PRIVATE NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE BRITISH.
Brilliant and signal as had been the feats of these Vermonters with
the sword, not less so were their acts of diplomacy. One can but be
impressed with the spectacle of a handful of men accomplishing by
policy what they could never have done by power--for years keeping
at bay an army of British troops 10,000 strong, hovering over and in
readiness to swoop down and devastate their exposed and unprotected
frontier, at the same time the people were permitted to go on
unconcernedly about their harvest.
The claims to independence on the part of Vermont were still
unacknowledged by Congress, and New York was still importunate and
vexatious. The British generals in America endeavored to turn these
circumstances to their own account, by detaching Vermont from the cause
of the Colonies, and making it a British province. The first intimation
that the people of Vermont had of this circumstance was conveyed in
a letter from Colonel Beverly Robinson, dated New York, Mar. 30th,
1780, and delivered to Colonel Ethan Allen in the street at Arlington
in July. Allen communicated the contents of the letter to Governor
Chittenden and some others, but returned no answer.
Meantime, the village of Royalton had been sacked and burned by a
party of three hundred Indians under a British officer, four of the
inhabitants killed, and twenty-five taken prisoners. It was arranged
that the Governor should address a communication to General Haldimand,
then commanding in Canada, proposing a cartel for the exchange of
prisoners,--the letter to be sent under a flag to the enemy’s lines. In
October, the British appeared in great force on the lake; such was the
alarm that the Legislature, then in session at Bennington, adjourned,
many of the members taking arms and hastening to the frontiers.
In a few days Colonel Ethan Allen received a flag from Carleton, with
an answer to Governor Chittenden’s letter respecting the cartel. With
it was enclosed a proposition for a truce with Vermont. Allen agreed
to the proposal on condition that the frontiers of Vermont should
include the territory to the Hudson River. This truce, however, was
not publicly known; the militia were immediately disbanded and allowed
to return home. The militia of New York were also on their frontiers;
not being in the secret, they were surprised to see the Vermont troops
returning home, and still more to learn that the British were retiring
to Canada.
In February, 1781, Colonel Robinson wrote again to Ethan Allen,
enclosing a copy of the former letter. He was induced to make another
trial, he said, “especially as I can now write with more authority,
and assure you, that you may obtain the terms mentioned in the above
letter, provided you and the people of Vermont take a decisive and
active part with us.”
Allen returned no answer to either of these letters, but enclosed
them both in a communication to Congress. In that letter he says: “I
am confident that Congress will not dispute my sincere attachment to
my country, though I do not hesitate to say I am fully grounded in
opinion that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree on terms of
a cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, provided the United
States persist in rejecting her application for a union with them;
for Vermont, of all people, would be most miserable, were she obliged
to defend the independence of the United States, and they at the same
time at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of Vermont.
I am as resolutely determined to defend the independence of Vermont,
as Congress that of the United States, and rather than fail, will
retire with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns of
the mountains, and wage war with the devil, hell, and human nature
at large.” This somewhat forcible language was excusable under the
circumstances.
Early in that year, Vermont, by a vote of her Legislature, adopted the
policy of the States of New York, Massachusetts and New Hampshire, that
had been laying claim to the territory of the Grants, and put in her
claim of jurisdiction over a large part of each of those States. Thus
Vermont was turning the weapons of her antagonists upon themselves.
Numbers of representatives from the annexed districts took their seats
in the Vermont assembly. At the time of extending her claims, she
passed an act of general amnesty; this liberal and wise act of lenity
had the desired effect.
The State of Vermont was at this time in a forlorn condition; torn by
intestine divisions and the intrigues of her enemies in Congress: all
the cannons, nay, every spade and pickaxe taken by her valiant sons
at Ticonderoga and Crown Point were removed out of the State to Fort
George; Colonel Warner’s regiment, raised in and for the protection
of Vermont, was put into Continental service, and stationed to defend
the frontiers of New York, not half so much exposed as Vermont; at the
same time New York had recalled her State troops from Skenesborough,
while an enemy, by coming up Lake Champlain, might land within a day’s
march of hundreds of inhabitants who were remaining on their farms.
Congress had interfered with the internal policy of Vermont, by cutting
off her ways and means of raising money and men for self defense by
the following: “Resolved, unanimously, that in the opinion of this
body, no unappropriated lands or estates, which are or may be adjudged
forfeited, or confiscated, lying in said district [Vermont], ought,
until the final decision of Congress in the premises, be granted or
sold.” We transcribe, on this topic, the words of Ira Allen:
“Thus left, as she had reason to suppose, by the intrigues of those who
claimed and coveted her fertile soil, to be a prey to the common enemy,
similar to the fate of their brethren, descendants from Connecticut,
who settled at Wyoming and Susquehanna, and were mostly killed by a
party of Indians; their towns and villages burned, and their country
depopulated (supposed to be through the intrigues of land-jobbers),
which has since become a prey to the Pennsylvania claimants, a junto
similar to the New York monopolists, who were then taking every measure
that the malignancy and avarice of human nature could suggest, for the
destruction of the people of Vermont.” That there was some foundation
for this explanation of the Wyoming massacre, is made only too apparent
by subsequent events.
In April, 1781, Colonel Ira Allen was commissioned to settle a cartel
with the British in Canada for the exchange of prisoners, and also to
procure an armistice between the British forces and Vermont. This was
thought well-nigh impracticable, as the British troops numbered 10,000
effective men, which must remain inactive, not being able to annoy
other States without first annoying Vermont, while the latter had only
7,000 men as an offset. But an armistice must be had, or the frontiers
evacuated until assistance could come from the States whose influence
had rendered Vermont defenseless.
Allen arrived at Isle Aux Noix in due time, and was accorded apartments
by Major Dundas, the officer in charge. At a convenient time Allen
observed that Congress was endeavoring to bring Vermont into subjection
to New York, but that they, rather than yield, would see Congress
subjected to the British government, provided that Vermont could be a
distinct colony under the Crown on safe and honorable terms; and that
the people were not disposed longer to assist a government which might
subject them and their posterity to New York, under which they could
never be safe in person or property.
The replication to these observations was, that the territory of
Vermont could be a colony under the Crown, with privileges equal to
those enjoyed by any other colony, and that those who assisted in
effecting such an event, would be duly honored and rewarded. Much
conversation passed on the subject, of which General Haldimand was duly
informed. Nothing decisive was accomplished, but the negotiation caused
the army to remain inactive, which was a matter of congratulation to
Allen.
The cartel was completed, and a verbal agreement entered into that
hostilities should cease between Great Britain and those under the
jurisdiction of Vermont, until after the sitting of the Legislature
of that state. On Colonel Allen’s return several influential people
waited on him, desiring to be advised whether to remain or remove to
the interior portions of the country. Allen told them to remain quiet
on their farms, and not think it strange though they had no army to
protect the frontier; and that should any event make it necessary, for
the safety of their families, to move, they might depend on seasonable
information. This immunity of Vermont from the aggressions of the
British, led the people on the borders to be all the more anxious to be
annexed to her territory, as a measure of safety to their families
and to their property.
[Illustration: First Church in Vermont.]
Grave suspicions having become rife that negotiations were being
carried on between Vermont and the British in Canada, several men of
discernment among the Whigs were sent from Vermont and the neighboring
States to attend the sessions of the Legislature, to watch if there
might be measures pursuing which would be eventually injurious to the
common cause of the United States.
On the other hand, the British in Canada were anxious to know whether
Allen and his friends would be faithful, and so conduct matters as to
justify a cessation of hostilities. With these objects in view, their
representatives attended the sessions; as the Assembly convened in the
meeting house the spectators took seats in the galleries.
In a few days both houses joined in a committee to consider the subject
of Ira Allen’s mission to Canada. The Governor proceeded to state the
facts of the settlement of the cartel, and that if further particulars
were desired, Colonel Allen was then present and could best inform
them. On being requested to speak, Allen made his statement, which
showed the British had exhibited great generosity in the transaction;
and after stating sundry things, concluded with the remark that if any
member, or auditor in the gallery, wished to ask further questions, he
was ready to answer them.
Those who were in the interest of the United States paid their
compliments to Allen for his open and candid conduct. In the evening he
had a conference with the Canadian spectators, who seemed to be equally
well pleased.
In July, Ethan Allen was informed by one of his neighbors that some of
his friends from Canada wished to speak with him in the dusk of the
evening of that day. At the time appointed, Allen, with only his cane
in hand, cheerfully went to a British guard under arms, and received
a packet. In the evening of the following day he met them again and
returned an answer. This mode of correspondence was continued; and
whenever dispatches came in this way, General Ethan Allen or Colonel
Ira Allen (they lived in the same house) went and received them and
returned an answer, not trusting the dispatches to any other person.
It is worthy of remark that Sunderland, their place of residence, was
more than sixty miles from the frontiers, yet a sergeant and guard
frequently passed with their arms in 1781 and 1782, without being
discovered by any one who would inform against them.
About this time there appeared in the newspapers of the day a letter
from Lord George Germain to Sir Henry Clinton, dated Whitehall, Feb.
7th, 1781, which letter had been captured by the French and carried
to Paris, from whence it had been forwarded to Congress, and by them
ordered to be printed. It ran thus:
“The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance is an event
of the utmost importance to the King’s affairs; and at this time, if
the French and Washington really meditate an irruption into Canada,
may be considered as opposing an effectual barrier to the attempt.
General Haldimand, who has the same instructions with you to draw over
those people, and give them support, will, I doubt not, push up a body
of troops to act in conjunction with them, to secure all the avenues
through their country into Canada; and when the season admits, take
possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut Rivers, and
cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. How
far they may be able to extend themselves southward or eastward must
depend on their numbers, and the disposition of the inhabitants.”
This letter had greater influence on Congress than all other
considerations that had yet been brought to bear; and that body
promptly directed that a committee be appointed to confer with a like
committee from Vermont, “on what terms it may be proper to admit
Vermont into a federal union of these States.”
Accordingly, Vermont sent on her committee; while they were in
Philadelphia they procured a copy of a letter from the Governor of New
Hampshire to the President of Congress, stating that his State could
not furnish its quota of men or money in support of the war, as a third
part of the State had revolted and joined Vermont. This draft Allen
transmitted to the British Commissioners at Skenesborough, who laughed
heartily with the Vermont committee.
Those who are disposed to regard this action of Allen and his
associates as inimical to the cause of American Independence, will do
well to consider that the effect was to neutralize the strength of
10,000 British troops as opposed to a like number from Vermont; the
final result to the cause would be the same as though both forces took
the field and slaughtered each other, with the advantage to Vermont
that she was saved from being overrun by a devastating army.
Meanwhile the British Commissioners were becoming impatient. They
stated as their instructions, which they were not at liberty to
deviate from without putting an end to the armistice, that his
Excellency, General Haldimand, in pursuance of full powers vested in
him by his Majesty, should issue his proclamation offering to confirm
Vermont as a colony under the Crown, provided the people would return
to their allegiance; that an army should come up the Lake in October
with said proclamation, and the Legislature must accept the same, and
with the British take measures for their common defense.
This was a sore strait for perplexed Vermont diplomats. It was deemed
best, however, to have the proclamations brought up the Lake rather
than incur the risk of a discontinuance of the armistice, in the
present defenseless state of the frontier.
The Legislature met at Charlestown early in October, and about the same
time a powerful British army under St. Leger was landed at Ticonderoga.
A skirmish having occurred between a party of Vermonters under command
of Sergeant Tupper and a number of the enemy, the Sergeant was killed
and his men retreated. St. Leger sent his clothes and effects, with
an open letter, to General Enos, informing him of the fate of the
Sergeant, and apologizing for his death. This dispatch and the apparel
were publicly delivered to General Enos, which made no little noise
among the troops.
The preceding negotiations were not known to more than a dozen men
in Vermont. An express came in with letters for Governor Chittenden,
announcing the arrival of the British at Ticonderoga, in which were
blended public matters and private negotiations. The messenger had
not failed to proclaim the extraordinary message of St. Leger, which
occasioned large crowds to follow, to hear the news. On opening the
letters the Governor saw it was not prudent to have them publicly read.
At this confused moment Major Runnals came running in and demanded
of Colonel Allen the reason why St. Leger was sorry the Sergeant
was killed? Allen replied he could not tell. Runnals repeated the
question, to which Allen then made an evasive answer. This enraged
Runnals, who again loudly demanded what reasons could possibly induce
a British general to be sorry when his enemies were killed? Allen
retorted with some warmth by advising Runnals to go at the head of his
regiment and demand of St. Leger the reasons for his sorrow, and not
stay there eating up the country’s provisions and doing nothing while
the frontiers were invaded. This manœuvre drew all attention, for the
moment, from the letters. Meanwhile new ones were made out which were
read in place of the originals for the satisfaction of the people.
The crisis is approaching, yet the leaders in the stirring drama are
not dismayed. A communication from Allen to the British announces that
matters are going on propitiously for their designs, but in view of
unfavorable reports direct from the seat of war, suggested it would
hardly be expedient to publish the proclamation just then. In less
than an hour after this communication reached Ticonderoga, an express
arrived there with the news of the capture of Cornwallis and his
entire army. Before night the British had embarked all their troops
and stores, and had set sail with all haste for Canada. Thus were
the Vermont diplomatists relieved, at the last moment, from their
embarrassment and danger; and thus were the frontiers of that State
preserved from the horrors of war by the sagacity and daring of a few
determined men.