EXPEDITION INTO CANADA.
Although these dashing exploits met with the unqualified approval
of public sentiment throughout the country, yet Congress for a
time wavered as to the disposition of the captured fortresses. An
endorsement of those victories by that body would destroy all chances
of an ultimate reconciliation with England, of which some entertained
strong hopes; others thought the day for a peaceable settlement had
passed, and insisted that those victories should be followed by
energetic action. The Green Mountain Boys kept possession of the forts
until Congress had, so to speak, legitimated their capture, and by its
order, Colonel Hinman’s regiment of Connecticut troops was dispatched
to relieve them.
Another question had arisen as to which should have the credit of
capturing the posts, Allen or Arnold. Both had sent dispatches to
the provincial authorities, with an account of the capture, each
claiming the honor of victory. “Colonel Allen,” wrote Arnold to the
Massachusetts committee of safety, “is a proper man to head his own
wild people, but is entirely unacquainted with military service; and as
I am the only person who has been legally authorized to take command
of this place, I am determined to insist on my rights, ... and shall
keep the fort at every hazard, until I have further orders.” The
Massachusetts authorities referred the matter to Congress.
Allen had written to the Albany committee for men and provisions to
enable him to maintain his conquest. That committee feared retaliatory
measures from Great Britain, and asked advice of the New York
committee; but that body was also unequal to the task of acting in a
matter of such moment, and referred likewise to Congress.
Both Allen and Arnold were ambitious for further laurels, and each were
anxious to lead an expedition into Canada. Allen wrote to the New York
authorities in this strain: “If the Colonies would suddenly push an
army of two or three thousand strong into Canada, they might make an
easy conquest, except a reinforcement from England should prevent it.
Such a diversion would weaken Gage, and insure us Canada. I wish to
God America would, at this critical juncture, exert herself agreeably
to the indignity offered her by a tyrannical ministry. She might rise
on eagles’ wings, and mount up to glory, freedom and immortal honor,
if she did but know and exert her strength. Fame is now hovering
over her head. A vast continent must now sink to slavery, poverty,
horror and bondage, or rise to unconquerable freedom, immense wealth,
inexpressible felicity, and immortal fame. I will lay my life on it,
that with fifteen hundred men and a proper train of artillery I will
take Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished, and if an army
could command the field, it would be no insuperable difficulty to
take Quebec.” A letter in similar strain was written by Arnold to the
Governor of Connecticut.
About this time Captain Remember Baker was killed by an Indian in
the British service. This being the first blood shed in the northern
department, his death made more noise in the country than would the
loss of a hundred men toward the close of the war.
On the arrival, at Ticonderoga, of Colonel Hinman’s Connecticut troops,
the greater part of the Green Mountain Boys returned to their homes.
Ethan Allen and Seth Warner repaired to Congress to get pay for their
men, and to solicit authority to raise a new regiment. They were
received with distinguished marks of honor by that body. The same pay
was awarded them that was given to the Continental troops; and it was
recommended to the New York Convention that a corps of Green Mountain
Boys should be raised to serve under officers of their own choosing.
To the Convention of New York Allen and Warner accordingly
repaired--the province on whose statute books was recorded an
unrepealed act of outlawry against them--and boldly asked for an
audience. There was at first some demurring as to their admission to
the Hall of Assembly; but patriotism, and an overruling necessity,
plead in their behalf. A regiment of Green Mountain Boys, five hundred
strong, was decreed, and the people of the Grants were notified of the
resolve, and requested to raise the regiment.
Congress was not at first inclined to favor an invasion into Canada,
but subsequent developments induced a change in its plans. The recent
exploits on the Lake had produced a favorable effect on the Canadians,
and it was thought they would flock to the patriot standard were it
unfurled among them with an imposing force. Besides, another effectual
blow in this quarter might paralyze all hostility, if given before
there had been time to rally.
That body thought General Schuyler a fit leader for the undertaking,
in which sentiment it was heartily seconded by Washington. Schuyler at
once set about his duties amid difficulties that well-nigh distracted
him. He had calculated on being joined at a certain date by the
regiment of Green Mountain Boys which Allen and Warner had undertaken
to raise in the Grants. But a quarrel had ensued between those brothers
in arms, which filled the Green Mountains with discord and party feuds.
The election of officers took place on the 27th of July, by committees
from the different townships. Ethan Allen had been passed by, and
Seth Warner nominated a Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment. This was
a crushing blow to the ambition of Allen. He said in his letters from
camp: “I find myself in the favor of the officers of the army, and
the younger Green Mountain Boys; but the old farmers on the Hampshire
Grants, who do not incline to go to war, and whom I have saved from
the encroachments of New York, have met in a committee meeting,
and in their nominations have wholly omitted me.” Allen repaired to
Ticonderoga, where he was retained to act as pioneer on the Canadian
frontier.
The expedition against Canada had been determined on. Arnold, more
fortunate that his rival, had attained the object of his ambition,
which was no less than the command of a force against Canada: he was to
proceed by way of the Kennebec River.
At the beginning of September, Gen. Schuyler, who commanded the main
expedition, was stationed with his little army at Isle Aux Noix, at
the outlet of Lake Champlain. From this point he sent out Colonel
Ethan Allen and Major Brown to reconnoitre the country, distribute
friendly addresses among the people, and ascertain their feelings. Then
proceeding along the Sorel River, he approached the fort at St. Johns,
when a cannonade opened, and a slight action ensued. Night coming on,
they cast up a small intrenchment and encamped. Owing to unfavorable
intelligence they withdrew to Isle Aux Noix to await the arrival of
artillery and reinforcements.
Meanwhile, Allen returned from his reconnoitering expedition, of which
he gave a most encouraging report. The Canadian captains of the militia
were ready, he said, to join the Americans whenever they should appear
with sufficient force. He had held talks, too, with the Indians, and
found them well disposed. He was convinced that an inroad into the
province would meet with a hearty cooperation.
Preparations were made for a second investment of St. Johns, and Ethan
Allen was sent to beat up for recruits among the people he had lately
visited, while Major Brown was dispatched with one hundred and thirty
men to make friends in the vicinity of Chamblee, and form a junction
with the army as soon as it should arrive at St. Johns.
General Schuyler had been for some time the victim of a complication
of maladies. When everything was in readiness for his departure, he
was attacked by a severe access of his disorder, which compelled him to
turn over the conduct of the expedition to General Richard Montgomery.
He then set out in a covered barge for Ticonderoga. An hour after
his departure he met Colonel Warner with one hundred and fifty Green
Mountain Boys, the first that had reported of the new regiment. Some
had deserted, and the remainder were at Crown Point, whence they were
about to embark. About three hundred of the regiment finally joined the
expedition.
The investment of St. Johns was begun, yet it proceeded but slowly. A
letter had been received, meantime, from Colonel Allen, giving high
hopes of further reinforcement. “I am now,” wrote he, “at the parish
of St. Ours, four leagues from Sorel to the South. I have two hundred
and fifty Canadians under arms. As I march they gather fast. You may
rely on it that I shall join you in about three days with five hundred
or more Canadian Volunteers. I could raise one or two thousand in a
single week’s time; but I will first visit the army with a less number,
and if necessary, go again recruiting. Those who used to be enemies to
our cause come, cap in hand, to me; and I swear by the Lord I can raise
three times the number of our army in Canada, provided you continue the
siege. The eyes of all America, nay of Europe, are or will be on the
economy of this army, and the consequences attending it.”
Colonel Ethan Allen was on his way to St. Johns when he met Major
Brown with his detachment. A conversation ensued, during which Brown
remarked that the garrison at Montreal did not exceed thirty men, and
might easily be surprised. Allen’s nature was instantly aroused. Here
was an opportunity for another bold stroke like that at Ticonderoga. A
plan was forthwith agreed upon. Allen was to return to a point nearly
opposite Montreal, and cross the river, by means of canoes, a little
below the town in the night; while Brown agreed to cross with two
hundred men a little above; and the two detachments were to attack
Montreal simultaneously at opposite points.
The two parties, who were several miles from each other, mutually
agreed that in the event of either being hindered from coming at the
time appointed, early notice should be given to the other. The night
proved windy, and Brown, judging it dangerous to attempt crossing the
river in canoes, went quietly to rest. Allen, apprehending no danger
from the wind, on the night of the 24th of September sent the few
canoes in his possession repeatedly across the river, first taking
the precaution of stationing guards in the roads to prevent any alarm
reaching Montreal. As he had heard nothing to the contrary from Brown,
he supposed that officer to be carrying out his part of the enterprise.
The day advanced, but no signal came from Major Brown. It was evident
he had not crossed. Allen would gladly have retraced the steps he had
taken, but it was too late. Information had been conveyed to the town,
and a force of forty regular troops were sent out to attack him. A
smart action ensued; most of Allen’s Canadian recruits gave way and
fled; a number of Americans were slain; at last he surrendered to Major
Campbell, honorable terms being promised, together with thirty-eight of
his men who remained faithful to him.
The prisoners were marched into town and delivered up to Colonel
Prescott, the Commandant. Their rough appearance and rude equipments
became the subject of much adverse comment. “Their leader,” says
Irving, “albeit a Colonel, must have seemed worthy of the band; for
Allen was arrayed in rough frontier style; a deer-skin jacket, a vest
and breeches of coarse serge, worsted stockings, stout shoes, and a red
woolen cap.” We give Allen’s own account of the reception he met with:
“He [the Commandant] asked me my name, which I told him. He then asked
me whether I was that Colonel Allen that took Ticonderoga. I told him
I was the very man. Then he shook his cane over my head, calling me
many hard names, among which he frequently used the word rebel, and put
himself in a great rage.”
Notwithstanding Major Campbell’s promise of honorable treatment of
his prisoners, Allen was put on board the Gaspé schooner of war, and
heavily ironed--Prescott giving him the parting assurance that he would
yet grace a halter at Tyburn. From his place of confinement he wrote
the subjoined letter to the General:
“HONORABLE SIR:--In the wheel of transitory events I find myself a
prisoner, and in irons. Probably your honor has certain reasons to me
inconceivable, though I challenge an instance of this sort of economy
of the Americans during the late war to any officers of the Crown.
On my part, I have to assure your honor, that when I had the command
and took Captain Delaplace and Lieutenant Fulton, with the garrison
of Ticonderoga, I treated them with every mark of friendship and
generosity, the evidence of which is notorious, even in Canada. I have
only to add, that I expect an honorable and humane treatment, as an
officer of my rank and merit should bear, and subscribe myself, your
honor’s most obedient servant,
ETHAN ALLEN.”
The following is appended by the British annotator: “N. B.--The author
of the above letter is an outlaw, and a reward is offered by the New
York Assembly for apprehending him.”
After the prisoners had been conducted into Montreal, General
Prescott gave orders to a sergeant and file of men, to put to death
some Canadians who had been taken in arms with Colonel Allen. They
forthwith went, with bayonets fixed, to execute their commission.
Allen, understanding their purpose, stepped between them and the
Canadians, and told the guard to thrust him with their bayonets if
they must shed human blood, but to spare the Canadians who deserved
no censure, as what they had done was in obedience to his orders. The
guards hesitated, and Prescott being consulted, that officer revoked
the order.[E]
During Allen’s imprisonment he was confined on board a man-of-war,
commanded by Captain Littlejohn, who exercised much clemency towards
his prisoner, and removed his irons except when military officers came
on board. A dispute arose between the Captain and an officer, resulting
in arrangements for a duel. The Captain requested Allen to serve as his
friend. The latter replied “if it was consistent with his situation
he would do himself the honor.” The Captain answered that “he could
change his dress, and go on shore in disguise, and no questions would
be asked.” The parties went ashore, but by the interposition of friends
the dispute was settled.
At a later period, Colonel Allen was put on board a ship under command
of Captain Smith. He was heavily ironed, and confined in the most
dreary part of the vessel. When fairly out to sea, Captain Smith
ordered Allen’s irons taken off, and requested him to eat at his own
table while he remained on shipboard. The Colonel came from his dark
abode and thanked the Captain for his generous conduct, remarking “he
did not know it would ever be in his power to return the compliment.”
That officer replied--“gentlemen did not know when they might render
essential services to one another.”
On board was a great number of prisoners, who laid a plan to kill
Captain Smith, and run off with the ship. When the project was ripe for
execution, Allen was led into the secret. He firmly told them if they
murdered Captain Smith they must also murder him, at which they were
greatly alarmed. He quieted their fears by saying, “drop your plans,
and I will be as faithful to you as I have been to Captain Smith.” Here
the matter ended, and the Captain never knew of his danger, nor of the
service of his grateful friend.
Information had been received by Gen. Washington of the indignities
heaped upon Colonel Allen, captured by Prescott when Commandant at
Montreal, and who was now, himself, a prisoner in the hands of the
Americans. Washington wrote to General Howe to the following import:
“Sir:--We have just been informed of a circumstance, which, were it
not so well authenticated, I should scarcely think credible. It is
that Colonel Allen, who, with his small party, was defeated and made
prisoner near Montreal, has been treated without regard to decency,
humanity, or the rules of war; that he has been thrown into irons, and
suffers all the hardships inflicted upon common felons.
“I think it is my duty, sir, to demand, and do expect from you, an
eclaircissement on this subject. At the same time, I flatter myself,
from the character which Mr. Howe bears as a man of honor, gentleman
and soldier, that my demand will meet with his approbation. I must
take the liberty, also, of informing you that I shall consider your
silence as a confirmation of the report, and further assuring you, that
whatever treatment Colonel Allen receives, whatever fate he undergoes,
such exactly shall be the fate of Brigadier Prescott, now in our hands.
The law of retaliation is not only justifiable in the eyes of God and
man but absolutely a duty.”
Washington observed in a letter to Congress: “My reason for pointing
out Prescott as the object who is to suffer for Allen’s fate, is
that I am given to understand that Prescott is the cause of Allen’s
sufferings. I thought best to be decisive on the occasion, as did the
generals whom I consulted thereon.”
Shortly afterwards, Washington received a letter from Levi Allen, a
brother to the Colonel, and of like enterprising and enthusiastic
character. It was dated from Salisbury, Connecticut, and enclosed
affidavits of the harsh treatment his brother had experienced, and of
his being confined on board of the Gaspé, “with a bar of iron fixed
to one of his legs, and iron to his hands.” Levi proposed to go to
England, where he supposed his brother was, raise a mob and set him
free, bribe the jailor, or in some way deliver him from confinement.
Washington kindly advised against Levi’s wild project. The measure of
retaliation was actually meted out to Prescott, of which Washington
spoke in his letter to Howe.
The efforts of Washington and Congress to effect the exchange of
Ethan Allen, “the brave, but eccentric captor of Ticonderoga,” were
meritorious. The daring exploits of that chieftain had cost him a world
of trouble. “Thrown into prison as a felon; threatened with a halter;
carried to England to be tried for treason; confined in Pendennis
Castle; retransported to Halifax; and now a prisoner in New York.” He
writes: “I have suffered everything short of death. I am fired with
adequate indignation to revenge both my own and my country’s wrongs.
I am experimentally certain I have fortitude sufficient to face the
invaders of America in the place of danger, spread with all the horrors
of war. Provided you can hit upon some measure to procure my liberty,
I will appropriate my remaining days, and freely hazard my life in the
service of the colony, and maintaining the American Empire. I thought
to have enrolled my name in the list of American heroes, but was nipped
in the bud.”
Allen was finally exchanged for Colonel Campbell, after three years of
captivity. Washington, in a letter recommending that something be done
for him, observes: “His gratitude and firmness seemed to have placed
him out of the reach of misfortune. There is an original something
about him that commands admiration, and his long captivity and
sufferings have only served to increase, if possible, his enthusiastic
zeal. He appears very desirous of rendering his services to the States,
and of being employed; and at the same time he does not discover any
ambition for high rank.” On the strength of this recommendation,
Congress voted Allen a brevet commission of Colonel.
Montgomery, during his campaign in Canada, retained Colonel Warner and
his regiment of Green Mountain Boys, who contributed their services to
the downfall of the strongholds of Chamblee, St. Johns, and Montreal;
having served out the time for which they had enlisted, they were
dismissed and returned home.
In 1776, soon after the death of Montgomery at the storming of Quebec,
the Hampshire Grants raised a second regiment under Colonel Warner,
which marched to Quebec, and gave essential relief to the besieging
army of that place. At the beginning of May the siege was raised in
consequence of the bad state of health of the troops, and the arrival
of reinforcements from England. General Sullivan conducted the retreat
in a masterly manner; the army arrived at Crown Point in due time, in a
deplorable state.