congratulations on the acquisition of Louisiana: for it is a subject
of mutual congratulation, as it interests every man of the nation. The
territory acquired, as it includes all the waters of the Missouri and
Mississippi, has more than doubled the area of the United States, and
the new part is not inferior to the old in soil, climate, productions,
and important communications. If our legislature dispose of it with the
wisdom we have a right to expect, they may make it the means of tempting
all our Indians on the east side of the Mississippi to remove to the
west, and of condensing instead of scattering our population. I find our
opposition is very willing to pluck feathers from Monroe, although not
fond of sticking them into Livingston’s coat. The truth is, both have
a just portion of merit; and were it necessary or proper, it would be
shown that each has rendered peculiar services, and of important value.
These grumblers, too, are very uneasy lest the administration should
share some little credit for the acquisition, the whole of which they
ascribe to the accident of war. They would be cruelly mortified could
they see our files from May, 1801, the first organization of the
administration, but more especially from April, 1802. They would see,
that though we could not say when war would arise, yet we said with
energy what would take place when it should arise. We did not, by our
intrigues, produce the war; but we availed ourselves of it when it
happened. The other party saw the case now existing, on which our
representations were predicated, and the wisdom of timely sacrifice. But
when these people make the war give us everything, they authorize us
to ask what the war gave us in their day? They had a war; what did they
make it bring us? Instead of making our neutrality the ground of gain to
their country, they were for plunging into the war. And if they were
now in place, they would now be at war against the atheists and
disorganizers of France. They were for making their country an appendage
to England. We are friendly, cordially and conscientiously friendly to
England, but we are not hostile to France. We will be rigorously just
and sincerely friendly to both. I do not believe we shall have as much
to swallow from them as our predecessors had.
*****
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself my
affectionate salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCCVI.--TO MR. BRECKENRIDGE, August 12, 1803
TO MR. BRECKENRIDGE.
Monticello, August 12, 1803.
Dear Sir,
The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was intended to me also,
and was left open with a request, that when forwarded, I would forward
it to you. It gives me occasion to write a word to you on the subject
of Louisiana, which being a new one, an interchange of sentiments may
produce correct ideas before we are to act on them.
Our information as to the country is very incomplete: we have taken
measures to obtain it full as to the settled part, which I hope to
receive in time for Congress. The boundaries, which I deem not admitting
question, are the high lands on the western side of the Mississippi
enclosing all its waters, the Missouri of course, and terminating in the
line drawn from the northwestern point of the Lake of the Woods to
the nearest source of the Mississippi, as lately settled between Great
Britain and the United States. We have some claims, to extend on the
sea-coast westwardly to the Rio Norte or Bravo, and better, to go
eastwardly to the Rio Perdido, between Mobile and Pensacola, the ancient
boundary of Louisiana. These claims will be a subject of negotiation
with Spain, and if, as soon as she is at war, we push them strongly with
one hand, holding out a price in the other, we shall certainly obtain
the Floridas, and all in good time. In the mean while, without waiting
for permission, we shall enter into the exercise of the natural right we
have always insisted on with Spain, to wit, that of a nation holding the
upper part of streams, having a right of innocent passage through them
to the ocean. We shall prepare her to see us practise on this, and she
will not oppose it by force.
Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent of our
boundaries, and propositions are made to exchange Louisiana, or a part
of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have said, we shall get the Floridas
without, and I would not give one inch of the waters of the Mississippi
to any nation, because I see in a light very important to our peace the
exclusive right to its navigation, and the admission of no nation into
it, but as into the Potomac or Delaware, with our consent and under our
police. These federalists see in this acquisition the formation of a new
confederacy, embracing all the waters of the Mississippi, on both
sides of it, and a separation of its eastern waters from us. These
combinations depend on so many circumstances, which we cannot foresee,
that I place little reliance on them. We have seldom seen neighborhood
produce affection among nations. The reverse is almost the universal
truth. Besides, if it should become the great interest of those nations
to separate from this, if their happiness should depend on it so
strongly as to induce them to go through that convulsion, why should the
Atlantic States dread it? But especially why should we, their present
inhabitants, take side in such a question? When I view the Atlantic
States, procuring for those on the eastern waters of the Mississippi
friendly instead of hostile neighbors on its western waters, I do not
view it as an Englishman would the procuring future blessings for the
French nation, with whom he has no relations of blood or affection. The
future inhabitants of the Atlantic and Mississippi States will be our
sons. We leave them in distinct but bordering establishments. We think
we see their happiness in their union, and we wish it. Events may prove
it otherwise; and if they see their interest in separation, why should
we take side with our Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants?
It is the elder and the younger son differing. God bless them both, and
keep them in union, if it be for their good, but separate them, if it be
better. The inhabited part of Louisiana, from Point Coupee to the sea,
will of course be immediately a territorial government, and soon a
State. But above that, the best use we can make of the country for some
time, will be to give establishments in it to the Indians on the east
side of the Mississippi, in exchange for their present country, and open
land-offices in the last, and thus make this acquisition the means of
filling up the eastern side, instead of drawing off its population. When
we shall be full on this side, we may lay off a range of States on the
western bank from the head to the mouth, and so, range after range,
advancing compactly as we multiply.
This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because both have
important functions to exercise respecting it. They, I presume, will
see their duty to their country in ratifying and paying for it, so as
to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again in
their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to the nation for an
additional article to the constitution, approving and confirming an act
which the nation had not previously authorized. The constitution has
made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for
incorporating foreign nations into our Union. The executive in seizing
the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their
country, have done an act beyond the constitution. The legislature in
casting behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking themselves like
faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and throw themselves on
their country for doing for them unauthorized, what we know they would
have done for themselves had they been in a situation to do it. It is
the case of a guardian, investing the money of his ward in purchasing an
important adjacent territory; and saying to him when of age, I did this
for your good; I pretend to no right to bind you; you may disavow me,
and I must get out of the scrape as I can: I thought it my duty to risk
myself for you. But we shall not be disavowed by the nation, and their
act of indemnity will confirm and not weaken the constitution, by more
strongly marking out its lines.
We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers give. I hope
yourself and all the western members will make a sacred point of being
at the first day of the meeting of Congress; for _vestra res regitur_.
Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of esteem and respect.
Th: Jefferson.