doubt of the event of the election. I knew that the eastern troops
were trained in the schools of their town-meetings, to sacrifice little
differences of opinion to the solid advantages of operating in phalanx,
and that the more free and moral agency of the other States would fully
supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed, that the vote
would have approached so near an equality. It is difficult to obtain
full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so
with those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more
solid unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind
of any man, short of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, Were
necessary to reconcile me to a relinquishment of the first office, or
acceptance of the second. No motive could have induced me to undertake
the first, but that of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and
preventing her being driven too far to leeward of her true principles.
And the second is the only office in the world about which I cannot
decide in my own mind, whether I had rather have it or not have it.
Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think with the Romans of
old, that the General of to-day should be a common soldier to-morrow, if
necessary. But as to Mr. Adams, particularly, I could have no feelings
which would revolt at being placed in a secondary station to him. I
am his junior in life, I was his junior in Congress, his junior in the
diplomatic line, and lately his junior in our civil government. I had
written him the enclosed letter before the receipt of yours. I had
intended it for some time, but had put it off, from time to time, from
the discouragement of despair to make him believe me sincere. As the
information by the last post does not make it necessary to change any
thing in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal, as well that
you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between us,
as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery
ineligible, you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to
administer the government on its true principles, quitting his bias for
an English constitution, it would be worthy consideration whether it
would not be for the public good, to come to a good understanding with
him as to his future elections. He is the only sure barrier against
Hamilton’s getting in.
*****
The Political Progress is a work of value and of a singular complexion.
The author’s eye seems to be a natural achromatic, divesting every
object of the glare of color. The former work of the same title
possessed the same kind of merit. They disgust one, indeed, by opening
to his view the ulcerated state of the human mind. But to cure an ulcer
you must go to the bottom of it, which no author does more radically
than this. The reflections into which it leads us are not very
flattering to the human species. In the whole animal kingdom I
recollect no family but man, steadily and systematically employed in the
destruction of itself. Nor does what is called civilization produce any
other effect than to teach him to pursue the principle of the _bellum
omnium in omnia_ on a greater scale, and instead of the little contests
between tribe and tribe, to comprehend all the quarters of the earth
in the same work of destruction. If to this we add, that, as to other
animals, the lions and tigers are mere lambs compared with man as a
destroyer, we must conclude that nature has been able to find in man
alone a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of other
animals and of man himself, an equilibrating power against the fecundity
of generation. While, in making these observations, my situation points
my attention to the warfare of man in the physical world, yours may
perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral one.
Adieu. Yours affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCIV.--TO MR. VOLNEY, January 8, 1797
TO MR. VOLNEY.
Monticello, January 8, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I received yesterday your two favors of December the 26th and 29th. Your
impatience to receive your valise and its key was natural: and it is we
who have been to blame; Mr. Randolph, for not taking information of the
vessel and address to which your valise was committed, and myself, for
having waited till I heard of your being again immerged into the land of
newspapers before forwarded your key. However, as you have at length got
them safe, I claim absolution under the proverb, that ‘all is well which
ends well.’
About the end of 1793, I received from Mr. Dombey (then at Lyons)
a letter announcing his intention to come here. And in May, 1794, I
received one from a M. L’Epine, dated from New York, and stating himself
to be master of the brig De Boon, Captain Brown, which had sailed from
Havre with Mr. Dombey on board, who had sealed up his baggage and wrote
my address on them, to save them in case of capture; and that when they
were taken, the address did in fact protect them. He mentioned then
the death of Mr. Dombey, and that he had delivered his baggage to the
Custom-House at New York. I immediately wrote to M. L’Epine, disclaiming
any right or interest in the packages under my address, and authorizing,
as far as depended on me, the Consul at New York, or any person the
representative of Mr. Dombey to open the packages and dispose of them
according to right. I enclosed this letter open to Mr. Randolph, then
Secretary of State, to get his interference for the liberation of the
effects. It may have happened that he failed to forward the letter, or
that M. L’Epine may have gone before it reached New York. In any event,
I can do no more than repeat my disclaimer of any right to Mr. Dombey’s
effects, and add all the authority which I can give to yourself, or to
the Consul of France at New York, to do with those effects whatever I
might do. Certainly it would be a great gratification to me to receive
the Mètre and Grave committed to Mr. Dombey for me, and that you
would be so good as to be the channel of my acknowledgments to Bishop
Gregoire, or any one else to whom I should owe this favor.
You wish to know the state of the air here during the late cold spell,
or rather the present one, for it is at this moment so cold that the ink
freezes in my pen, so that my letter will scarcely be legible.
The following is copied from my diary:
[Illustration: page342]
In the winter of 1779-80, the mercury in Fahrenheit’s thermometer fell
at Williamsburg once to six degrees above zero. In 1783-84, I was at
Annapolis without a thermometer, and I do not know that there was one
in that State: I heard from Virginia, that the mercury was again down to
six degrees. In 1789-90, I was at Paris. The mercury here was as low
as eighteen degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit. These have been the most
remarkably cold winters ever known in America. We are told, however,
that in 1762, at Philadelphia, it was twenty-two degrees below zero: in
December, 1793, it was three degrees below zero there by my thermometer.
On the 31st of January, 1796, it was one and three-fourth degrees above
zero at Monticello. I shall therefore have to change the maximum of our
cold, if ever I revise the Notes on Virginia; as six degrees above zero
was the greatest which had ever been observed.
It seems possible, from what we hear of the votes at the late election,
that you may see me in Philadelphia about the beginning of March,
exactly in that character which, if I were to re-appear at Philadelphia,
I would prefer to all others; for I change the sentiment of Clorinda to
‘_L’alte temo, l’humili non sdegno_.’ I have no inclination to govern
men. I should have no views of my own in doing it; and as to those of
the governed, I had rather that their disappointment (which must always
happen) should be pointed to any other cause, real or supposed, than to
myself. I value the late vote highly; but it is only as the index of the
place I hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this point of
view, the difference between sixty-eight and seventy-one votes is
little sensible, and still less that between the real vote, which was
sixty-nine and seventy; because one real elector in Pennsylvania was
excluded from voting by the miscarriage of the votes, and one who was
not an elector was admitted to vote. My farm, my family, my books, and
my building give me much more pleasure than any public office would,
and, especially, one which would keep me constantly from them. I had
hoped, when you were here, to have finished the walls of my house in the
autumn, and to have covered it early in winter. But we did not finish
them at all. I have to resume the work, therefore, in the spring, and to
take off the roof of the old part during the summer, to cover the
whole. This will render it necessary for me to make a very short stay in
Philadelphia, should the late vote have given me any public duty there.
My visit there will be merely out of respect to the public, and to the
new President.
I am sorry you have received so little information on the subject of our
winds. I had once (before our revolutionary war) a project on the same
subject. As I had then an extensive acquaintance over this State, I
meant to have engaged some person in every county of it, giving them
each a thermometer, to observe that and the winds twice a day, for one
year, to wit, at sunrise and at four P. M. (the coldest and the warmest
point of the twenty-four hours) and to communicate their observations to
me at the end of the year. I should then have selected the days in which
it appeared that the winds blew to a centre within the State, and
have made a map of them, and seen how far they had analogy with the
temperature of the air. I meant this to be merely a specimen to be
communicated to the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, in order to
engage them, by means of their correspondents, to have the same thing
done in every State, and through a series of years. By seizing the days
when the winds centred in any part of the United States, we might, in
time, have come at some of the causes which determine the direction
of the winds, which I suspect to be very various. But this long-winded
project was prevented by the war which came upon us, and since that
I have been far otherwise engaged. I am sure you will have viewed the
subject from much higher ground, and I shall be happy to learn your
views in some of the hours of _délassement_, which I hope we are yet
to pass together. To this must be added your observations on the new
character of man, which you have seen in your journey, as he is in all
his shapes a curious animal, on whom no one is better qualified to judge
than yourself; and no one will be more pleased to participate of
your views of him than one, who has the pleasure of offering you his
sentiments of sincere respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCV.--TO HENRY TAZEWELL, January 16, 1797
TO HENRY TAZEWELL.
Monticello, January 16, 1797.
Dear Sir,
As far as the public papers are to be credited, I may suppose that the
choice of Vice-President has fallen on me. On this hypothesis I trouble
you, and only pray, if it be wrong, that you will consider this letter
as not written. I believe it belongs to the Senate to notify the
Vice-President of his election. I recollect to have heard, that on
the first election of President and Vice-President, gentlemen of
considerable office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But this was
the inauguration of our new government, and ought not to be drawn into
example. At the second election, both gentlemen were on the spot and
needed no messengers. On the present occasion, the President will be
on the spot, so that what is now to be done respects myself alone: and
considering that the season of notification will always present one
difficulty, that the distance in the present case adds a second, not
inconsiderable, and which may in future happen to be sometimes much more
considerable, I hope the Senate will adopt that method of notification,
which will always be least troublesome and most certain. The channel
of the post is certainly the least troublesome, is the most rapid, and,
considering also that it may be sent by duplicates and triplicates,
is unquestionably the most certain. Indorsed to the postmaster at
Charlottesville, with an order to send it by express, no hazard
can endanger the notification. Apprehending, that should there be
a difference of opinion on this subject in the senate, my ideas of
self-respect might be supposed by some to require something more formal
and inconvenient, I beg leave to avail myself of your friendship to
declare, if a different proposition should make it necessary, that I
consider the channel of the post-office as the most eligible in every
respect, and that it is to me the most desirable; which I take the
liberty of expressing, not with a view of encroaching on the respect
due to that discretion which the Senate have a right to exercise on the
occasion, but to render them the more free in the exercise of it, by
taking off whatsoever weight the supposition of a contrary desire in me
might have on the mind of any member.
I am, with sincere respect, Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 16, 1797
TO JAMES MADISON.
Monticello, January 16, 1797.
Dear Sir,
The several accidents of the winter, ice, floods, rains, prevented the
Orange post from coming to Charlottesville the last post-day, so that
we have nothing from Philadelphia the last week. I see however, by the
Richmond papers, a probability that the choice of Vice-President has
fallen on me. I have written the enclosed letter therefore to Mr.
Tazewell, as a private friend, and have left it open for your perusal.
It will explain its own object, and I pray you and Mr. Tazewell to
decide in your own discretion how it may best be used for its object, so
as to avoid the imputation of an indecent forwardness in me.
I observe doubts are still expressed as to the validity of the Vermont
election. Surely, in so great a case, substance, and not form, should
prevail. I cannot suppose that the Vermont constitution has been strict
in requiring particular forms of expressing the legislative will. As far
as my disclaimer may have any effect, I pray you to declare it on every
occasion, foreseen or not foreseen by me, in favor of the choice of
the people substantially expressed, and to prevent the phenomenon of a
pseudo-President at so early a day. Adieu. Yours affectionately,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCVII.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 22, 1797
TO JAMES MADISON.
Monticello, January 22, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was not aware of any
necessity of going on to Philadelphia immediately, yet I had determined
to do it as a mark of respect to the public, and to do away the doubts
which have spread, that I should consider the second office as beneath
my acceptance. The journey, indeed, for the month of February, is a
tremendous undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home
since my re-settlement. I will see you about the rising of Congress; and
presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters written before the
7th of February will still find me here. My letters inform me that Mr.
Adams speaks of me with great friendship, and with satisfaction in the
prospect of administering the government in concurrence with me. I am
glad of the first information, because though I saw that our ancient
friendship was affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his
constitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt
a diminution of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid
affection for him. His principles of government I knew to be
changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the
administration, if by that he meant the executive cabinet, both duty and
inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the
scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena
like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the
constitution will know me only as the member of a legislative body: and
its principle is, that of a separation of legislative, executive, and
judiciary functions, except in cases specified. If this principle be
not expressed in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the
constitution, and it ought to be so commented and acted on by every
friend to free government.
I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War
with them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely
compass the object of the executive council, from the commencement of
the war between France and England; taken up by some of them from that
moment, by others, more latterly. I still, however, hope it will be
avoided. I do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France; nor do I
believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If
he assumes this front at once, and shows that he means to attend to
self-respect and national dignity with both the nations, perhaps the
depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I think
we should begin first with those who first began with us, and, by an
example on them, acquire a right to re-demand the respect from which the
other party has departed.
I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by the
legislature of Maryland, to claim the south branch of the Potomac as
their boundary, and thus of Albemarle, now the central county of the
State, to make a frontier. As it is impossible, upon any consistent
principles, and after such a length of undisturbed possession, that they
can expect to establish their claim, it can be ascribed to no other than
an intention to irritate and divide; and there can be no doubt from what
bow the shaft is shot. However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania, and we
need not fear the universe. The Assembly have named me among those
who are to manage this controversy. But I am so averse to motion and
contest, and the other members are so fully equal to the business, that
I cannot undertake to act in it. I wish you were added to them. Indeed,
I wish and hope you may consent to be added to our Assembly itself.
There is no post where you can render greater services, without going
out of your State. Let but this block stand firm on its basis, and
Pennsylvania do the same, our Union will be perpetual, and our General
Government kept within the bounds and form of the constitution. Adieu
affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCVIII.--TO JAMES MADISON, January 30, 1797
TO JAMES MADISON,
Monticello, January 30, 1797.
Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thankful for the
discretion you have exercised over the letter. That has happened to be
the case, which I knew to be possible, that the honest expression of
my feelings towards Mr. Adams might be rendered mal-apropos from
circumstances existing, and known at the seat of government, but not
known by me in my retired situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial
friends from the beginning of the revolution. Since our return from
Europe, some little incidents have happened, which were capable of
affecting a jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line of
politics on which we had been united, has not made me less sensible
of the rectitude of his heart: and I wished him to know this, and also
another truth, that I am sincerely pleased at having escaped the late
draught for the helm, and have not a wish which he stands in the way of.
That he should be convinced of these truths, is important to our mutual
satisfaction, and perhaps to the harmony and good of the public service.
But there was a difficulty in conveying them to him, and a possibility
that the attempt might do mischief there or somewhere else; and I would
not have hazarded the attempt, if you had not been in place to decide
upon its expediency. It has now become unnecessary to repeat it by a
letter.
I have turned to the constitution and laws, and find nothing to warrant
the opinion that I might not have been qualified here, or wherever else
I could meet with a Senator; any member of that body being authorized
to administer the oath, without being confined to time or place, and
consequently to make a record of it, and to deposit it with the records
of the Senate. However, I shall come on, on the principle which had
first determined me, respect to the public. I hope I shall be made a
part of no ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly
as possible. If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony,
pray contrive to parry them. We have now fine mild weather here. The
thermometer is above the point which renders fires necessary. Adieu
affectionately.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCIX.--TO JAMES SULLIVAN, February 9, 1797
TO JAMES SULLIVAN.
Monticello, February 9, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have many acknowledgments to make for the friendly anxiety you
are pleased to express in your letter of January the 12th, for my
undertaking the office to which I have been elected. The idea that I
would accept the office of President, but not that of Vice-President
of the United States, had not its origin with me. I never thought of
questioning the free exercise of the right of my fellow-citizens, to
marshal those whom they call into their service according to their
fitness, nor ever presumed that they were not the best judges of that.
Had I indulged a wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it would
precisely have coincided with what they have done. Neither the splendor,
nor the power, nor the difficulties, nor the fame, or defamation, as may
happen, attached to the first magistracy, have any attractions for me.
The helm of a free government is always arduous, and never was ours more
so, than at a moment when two friendly people are like to be committed
in war by the ill temper of their administrations. I am so much attached
to my domestic situation, that I would not have wished to leave it at
all. However, if I am to be called from it, the shortest absences and
most tranquil station suit me best. I value highly, indeed, the part
my fellow-citizens gave me in their late vote, as an evidence of their
esteem, and I am happy in the information you are so kind as to give,
that many in the eastern quarter entertain the same sentiment.
Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of monarchy and
republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into two classes
of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind, their habits,
connections, and callings, induce them to wish to strengthen either the
monarchical or the republican features of the constitution. Some
will consider it as an elective monarchy, which had better be made
hereditary, and therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the
forms and principles of its administration. Others will view it as an
energetic republic, turning in all its points on the pivot of free
and frequent elections. The great body of our native citizens are
unquestionably of the republican sentiment. Foreign education, and
foreign connections of interest, have produced some exceptions in every
part of the Union, north and south; and perhaps other circumstances in
your quarter, better known to you, may have thrown into the scale of
exceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I believe, and
here, I am sure, the great mass is republican. Nor do any of the forms
in which the public disposition has been pronounced in the last half
dozen years, evince the contrary. All of them, when traced to their true
source, have only been evidences of the preponderant popularity of
a particular great character. That influence once withdrawn, and our
countrymen left to the operation of their own unbiassed good sense, I
have no doubt we shall see a pretty rapid return of general harmony, and
our citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of regular liberty, order,
and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution. Thus I think it will
be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that untoward event comes
athwart us in our present point of deviation, no body, I believe, can
foresee into what port it will drive us.
I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring after my most ancient
and respected friend Mr. Samuel Adams. His principles, founded on the
immovable basis of equal right and reason, have continued pure and
unchanged. Permit me to place here my sincere veneration for him, and
wishes for his health and happiness; and to assure yourself of the
sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I am, Dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER CCX.--TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, May 13, 1797
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Philadelphia, May 13, 1797.
My Dear Friend,