which he will not return till the end of June; consequently, I could not
sooner notify him of your desire to return; but even then, I will take
the liberty of saying nothing to him on the subject till I hear further
from you. The suppression of your correspondence has, in a considerable
degree, withdrawn you from the public sight. I sincerely wish that
before your return, you could do something to attract their attention
and favor, and render your return pleasing to yourself and profitable to
them, by introducing you to new proofs of their confidence. My two last
letters to you furnish occasions; that of a co-operation against the
British navigation act, and the arrangement of our affairs on the
Mississippi. The former, if it can be effected, will form a remarkable
and memorable epoch in the history and freedom of the ocean. Mr. Short
will press it at Paris, and Colonel Humphreys at Lisbon. The latter will
show most at first; and as to it, be so good as to observe always, that
the right of navigating the Mississippi is considered as so palpable,
that the recovery of it will produce no other sensation than that of
a gross injustice removed. The extent and freedom of the port for
facilitating the use of it, is what will excite the attention and
gratification of the public. Colonel Humphreys writes me, that all Mr.
Gardoqui’s communications, while here, tended to impress the court of
Madrid with the idea, that the navigation of the Mississippi was only
demanded on our part, to quiet our western settlers, and that it was not
sincerely desired by the maritime States. This is a most fatal error,
and must be completely eradicated and speedily, or Mr. Gardoqui will
prove to have been a bad peace-maker. It is true, there were characters,
whose stations entitled them to credit, and who, from geographical
prejudices, did not themselves wish the navigation of the Mississippi to
be restored to us, and who believe, perhaps, as is common with mankind,
that their opinion was the general opinion. But the sentiments of the
great mass of the union were decidedly otherwise then, and the very
persons to whom Mr. Gardoqui alluded, have now come over to the
opinion heartily, that the navigation of the Mississippi, in full and
unrestrained freedom, is indispensably necessary, and must be obtained
by any means it may call for. It will be most unfortunate, indeed, if we
cannot convince Spain that we make this demand in earnest, but by acts
which will render that conviction too late to prevent evil.
Not knowing how better to convey to you the laws and the gazettes, than
by committing them to the patronage of Colonel Humphreys, I now send
through that channel the laws of the second and third sessions of
Congress, and the newspapers.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LX.--TO WILLIAM SHORT, April 25, 1791
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
Philadelphia, April 25, 1791.
Dear Sir,
My late letters to you have been of the 8th, 12th, 15th, and
19th of March; yours received and acknowledged, are as follows,
******
I consider the consular convention as securing clearly our right to
appoint Consuls in the French colonies. The words ‘_Etats du roi_’
unquestionably extend to all his dominions. If they had been merely
synonymous with ‘_la France_,’ why was the alteration made? When I
proposed that alteration, I explained my reasons, and it cannot be
supposed I would offer a change of language, but for some matter of
substance. Again, in the translation, it is ‘dominions of France.’ This
translation was submitted to M. de Montmorin and M. de Reyneval, with a
request that they would note any deviation in it from the original, or
otherwise it would be considered as faithful. No part was objected to.
M. de Reyneval says, we must decide by the instrument itself, and not by
the explanations which took place. It is a rule, where expressions are
susceptible of two meanings, to recur to other explanations. Good
faith is in favor of this recurrence. However, in the present case, the
expression does not admit of two constructions; it is co-extensive with
the dominions of the King. I insist on this, only as a reservation
of our right, and not with a view to exercise it, if it shall be
inconvenient or disagreeable to the government of France. Only two
appointments have as yet been made (Mr. Skipwith at Martinique and
Guadaloupe, and Mr. Bourne in St. Dominique), and they shall be
instructed not to ask a regular _Exequatur_. We certainly wish to press
nothing on our friends, which shall be inconvenient. I shall hope
that M. de Montmorin will order such attentions to be shown to those
gentlemen as the patronage of commerce may call for, and may not be
inconvenient to the government. These gentlemen are most pointedly
instructed not to intermeddle, by word or deed, with political matters.
My letter of August, 1790, to Mr. Carmichael, was delivered to him by
Colonel Humphreys.
The report you mention of the prospect of our captives at Algiers
being liberated, has not taken its rise from any authoritative source.
Unfortunately for us, there have been so many persons, who (from
friendly or charitable motives, or to recommend themselves) have busied
themselves about this redemption, as to excite great expectations in the
captors, and render our countrymen in fact irredeemable. We have not a
single operation on foot for that purpose, but what you know of, and the
more all voluntary interpositions are discouraged, the better for our
unhappy friends whom they are meant to serve.
You know how strongly we desire to pay off our whole debt to France,
and that for this purpose, we will use our credit as far as it will hold
good. You know, also, what may be the probability of our being able to
borrow the whole sum. Under these dispositions and prospects, it would
grieve us extremely to see our debt pass into the hands of speculators,
and be subjected ourselves to the chicaneries and vexations of private
avarice. We desire you, therefore, to dissuade the government, as far as
you can prudently, from listening from any overtures of that kind, and
as to the speculators themselves, whether native or foreign, to inform
them, without reserve, that our government condemns their projects, and
reserves to itself the right of paying nowhere but into the treasury of
France, according to their contract.
I enclose you a copy of Mr. Grand’s note to me, stating the conditions
on which Drost would come, and also a letter from the Secretary of the
Treasury, expressing his ideas as to those terms, with which I agree.
We leave to your agency the engaging and sending Mr. Drost as soon
as possible, and to your discretion to fix the terms, rendering the
allowance for expenses certain, which his first proposition leaves
uncertain. Subsistence here costs about one third of what it does in
Paris, to a housekeeper. In a lodging house, the highest price for a
room and board is a dollar a day, for the master, and half that for the
servant. These facts may enable you to settle the article of expenses
reasonably. If Mr. Drost undertakes assaying, I should much rather
confide it to him, than to any other person who can be sent. It is the
most confidential operation in the whole business of coining. We should
expect him to instruct a native in it. I think, too, he should be
obliged to continue longer than a year, if it should be necessary for
qualifying others to continue his operations. It is not important that
he be here till November or December, but extremely desirable then. He
may come as much sooner as he pleases.
We address to M. la Motte a small box for you, containing a complete set
of the journals of the ancient Congress, the acts of the last session of
the federal legislature, and a continuation of the newspapers.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your affectionate friend
and humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXI.--TO MR. OTTO, May 7, 1791
TO MR. OTTO.
Philadelphia, May 7, 1791.
Sir,
I have now the honor to return you the propositions of Messrs.
Schweizer, Jeanneret, and Company, which have been submitted to the
Secretary of the Treasury. He does not think they can be acceded to on
the part of the United States. The greater premium demanded than what we
now pay, the change of the place of payment, the change of the bankers
whom we have always employed, for others unknown to us, the danger of
risking our credit by putting such a mass of our paper into new hands,
will, I dare say, appear to you, Sir, substantial reasons for declining
this measure; and the more so, as the new instructions given to Mr.
Short, are to raise money as fast as our credit will admit: and we have
no reason to suppose it cannot be as soon done by our ancient bankers as
by others. Our desire to pay our whole debt, principal and interest, to
France, is as strong as hers can be to receive it, and we believe, that
by the arrangements already taken it will be as soon done for her, and
more safely and advantageously for us than by a change of them. We
beg you to be assured, that no exertions are sparing on our part to
accomplish this desirable object, as it will be peculiarly gratifying to
us, that monies advanced to us in critical times, should be reimbursed
to France in times equally critical to her.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXII.--TO THE ATTORNEY OF THE DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY, May 7,1791
TO THE ATTORNEY OF THE DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY.
Philadelphia, May 7,1791.
Sir,
A certain James O’Fallon is, as we are informed, undertaking to raise,
organize, and commission an army, of his own authority, and independent
of that of the government, the object of which is, to go and possess
themselves of lands which have never yet been granted by any authority,
which the government admits to be legal, and with an avowed design to
hold them by force against any power, foreign or domestic. As this will
inevitably commit our whole nation in war with the Indian nations, and
perhaps others, it cannot be permitted that all the inhabitants of the
United States shall be involved in the calamities of war, and the blood
of thousands of them be poured out, merely that a few adventurers may
possess themselves of lands: nor can a well-ordered government tolerate
such an assumption of its sovereignty by unauthorized individuals. I
send you herein the Attorney General’s opinion of what may legally be
done, with a desire that you proceed against the said O’Fallon
according to law. It is not the wish, to extend the prosecution to
other individuals, who may have given thoughtlessly in to his unlawful
proceeding. I enclose you a proclamation to this effect. But they may be
assured, that if this undertaking be prosecuted, the whole force of the
United States will be displayed to punish the transgression. I enclose
you one of O’Fallon’s commissions, signed, as is said, by himself.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient,
humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXIII.--TO THOMAS BARCLAY, May 13,1791
TO THOMAS BARCLAY.
Philadelphia, May 13,1791.
Sir,
You are appointed by the President of the United States, to go to the
court of Morocco for the purpose of obtaining from the new Emperor, a
recognition of our treaty with his father. As it is thought best that
you should go in some definite character, that of Consul has been
adopted, and you consequently receive a commission as Consul for the
United States, in the dominions of the Emperor of Morocco, which, having
been issued during the recess of the Senate, will of course expire at
the end of their next session. It has been thought best, however, not to
insert this limitation in the commission, as being unnecessary; and it
might, perhaps, embarrass. Before the end of the next session of the
Senate, it is expected the objects of your mission will be accomplished.
Lisbon being the most convenient port of correspondence between us
and Morocco, sufficient authority will be given to Colonel Humphreys,
resident of the United States at that place, over funds in Amsterdam,
for the objects of your mission. On him, therefore, you will draw for
the sums herein allowed, or such parts of them as shall be necessary. To
that port, too, you had better proceed in the first vessel which shall
be going there, as it is expected you will get a ready passage from
thence to Morocco.
On your arrival at Morocco, sound your ground, and know how things stand
at present. Your former voyage there, having put you in possession of
the characters through whom this may be done, who may best be used for
approaching the Emperor and effecting your purpose, you are left to use
your own knowledge to the best advantage.
The object being merely to obtain an acknowledgment of the treaty, we
rely that you will be able to do this, giving very moderate presents.
As the amount of these will be drawn into precedent on future similar
repetitions of them, it becomes important. Our distance, our seclusion
from the ancient world, its politics, and usages, our agricultural
occupations and habits, our poverty, and lastly, our determination to
prefer war in all cases to tribute under any form, and to any people
whatever, will furnish you with topics for opposing and refusing high
or dishonoring pretensions; to which may be added, the advantages their
people will derive from our commerce, and their sovereign, from the
duties laid on whatever we extract from that country.
Keep us regularly informed of your proceedings and progress, by
writing by every possible occasion, detailing to us particularly your
conferences, either private or public, and the persons with whom they
are held.
We think that Francisco Chiappe has merited well of the United States,
by his care of their peace and interests. He has sent an account
of disbursements for us, amounting to three hundred and ninety-four
dollars. Do not recognise the account, because we are unwilling, by
doing that, to give him a color for presenting larger ones hereafter,
for expenses which it is impossible for us to scrutinize or control. Let
him understand, that our laws oppose the application of public money so
informally; but in your presents, treat him handsomely, so as not only
to cover this demand, but go beyond it with a liberality which may
fix him deeply in our interests. The place he holds near the Emperor,
renders his friendship peculiarly important. Let us have nothing further
to do with his brothers, or any other person. The money, which would
make one good friend, divided among several, will produce no attachment.
The Emperor has intimated that he expects an ambassador from us. Let him
understand, that this may be a custom of the old world, but it is not
ours; that we never sent an ambassador to any nation.
You are to be allowed, from the day of your departure till your return,
one hundred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-six cents and two thirds, a
month, for your time and expenses, adding thereto your passage money and
sea-stores going and coming.
Remain in your post till the first of April next, and as much longer as
shall be necessary to accomplish the objects of your mission, unless you
should receive instructions from hence to the contrary.
With your commission, you will receive a letter to the Emperor of
Morocco, a cipher, and a letter to Colonel Humphreys.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
_A private Instruction which Mr. Barclay is to carry in his memory and
not on paper, lest it should come into improper hands_.
We rely that you will obtain the friendship of the new Emperor, and his
assurances that the treaty shall be faithfully observed, with as little
expense as possible. But the sum of ten thousand dollars is fixed as the
limit which all your donations together are not to exceed.
May 13, 1791.
[Letter from the President to the Emperor of Morocco, referred to in the
letter to Mr Barclay.]
Great and Magnanimous Friend,
Separated by an immense ocean from the more ancient nations of the
earth, and little connected with their politics or proceedings, we are
late in learning the events which take place among them, and later in
conveying to them our sentiments thereon.
The death of the late Emperor, your father and our friend, of glorious
memory, is one of those events which, though distant, attracts our
notice and concern. Receive, great and good friend, my sincere sympathy
with you on that loss; and permit me, at the same time, to express the
satisfaction with which I learn the accession of so worthy a successor
to the imperial throne of Morocco, and to offer you the homage of my
sincere congratulations. May the days of your Majesty’s life be many
and glorious, and may they ever mark the era during which a great people
shall have been most prosperous and happy, under the best and happiest
of sovereigns.
The late Emperor, very soon after the establishment of our infant
nation, manifested his royal regard and amity to us by many friendly
and generous acts, and particularly by the protection of our citizens
in their commerce with his subjects. And as a further instance of his
desire to promote our prosperity and intercourse with his realms, he
entered into a treaty of amity and commerce with us, for himself and his
successors, to continue fifty years. The justice and magnanimity of your
Majesty, leave us full confidence that the treaty will meet your royal
patronage also; and it will give me great satisfaction to be assured,
that the citizens of the United States of America may expect from your
imperial Majesty the same protection and kindness, which the example of
your illustrious father has taught them to expect from those who occupy
the throne of Morocco, and to have your royal word, that they may count
on a due observance of the treaty which cements the two nations in
friendship.
This will be delivered to your Majesty by our faithful citizen, Thomas
Barclay, whom I name Consul for these United States in the dominions of
your Majesty, and who, to the integrity and knowledge qualifying him
for that office, unites the peculiar advantage of having been the agent,
through whom our treaty with the late Emperor was received. I pray
your Majesty to protect him in the exercise of his functions for the
patronage of the commerce between our two countries, and of those who
carry it on.
May that God, whom we both adore, bless your imperial Majesty with long
life, health, and success, and have you always, great and magnanimous
friend, under his holy keeping.
Written at Philadelphia, the thirty-first day of March, in the fifteenth
year of our sovereignty and independence, from your good and faithful
friend, George Washington.
By the President.
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXIV.--TO FULWAR SKIPWITH, May 13,1791
TO FULWAR SKIPWITH.
Philadelphia, May 13,1791.
Sir,
You will readily conceive, that the union of domestic with the foreign
affairs under the department of State, brings on the head of this
department such incessant calls, not admitting delay, as oblige him to
postpone whatever will bear postponing: hence, though it is important
that I should continue to receive, from time to time, regular
information from you of whatever occurs within your notice, interesting
to the United States, yet it is not in my power to acknowledge the
receipt of your letters, regularly as they come. I mention this
circumstance, that you may ascribe the delay of acknowledgment to the
real cause, and that it may not produce any relaxation on your part
in making all those communications which it is important should be
received, and which govern our proceedings, though it is not in my power
to note it to you specially.
I had hoped that Congress, at their last session, would have passed
a bill for regulating the functions of Consuls. Such an one was laid
before them, but there being a considerable difference of opinion as to
some of its parts, it was finally lost by the shortness of the session,
which the constitution had limited to the 3rd of March. It will be taken
up again at the ensuing session of October next: in the mean time, you
will be pleased to govern yourself by the instructions already given.
In general, our affairs are proceeding in a train of unparalleled
prosperity. This arises from the real improvements of our government;
from the unbounded confidence reposed in it by the people, their zeal to
support it, and their conviction that a solid union is the best rock
of their safety; from the favorable seasons which, for some years past,
have co-operated with a fertile soil and genial climate to increase the
productions of agriculture; and from the growth of industry, economy,
and domestic manufactures. So that I believe I may say, with truth, that
there is not a nation under the sun enjoying more present prosperity,
nor with more in prospect.
The Indians on our frontier, indeed, still continue to cut off
straggling individuals or families falling in their way. An expedition
against them the last summer was less successful than there was reason
to expect; we lost in it about one hundred men. The operations of the
present summer will more probably bring them to peace, which is all
we desire of them, it having been a leading object of our present
government to guaranty them in their present possessions, and to protect
their persons with the same fidelity which is extended to its own
citizens. We ask nothing of them but that they will accept our peace,
friendship, and services; and we hope soon to make them sensible of
this, in spite of the incitements against us, which they have been so
much the dupes of. This is the general state of our affairs at present,
as faithfully as I am able to give it.
Your favors of August the 30th, September the 18th, October the 10th,
and February the 10th, have been duly received. Particular reasons
render it improper to press a formal acknowledgment of our Consuls in
the French colonies: for this purpose we must wait till circumstances
shall render it less inconvenient to their government. In the mean
time, as to every thing essential, the same attention will be paid
to yourself, your representations, and applications, as if you were
formally acknowledged. I am to recommend to you, in the strongest
terms, not to intermeddle in the least, by word or deed, in the internal
disputes of the colony, or those with the mother country: consider this
as a family affair, with which we have neither the right nor the wish to
intermeddle. We shall expect, however, narratives of them from time to
time.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXV.--TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, May 16, 1791
TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.
Philadelphia, May 16, 1791.
Sir,
Mr. Swanwick informs me, that the house of Morris, Willing, and Swanwick
have suffered a very considerable loss in the port of St. Andero, by an
abuse of office, in having a cargo of corn thrown overboard, as being
bad, when it was in fact perfectly good. I know that in some countries
of Europe it is often difficult to obtain justice against persons
protected by court favor. In this, as in all other instances where our
citizens shall have occasion to seek justice in the country of your
residence, I would wish you to interfere just so far, as by the
influence of your character to counterbalance the undue protection of
their opponents, so as that equal and impartial justice may be done
them.
The regulation by which they suffer, in the present instance, is, in its
nature, extremely susceptible of abuse, and prevails, as I am told, only
in the ports of the Bay of Biscay. The patronage of our commerce being
the chief object of our diplomatic establishments abroad, you would
render that an essential service could you obtain a repeal of this
regulation, or an impartial exercise of it, if the repeal cannot be
obtained; and in any event a permission to re-export a cargo of grain
condemned.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant,
Th: Jefferson.
LETTER LXVI.--TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS, July 13,1791
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Philadelphia, July 13,1791.
Sir,