your favor of December the 15th, as well as that by Dr. Mendenhall. None
occurring, I shall either deliver the present to General Muhlenburg or
put it under cover to Dr. Wistar, to whom I happen to be writing, to
be sent to your house in Philadelphia, or forwarded confidentially to
Lancaster.
The event of the election is still in dubio. A strong portion in the
House of Representatives will prevent an election if they can. I rather
believe they will not be able to do it, as there are six individuals of
moderate character, any one of whom coming over to the republican vote
will make a ninth state. Till this is known, it is too soon for me to
say what should be done in such atrocious cases as those you mention of
federal officers obstructing the operation of the State governments. One
thing I will say, that as to the future, interferences with elections,
whether of the State or General Government, by officers of the latter,
should be deemed cause of removal; because the constitutional remedy by
the elective principle becomes nothing, if it may be smothered by
the enormous patronage of the General Government. How far it may be
practicable, prudent, or proper, to look back, is too great a question
to be decided but by the united wisdom of the whole administration when
formed. Our situation is so different from yours, that it may render
proper some differences in the practice. Your State is a single body,
the majority clearly one way. Ours is of sixteen integral parts, some
of them all one way, some all the other, some divided. Whatever my
be decided as to the past, they shall give no trouble to the State
governments in future, if it shall depend on me; and be assured,
particularly as to yourself, that I should consider the most perfect
harmony and interchange of accommodations and good offices with those
governments as among the first objects.
Accept assurances of my high consideration, respect, and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXX.--TO TENCH COXE, February 11,1801
TO TENCH COXE.
Washington, February 11,1801.
Dear Sir,
Your favor of January the 25th came to hand some days ago, and yesterday
a gentleman put into my hand, at the door of the Senate chamber, the
volume of the American Museum for 1798. As no letter accompanied it, I
took it for granted it was to bring under my eye some of its contents. I
have gone over it with satisfaction.
This is the morning of the election by the House of Representatives.
For some time past a single individual had declared he would by his vote
make up the ninth State. On Saturday last he changed, and it stands at
present eight one way, six the other, and two divided. Which of the two
will be elected, and whether either, I deem perfectly problematical: and
my mind has long been equally made up for either of the three events.
If I can find out the person who brought me the volume for you, I shall
return it by him, because I presume it makes one of a set. If not by
him, I will find some other person who may convey it to Philadelphia if
not to Lancaster. Very possibly it may go by a different conveyance from
this letter. Very probably you will learn before the receipt of either,
the result, or progress at least, of the election. We see already at the
threshold, that if it falls on me, I shall be embarrassed by finding the
offices vacant, which cannot be even temporarily filled but with advice
of Senate, and that body is called on the fourth of March, when it is
impossible for the new members of Kentucky, Georgia, and South Carolina
to receive notice in time to be here. The summons for Kentucky, dated,
as all were, January the 31st, could not go hence till the 5th, and
that for Georgia did not go till the 6th. If the difficulties of the
election, therefore, are got over, there are more and more behind, until
new elections shall have regenerated the constituted authorities. The
defects of our constitution under circumstances like the present, appear
very great. Accept assurances of the esteem and respect of, Dear Sir,
your most obedient servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXI.--TO JAMES MONROE, February 15, 1801
TO JAMES MONROE.
Washington, February 15, 1801.
Dear Sir,
I have received several letters from you which have not been
acknowledged. By the post I dare not, and one or two confidential
opportunities have passed me by surprise. I have regretted it the less,
because I know you could be more safely and fully informed by others.
Mr. Tyler, the bearer of this, will give you a great deal more
information personally than can be done by letter. Four days of
balloting have produced not a single change of a vote. Yet it is
confidently believed by most that to-morrow there is to be a coalition.
I know of no foundation for this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits
the event of it, he will communicate it to you. If they could have been
permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the hands of an
officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we thought
it best to declare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day such an
act passed, the middle States would arm, and that no such usurpation,
even for a single day, should be submitted to. This first shook them;
and they were completely alarmed at the resource for which we declared,
to wit, a convention to re-organize the government, and to amend it.
The very word convention gives them the horrors, as in the present
democratical spirit of America, they fear they should lose some of the
favorite morsels of the constitution. Many attempts have been made
to obtain terms and promises from me. I have declared to them
unequivocally, that I would not receive the government on capitulation,
that I would not go into it with my hands tied. Should they yield
the election, I have reason to expect in the outset the greatest
difficulties as to nominations. The late incumbents running away from
their offices and leaving them vacant, will prevent my filling them
without the _previous_ advice of Senate. How this difficulty is to be
got over I know not. Accept for Mrs. Monroe and yourself my affectionate
salutations. Adieu.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXII.--TO JAMES MADISON, February 18,1801
TO JAMES MADISON.
Washington, February 18,1801.
Dear Sir,
Notwithstanding the suspected infidelity of the post, I must hazard
this communication. The minority of the House of Representatives,
after seeing the impossibility of electing Burr, the certainty that a
legislative usurpation would be resisted by arms, and a recourse to a
convention to re-organize and amend the government, held a consultation
on this dilemma, whether it would be better for them to come over in a
body and go with the tide of the times, or by a negative conduct suffer
the election to be made by a bare majority, keeping their body entire
and unbroken, to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as
circumstances shall offer: and I know their determination on this
question only by their vote of yesterday. Morris of Vermont withdrew,
which made Lyon’s vote that of his State. The Maryland federalists put
in four blanks, which made the positive ticket of their colleagues the
vote of the State. South Carolina and Delaware put in six blanks. So
there were ten states for one candidate, four for another, and two
blanks. We consider this, therefore, as a declaration of war, on the
part of this band. But their conduct appears to have brought over to us
the whole body of federalists, who, being alarmed with the danger of a
dissolution of the government, had been made most anxiously to wish the
very administration they had opposed, and to view it when obtained, as a
child of their own.
*****
Mr. A. embarrasses us. He keeps the offices of State and War vacant, but
has named Bayard Minister Plenipotentiary to France, and has called an
unorganized Senate to meet the fourth of March. As you do not like to
be here on that day, I wish you would come within a day or two after.
I think that between that and the middle of the month we can so far put
things under way, as that we may go home to make arrangements for our
final removal. Come to Conrad’s, where I will bespeak lodgings for you.
Yesterday Mr. A. nominated Baynard to be Minister Plenipotentiary of
the United States to the French republic; to-day, Theophilus Parsons,
Attorney General of the United States in the room of C. Lee, who, with
Keith Taylor _cum multis aliis_, are appointed judges under the new
system. H. G. Otis is nominated a District Attorney. A vessel has been
waiting for some time in readiness to carry the new Minister to France.
My affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXIII.--TO JOHN DICKINSON, March 6, 1801
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
Washington, March 6, 1801.
Dear Sir,
No pleasure can exceed that which I received from reading your letter
of the 21st ultimo. It was like the joy we expect in the mansions of the
blessed, when received with the embraces of our forefathers, we shall be
welcomed with their blessing as having done our part not unworthily
of them. The storm through which we have passed, has been tremendous
indeed. The tough sides of our Argosie have been thoroughly tried. Her
strength has stood the waves into which she was steered, with a view to
sink her. We shall put her on her republican tack, and she will now show
by the beauty of her motion the skill of her builders. Figure apart,
our fellow-citizens have been led hood-winked from their principles by
a most extraordinary combination of circumstances. But the band is
removed, and they now see for themselves. I hope to see shortly a
perfect consolidation, to effect which, nothing shall be spared on my
part, short of the abandonment of the principles of our revolution. A
just and solid republican government maintained here, will be a standing
monument and example for the aim and imitation of the people of other
countries; and I join with you in the hope and belief that they will
see, from our example, that a free government is of all others the most
energetic; that the inquiry which has been excited among the mass of
mankind by our revolution and its consequences, will ameliorate the
condition of man over a great portion of the globe. What a satisfaction
have we in the contemplation of the benevolent effects of our efforts,
compared with those of the leaders on the other side, who have
discountenanced all advances in science as dangerous innovations, have
endeavored to render philosophy and republicanism terms of reproach, to
persuade us that man cannot be governed but by the rod, &c. I shall
have the happiness of living and dying in the contrary hope. Accept
assurances of my constant and sincere respect and attachment, and my
affectionate salutations.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXIV.--TO COLONEL MONROE, March 7, 1801
TO COLONEL MONROE.
Washington, March 7, 1801.
Dear Sir,
I had written the enclosed letter to Mrs. Trist, and was just proceeding
to begin one to you, when your favor of the 6th was put into my hands. I
thank you sincerely for it, and consider the views of it so sound,
that I have communicated it to my coadjutors as one of our important
evidences of the public sentiment, according to which we must shape
our course. I suspect, partly from this, but more from a letter of J.
Taylor’s which has been put into my hands, that an incorrect idea of my
views has got abroad. I am in hopes my inaugural address will in some
measure set this to rights, as it will present the leading objects to
be conciliation and adherence to sound principle. This I know is
impracticable with the leaders of the late faction, whom I abandon as
incurables, and will never turn an inch out of my way to reconcile
them. But with the main body of the federalists, I believe it very
practicable. You know that the manoeuvres of the year X. Y. Z. carried
over from us a great body of the people, real republicans, and honest
men under virtuous motives. The delusion lasted a while. At length the
poor arts of tub-plots, &c. were repeated till the designs of the party
became suspected. From that moment those who had left us began to
come back. It was by their return to us that we gained the victory in
November, 1800, which we should not have gained in November, 1799. But
during the suspension of the public mind from the 11th to the 17th of
February, and the anxiety and alarm lest there should be no election,
and anarchy ensue, a wonderful effect was produced on the mass of
federalists who had not before come over. Those who had before become
sensible of their error in the former change, and only wanted a decent
excuse for coming back, seized that occasion for doing so. Another body,
and a large one it is, who from timidity of constitution had gone
with those who wished for a strong executive, were induced by the same
timidity to come over to us rather than risk anarchy: so that, according
to the evidence we receive from every direction, we may say that the
whole of that portion of the people which were called federalists, were
made to desire anxiously the very event they had just before opposed
with all their energies, and to receive the election which was made, as
an object of their earnest wishes, a child of their own. These people (I
always exclude their leaders) are now aggregated with us, they look
with a certain degree of affection and confidence to the administration,
ready to become attached to it, if it avoids in the outset acts
which might revolt and throw them off. To give time for a perfect
consolidation seems prudent. I have firmly refused to follow the
counsels of those who have desired the giving offices to some of their
leaders, in order to reconcile. I have given, and will give, only to
republicans, under existing circumstances. But I believe with others,
that deprivations of office, if made on the ground of political
principles alone, would revolt our new converts, and give a body to
leaders who now stand alone. Some, I know, must be made. They must be
as few as possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation
or inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between
retaining all and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we get
our administration together; and perhaps even then, we shall proceed _à
tatons_, balancing our measures according to the impression we perceive
them to make.
This may give you a general view of our plan. Should you be in Albemarle
the first week in April, I shall have the pleasure of seeing you there,
and of developing things more particularly, and of profiting by an
intercommunication of views. Dawson sails for France about the 15th, as
the bearer only of the treaty to Ellsworth and Murray. He has probably
asked your commands, and your introductory letters.
Present my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and accept assurances of my high and
affectionate consideration and attachment.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXV.--TO GOVERNOR M’KEAN, March 9, 1801
TO GOVERNOR M’KEAN.
Washington, March 9, 1801.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of February the 20th,
and to thank you for your congratulations on the event of the election.
Had it terminated in the elevation of Mr. Burr every republican would,
I am sure, have acquiesced in a moment; because, however it might have
been variant from the intentions of the voters, yet it would have
been agreeable to the constitution. No man would more cheerfully have
submitted than myself, because I am sure the administration would have
been republican, and the chair of the Senate permitting me to be at home
eight months in the year, would, on that account, have been much more
consonant to my real satisfaction. But in the event of an usurpation, I
was decidedly with those who were determined not to permit it. Because
that precedent, once set, would be artificially reproduced, and end soon
in a dictator. Virginia was bristling up, I believe. I shall know the
particulars from Governor Monroe, whom I expect to meet in a short visit
I must make home, to select some books, &c. necessary here, and make
other domestic arrangements.
Accept assurances of my high esteem and regard.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXVI.--TO JOEL BARLOW, March 14, 1801
TO JOEL BARLOW.
Washington, March 14, 1801.
Dear Sir,
Not having my papers here, it is not in my power to acknowledge the
receipt of your letters by their dates, but T am pretty certain I
have received two in the course of the last twelve months, one of them
covering your excellent second letter. Nothing can be sounder than the
principles it inculcates, and I am not without hopes they will make
their way. You have understood that the revolutionary movements in
Europe had, by industry and artifice, been wrought into objects of
terror even to this country, and had really involved a great portion of
our well-meaning citizens in a panic which was perfectly unaccountable,
and during the prevalence of which they were led to support measures
the most insane. They are now pretty thoroughly recovered from it, and
sensible of the mischief which was done, and preparing to be done,
had their minds continued a little longer under that derangement. The
recovery bids fair to be complete, and to obliterate entirely the line
of party division which had been so strongly drawn. Not that their
late leaders have come over, or ever can come over. But they stand, at
present, almost without followers. The principal of them have retreated
into the judiciary, as a strong hold, the tenure of which renders it
difficult to dislodge them. For all the particulars I must refer you to
Mr. Dawson, a member of Congress, fully informed and worthy of entire
confidence. Give me leave to ask for him your attentions and civilities,
and a verbal communication of such things on your side the water as you
know I feel a great interest in, and as may not with safety be committed
to paper. I am entirely unable to conjecture the issue of things with
you.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration.
Th: Jefferson
LETTER CCLXXVII.--TO THOMAS PAINE, March 18, 1801
TO THOMAS PAINE.
Washington, March 18, 1801,
Dear Sir,
Your letters of October the 1st, 4th, 6th, and 16th, came duly to hand,
and the papers which they covered were, according to your permission,
published in the newspapers and in a pamphlet, and under your own name.
These papers contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be
generally recognised here. Determined as we are to avoid, if possible,
wasting the energies of our people in war and destruction, we shall
avoid implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe, even in support
of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other interests
different from ours, that we must avoid being entangled in them. We
believe we can enforce those principles, as to ourselves, by peaceable
means, now that we are likely to have our public councils detached from
foreign views. The return, of our citizens from the phrenzy into which
they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly by
artifices practised on them, is almost entire, and will, I believe,
become quite so. But these details, too minute and long for a letter,
will be better developed by Mr. Dawson, the bearer of this, a member
of the late Congress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the
Maryland, a sloop of war, which will wait a few days at Havre to receive
his letters, to be written on his arrival at Paris. You expressed a
wish to get a passage to this country in a public vessel. Mr. Dawson
is charged with orders to the captain of the Maryland to receive and
accommodate you with a passage back, if you can be ready to depart
at such short warning. Robert R. Livingston is appointed Minister
Plenipotentiary to the republic of France, but will not leave this till
we receive the ratification of the convention by Mr. Dawson. I am in
hopes you will find us returned generally to sentiments worthy of former
times. In these it will be your glory to have steadily labored, and with
as much effect as any man living. That you may long live to continue
your useful labors, and to reap their reward in the thankfulness of
nations, is my sincere prayer.
Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate attachment.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXVIII.--TO M. DE REYNEVAL, March 20, 1801
TO M. DE REYNEVAL.
Washington, March 20, 1801.
Dear Sir,
Mr. Pichon, who arrived two days ago, delivered me your favor of January
the 1st, and I had before received one by Mr. Dupont, dated August the
24th, 1799, both on the subject of lands, claimed on behalf of your
brother, Mr. Girard, and that of August the 24th containing a statement
of the case. I had verbally explained to Mr. Dupont at the time, what
I presumed to have been the case, which must, I believe, be very much
mistaken in the statement sent with that letter; and I expected he had
communicated it to you.
During the regal government, two companies called the Loyal, and the
Ohio companies had obtained grants from the crown for eight hundred
thousand, or one million of acres of land, each, on the Ohio, on
condition of settling them in a given number of years. They surveyed
some and settled them; but the war of 1755 came on and broke up the
settlements. After it was over they petitioned for a renewal. Four other
large companies then formed themselves, called the Mississippi, the
Illinois, the Wabash, and the Indiana companies, each praying for
immense quantities of land, some amounting to two hundred miles square,
so that they proposed to cover the whole country north between the
Ohio and Mississippi, and a great portion of what is south. All these
petitions were depending, without any answer whatever from the crown,
when the revolution war broke out. The petitioners had associated to
themselves some of the nobility of England, and most of the characters
in America of great influence. When Congress assumed the government,
they took some of their body in as partners, to obtain their influence;
and I remember to have heard at the time, that one of them took Mr.
Girard as a partner, expecting by that to obtain the influence of the
French court; to obtain grants of those lands which they had not been
able to obtain from the British government. All these lands were within
the limits of Virginia, and that State determined peremptorily, that
they never should be granted to large companies, but left open equally
to all: and when they passed their land law (which I think was in 1778)
they confirmed only so much of the lands of the Loyal company as they
had actually surveyed, which was a very small proportion, and annulled
every other pretension. And when that State conveyed the lands to
Congress (which was not till 1784), so determined were they to prevent
their being granted to these or any other large companies, that they
made it an express condition of the cession, that they should be applied
first towards the soldiers’ bounties, and the residue sold for the
payment of the national debt, and for no other purpose. This disposition
has been, accordingly, rigorously made, and is still going on, and
Congress considers itself as having no authority to dispose of them
otherwise.
*****
I sincerely wish, Sir, it had been in my power to have given you a more
agreeable account of this claim. But as the case actually is, the most
substantial service is to state it exactly, and not to foster false
expectations. I remember with great sensibility all the attentions you
were so good as to render me while I resided in Paris, and shall be made
happy by every occasion which can be given me of acknowledging them, and
the expressions of your friendly recollection are particularly soothing
to me.
Accept, I pray you, the assurances of my high consideration and constant
esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCLXXIX.--TO DOCTOR JOSEPH PRIESTLEY, March 21, 1801
TO DOCTOR JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.
Washington, March 21, 1801.
Dear Sir,