meddling with similar municipal affairs in future

(Hayward's Art of Dining, p. 20).]

At the commencement of 1801 Fulton presented to Bonaparte his memorial on

steamboats. I urged a serious examination of the subject. "Bah!" said

he, "these projectors are all either intriguers or visionaries. Don't

trouble me about the business." I observed that the man whom he called

an intriguer was only reviving an invention already known, and that it

was wrong to reject the scheme without examination. He would not listen

to me; and thus was adjourned, for some time, the practical application

of a discovery which has given such an important impulse to trade and

navigation.

Paul I. fell by the hands of assassins on the night of the 24th of March

1801. The First Consul was much shocked on receiving the intelligence.

In the excitement caused by this unexpected event, which had so important

an influence on his policy, he directed me to send the following note to

the Moniteur:--

Paul I. died on the night of the 24th of March, and the English

squadron passed the Sound on the 30th. History will reveal the

connection which probably exists between these two events.

Thus were announced the crime of the 24th of March and the not ill-

founded suspicions of its authors.

--[We do not attempt to rescue the fair name of out country. This

is one among many instances in which Bourrienne was misled.--Editor

of 1886 edition.]--

The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been daily strengthened.

"In concert with the Czar," said Bonaparte, "I was sure of striking a

mortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution has

overthrown all my projects." This resolution, and the admiration of the

Autocrat of Russia for the head of the French Republic, may certainly be

numbered among the causes of Paul's death. The individuals generally

accused at the time were those who were violently and perseveringly

threatened, and who had the strongest interest in the succession of a new

Emperor. I have seen a letter from a northern sovereign which in my mind

leaves no doubt on this subject, and which specified the reward of the

crime, and the part to be performed by each actor. But it must also be

confessed that the conduct and character of Paul I., his tyrannical acts,

his violent caprices, and his frequent excesses of despotism, had

rendered him the object of accumulated hatred, for patience has its

limit. These circumstances did not probably create the conspiracy, but

they considerably facilitated the execution of the plot which deprived

the Czar of his throne and his life.

As soon as Alexander ascended the throne the ideas of the First Consul

respecting the dismemberment of Poland were revived, and almost wholly

engrossed his mind. During his first campaign in Italy, and several

times when in Egypt, he told Sulkowsky that it was his ardent wish to

reestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of her dismemberment, and by

that grand repertory act to restore the former equilibrium of Europe. He

often dictated to me for the 'Moniteur' articles tending to prove, by

various arguments, that Europe would never enjoy repose until those great

spoilations were avenged and repaired; but he frequently destroyed these

articles instead of sending them to press. His system of policy towards

Russia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The thought of a war

against that empire unceasingly occupied his mind, and gave birth to the

idea of that fatal campaign which took place eleven years afterwards, and

which had other causes than the re-establishment of Poland. That object

was merely set forward as a pretext.

Duroc was sent to St. Petersburg to congratulate the Emperor Alexander on

his accession to the throne. He arrived in the Russian capital on the

24th of May. Duroc, ,who was at this time very young, was a great

favourite of the First Consul. He never importuned Bonaparte by his

solicitations, and was never troublesome in recommending any one or

busying himself as an agent for favour; yet he warmly advocated the cause

of those whom he thought injured, and honestly repelled accusations which

he knew to be false. These moral qualities; joined to an agreeable

person and elegant manners, rendered him a very superior man.

The year 1801 was, moreover, marked by the fatal creation of special

tribunals, which were in no way justified by the urgency of

circumstances. This year also saw the re-establishment of the African

Company, the treaty of Luneville (which augmented the advantages France

had obtained by the treaty of Campo-Formio),and the peace concluded

between Spain and Portugal by means of Lucien. On the subject of this

peace I may mention that. Portugal, to obtain the cession of Olivenza,

secretly offered Bonaparte, through me, 8,000,000 of francs if he would

contribute his influence towards the acquisition of that town by

Portugal. He, rejected this offer indignantly, declaring that he would

never sell honour for money. He has been accused of having listened to a

similar proposition at Passeriano, though in fact no such proposition was

ever made to him. Those who bring forward such accusations little know

the inflexibility of his principles on this point.

One evening in April 1801 an English paper--the London Gazette--arrived

at Malmaison. It announced the landing in Egypt of the army commanded by

Abercromby, the battle given by the English, and the death of their

General. I immediately translated the article, and presented it to the

First Consul, with the conviction that the news would be very painful to

him. He doubted its truth, or at least pretended to do so. Several

officers and aides de camp who were in the salon coincided in his

opinion, especially Lannes, Bessieres, and Duroc. They thought by so

doing to please the First Consul, who then said to me, in a jeering tone,

"Bah! you do not understand English. This is the way with you: you are

always inclined to believe bad news rather than good!" These words, and

the approving smiles of the gentlemen present, ruffled me, and I said

with some warmth, "How, General, can you believe that the English

Government would publish officially so important an event if it were not

true? Do you think that a Government that has any self-respect would, in

the face of Europe, state a falsehood respecting an affair the truth of

which cannot long remain unknown? Did you ever know an instance of so

important an announcement proving untrue after it had been published in

the London Gazette? I believe it to be true, and the smiles of these

gentlemen will not alter my opinion." On these observations the First

Consul rose and said, "Come, Bourrienne, I want you in the library."

After we had left the salon he added, "This is always the way with you.

Why are you vexed at such trifles? I assure you I believe the news but

too confidently, and I feared it before it came. But they think they

please me by thus appearing to doubt it. Never mind them."--"I ask your

pardon," said I, "but I conceive the best way of proving my attachment to

you is to tell you what I believe to be true. You desire me not to delay

a moment in announcing bad news to you. It would be far worse to

disguise than to conceal it."

Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Volume 05 · 第 4 / 8 章