13. The decree so enacted had the effect_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.

procurator-general of the province of Santissimo Rosario was changed

and given to father Fray Domingo Escalera, [84] who together with

the procurator-general of the Recollects, presented a joint petition

to his Highness to deign to have the preceding writs annulled, as

they were not suitable and germane to the case, nor respectful to the

royal Audiencia and the parties [in the suit]. This was handed to the

fiscal for review, who said that, because of their joint agreement,

and moreover, because the writs were not germane to the case in the

chief point of the pending suit, greater harmony would result to the

two orders which were at law, and to the public cause, and that if

the writs were juridically annulled because of their contents, his

Highness could order the execution of what the parties petitioned,

and such decree would be valid and efficacious--an opinion however

that had no definitive result. Then in regard to the writ presented

by the Recollect procurator Father Escalera rejoined that, inasmuch

as such ministries were handed to his province by the government,

if his Highness were pleased to order that they be restored to the

plaintiff province his province was ready to do its part, and for that

purpose he renounced this copy of the proceedings, and any other, as

he had nothing to petition or plead. Therefore, in consideration of

the decrees already passed in which he considered himself as cited,

his Highness should deign to issue an order for whatever should

be his pleasure. Consequently, a decree was drawn up embodying the

ordinances that had been made in which the parties were recorded as

having been cited, as they considered themselves as cited, and the

Recollect procurator presented proofs to the effect that his province

had never renounced such ministries, but had always violently protested

against the fact of their having been despoiled thereof, in support

of which it had been prosecuting the cause in the Council. For the

Dominicans, their prior provincial, father Fray Christoval Pedroche,

answered the citation by saying that his province had held those

ministries in encomienda and trust in the name of his Majesty through

the vice-patron, and consequently, if any act of spoliation had been

committed, his province was not a party thereto, just as it was not

a party to the present proceedings. Therefore he was ready to return

them whenever his Highness so ordered; and hence he did not oppose

the claim of the Recollect fathers. In answer to their statement that

they had elected priors for those missions in all their provincial

chapters, and that therein they had no other consideration than the

service of God in those missions and the spiritual welfare of souls,

he petitioned that his province be adjudged as not a party in the

said suit, protesting moreover that he would not plead, or in any way

oppose his Highness's decision. When the parties were cited, an order

was issued by the court that with these decrees be united those which

were enacted by the master-of-camp, Don Juan de Vargas Hurtado, for

the assignment of the Zambals to the Dominican fathers. The decrees

having thus been brought together, various motions were made, in

which proceedings the Dominicans always by joint action refused to

be recognized as a party thereto. Whereupon the members of the court

having examined the proceedings after their previous examination by

the fiscal, declared, that notwithstanding the reply of the father

provincial of the Order of Preachers in which he petitioned that his

order be declared not to be a party, they maintained, as they now

maintained, that he was a legitimate party in these proceedings;

moreover that they ordered him, as they now repeated their order,

that he notify the father procurator-general of the said order to

answer to the summons within three days, and to make full return

thereto. He was also warned that if, at the expiration of said limit,

he had not done so, the royal courts would declare the proceedings

so far as taken as sufficient, and the case would be prosecuted

in them. The Dominican procurator having been cited and notified,

said that he obeyed the decree of his Highness, that he heard it,

but that there was no answer to be given, as he was not a party, as he

had already declared, and that in case that it was necessary he would

repeat the same answer of his father provincial. This occurrence took

place on November twenty-four, one thousand six hundred and ninety.

14. Thus this matter [expediente] rested until the year one thousand

seven hundred and ten, when the alférez, Nicolas Guerrero, one of the

ordinary attorneys of the royal Audiencia, presented a certificate

empowering him as the chief authorized agent of the province of San

Nicolas, to act as their attorney in the matter in hand. Thereupon,

he declared that in maintenance of the claim of the said province,

it was advisable to examine the minutes of the proceedings hitherto

conducted in the royal courts, in regard to the restitution of

their former missions of Zambales and everything pertaining to

them. Accordingly, he prayed his Highness to deign to order the

secretary to produce the said minutes, which on being given to the

said attorney, he appeared before his Highness and stated that in

accordance with the last royal order of six hundred and ninety, whereby

the other party was required to answer fully, this had not been done,

but that the party had merely referred to its former pleadings, and

that any other answer had not been made during the space of twenty

years, so that the suit had been unduly prolonged; and moreover, that

the matter having been recently investigated, his side has a paper

(which he now presents with all solemnity), namely, a private letter

from the father provincial of the Dominicans, Fray Pedro Mejorada,

[85] in reply to one from the provincial of the Recollects, Fray

Francisco de la Madre de Dios, in which he declares, that he answered

in the same manner as his province had done on former occasions; that

he would not oppose the abandoning of the said missions as he was not

a party thereto, for his province had taken these under their charge

solely in compliance with the orders of Governor Don Juan de Vargas

and Archbishop Don Phelipe Pardo; that, moreover, at the present time

when his province was so straitened through the lack of religious,

if they were not succored in that regard it would be necessary for

them to take other steps. Wherefore (he added), so far as matters have

now gone he might do what he pleased, for his province would offer no

opposition, and was prepared to give up those missions if so requested

and charged to do. In this letter, moreover, among other points, it

was inferable that his province was ready to leave the said missions

of Zambales. Therefore the attorney petitioned and prayed his Highness

to deign to have the case brought up for final trial, declaring his

client as entitled to the possession of such missions, to whom they

should therefore be restored. Thereupon the judges decided that the

measures so far taken together with that letter should be acted upon;

that the trial should be proceeded with without prejudice to whatever

had already been decided, and that all the papers in the case be

handed over to the fiscal of this royal Audiencia, for his opinion

(within three days) of what steps it was advisable to take. Thereupon,

for reasons given, the latter replied that what had been advised by

the fiscal of the royal and supreme Council ought to be carried out,

and hence a similar order might issue from this royal Audiencia,

with notice to the reverend fathers provincial, parties in interest,

that so far as concerned their spiritual care the natives might be

relieved promptly. In accordance with this, the judges ordered that all

parties should proceed to the chamber for final sentence. Thereupon

their decision was that the reverend fathers provincial should be

apprised of the sentence as given in this cause for their judgment in

the exercise of their rights; and that whether they assented or not,

they should appear to hear the decision to be given.

15. The parties being notified, and a report of the proceedings having

been proclaimed, sentence was then given as follows: "In the city of

Manila, October twenty-two, one thousand seven hundred and twelve:

The president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of

these islands assembled in the royal courts thereof, having examined

in relation the proceedings prosecuted on the part of the Recollect

province and religious of San Nicolas de Tolentino of these islands,

against the province of Santo Rosario and the religious of St. Dominic

in regard to the restitution of the spiritual administration of

the natives of the province of Zambales, hereupon declared that they

ought to restore--and they hereby have restored--to the said Recollect

province, and religious of San Nicolas of these islands the spiritual

administration of the natives of Zambales, in the same manner as they

held it at the time when the very reverend and devout father provincial

of the said order, Fray Joseph de San Nicolas de Tolentino, resigned,

handed over, and separated them from his administration in the former

year one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. In consequence whereof

they moreover ordered--and they have so ordered--that there be made

out in due form for the party of the said Order of San Nicolas a

warrant to that effect. Thus was it decreed, ordered, and subscribed

to in the presence of his Majesty's fiscal.

Doctor Torralva

Licentiate Villa

The Fiscal"

In the presence of Antonio de Yepes y Arce, notary-public. Their

decision was heard and obeyed promptly by the party to the suit, and

proper warrants having been received, the spiritual administration of

the Zambals was peacefully restored to the province of San Nicolas

of the Augustinian Recollects. Perhaps the very reverend father

chronicler, Fray Domingo Collantes, [86] did not have at hand these

original documents when he penned the fourth part of the chronicles of

his province of Santissimo Rosario which has been recently published;

and this must be the reason for the so great diversity in the [story

of the] restoration of Zambales, and for the minuteness with which

it is discussed here.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The documents in this volume are obtained from the following sources:

1. Jesuit letters.--From Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv,

pp. 1-3, 69-72.

2. Discovery of Palaos.--From Lettres édifiantes (1st Paris ed.) i

(1717), pp. 112-136, from a copy in the library of the Wisconsin

Historical Society.

3. Recollect missions.--From Pedro de San Francisco de Assis's Historia

general de los religiosos descalzos de San Agustin (Zargoza, 1756),

all that relates to Philippine missions; from a copy in the Library of

Congress. Also Juan de la Concepción's Historia de Philipinas, viii,

pp. 3-16, 135-144, and ix, pp. 123-150; from a copy in possession of

the Editors.

4. Appendix: Moro pirates.--From Combés's Historia de Mindanao, Iolo,

etc.; Murillo Velarde's Historia de Philipinas; Diaz's Conquistas;

and other works, as is fully indicated in the text.

APPENDIX: MORO PIRATES

Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century.

Sources: This account is compiled from various historians--Combés,

Murillo Velarde, Diaz, Concepción, and Montero y Vidalas is fully

indicated in the text.

Translation: This is made by Emma Helen Blair.

MORO PIRATES AND THEIR RAIDS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

[In previous volumes have appeared various accounts of the piratical

raids made, down to 1640, by the Mahometan Malays of Mindanao and other

southern islands against the Spaniards and the native tribes whom

they had subjected in the northern islands. A very brief outline of

that information is here presented, with citations of volumes where

it appears, as a preliminary to some further account which shall

summarize this subject for the remainder of the seventeenth century.]

[When Legazpi first explored the Philippines, he sent some of his

officers to open up trade with Mindanao, then reputed to be rich in

gold and cinnamon (Vol. II, pp. 116-118, 147, 154, 209, 210). At

the outset, much jealousy arose among the Spaniards against the

Mahometan Malays (whom they called Moros) of that and other islands

in the southern part of the Eastern archipelago, for two reasons--the

Moros were "infidels," and they far excelled the Spaniards as traders

(Vol. II, pp. 156, 159, 186, 187; IV, pp. 66, 151, 174). Moreover,

the natives were everywhere hostile to the Spaniards because the

Portuguese representing themselves to be Castilians, had previously

made cruel raids on some of those islands, notably Bohol (Vol. II,

pp. 117, 184, 207, 208, 229; III, p. 46). In that first year, 1565, a

Bornean vessel was captured by the Spaniards, after a desperate fight;

but hostilities then went no further (Vol. II, pp. 116, 206). The

Moros of the Rio Grande of Mindanao proffered (1574) their submission

to the Spanish power, apparently being in some awe of it (Vol. III,

p. 275). Governor Sande had expansive ideas of Spanish dominion, and

in 1578-79 undertook an expedition for the subjugation of Borneo,

Mindanao, and Joló; he obtained a temporary success, but the Moros

again asserted their independence as soon as the Spaniards departed

(Vol. IV, pp. 125, 130, 148-303; XV, pp. 54, 132). This expedition

was partly caused by piratical raids made by the Borneans (Vol. IV,

pp. 151, 153, 154, 159; VI, p. 183), and the Joloans (Vol. IV,

pp. 176, 236) against the northern islands. Apparently this punishment

intimidated the Moros for a time; the next important raid by them was

in 1595 (Vol. IX, p. 196; XI, p. 266). In 1591 Esteban Rodriguez de

Figueroa had made a contract with Gomez P. Dasmariñas for the conquest

of Mindanao (Vol. VIII, pp. 73-77). The island had then been partly

explored and much of it assigned to Spaniards in repartimiento; some

of these allotments are mentioned in Vol. VIII, pp. 127, 128, 132

(a list of those bestowed in 1571 is found in the Pastells edition of

Colin's Labor evangélica, i, p. 157, note 1). Instructions were given

to Figueroa on November 13, 1595 (Vol. IX, pp. 181-188), and in the

following spring he set out with an armed force; but hardly had he

begun the campaign when he was slain by a Moro (Vol. IX, pp. 195, 196,

263-265, 276, 277; XV, pp. 89-93; XVI, pp. 270-272). Juan de Ronquillo

succeeded him, and for the time "pacified" the hostile Moros (Vol. IX,

pp. 281-298; X, pp. 41, 42, 49, 168, 169, 214, 215; XI, p. 236; XV,

pp. 95-100; XVI, pp. 273, 274); see his own report of the campaign

(Vol. X, pp. 53-74) and Tello's (Vol. X, pp. 219-226; cf. Vol. XI,

pp. 135-139). In 1599 the Spanish fort at La Caldera was dismantled

(Vol. XI, pp. 138, 139, 237; XV, pp. 190, 191); this emboldened the

Moros to renew their piracies, and from 1600 on they harassed the

Visayan Islands and even Luzón--not only the Mindanaos but their allies

the Ternatans, and the Joloans (Vol. XI, pp. 238, 239, 292-301, 303;

XII, pp. 32, 39-41, 134-137; XIII, pp. 49, 146, 147; XV, pp. 192-196,

209, 265-267; XVIII, pp. 185-187, 331, 333; XIX, pp. 67, 68, 215-218,

223-225; XXII, pp. 89, 90, 203-206; XXIII, p. 259; XXIV, pp. 35-37,

102-104, 139, 142, 143, 329; XXV, pp. 86, 105, 152-154, 199; XXVI,

p. 285; XXVII, pp. 215-226, 316). Similar raids were made by the

Camucones, Moros from some small islands near Borneo (Vol. XVIII,

p. 79; XXII, pp. 89, 132, 133, 202, 296-298, 303; XXIV, pp. 97,

138; XXV, pp. 154-156; XXVII, pp. 314-316; XXIX, pp. 31, 200). These

attacks kept the peaceful natives in constant fear; their villages

were burned and plundered, and their fields ravaged; and thousands were

carried away to be sold as slaves, being thus dispersed among the Malay

Islands. In 1621 Hernando de los Rios Coronel stated that ten thousand

Christians were held captive in Mindanao (Vol. XIX, p. 264). At

times the Spaniards sent armed fleets in pursuit of these pirates,

but the latter would escape, on account of the superior lightness and

swiftness of their vessels. Punitive expeditions were sent to their

villages, some of which were futile, but others inflicted on them

severe punishment--Jolo: 1602 (Vol. XV, pp. 240-243, 264, 265), 1626

(XXII, pp. 207-210), 1628 (XXII, pp. 293-295; XXIV, pp. 143-145), 1630

(XXIII, pp. 87, 88, 98; XXIV, pp. 163-165); and Mindanao: 1625 (XXII,

pp. 116-119, 218, 224). It was proposed to enslave any Moro pirates

who might be captured (Vol. XVII, pp. 187, 296, 331; XXIX, p. 269),

and this was sometimes done (Vol. XXII, p. 134). Finally, Corcuera

undertook to chastise them effectually; and in 1637 he led a large

and well-equipped expedition to Mindanao, which captured Corralat's

stronghold and devastated nearly all the coast of that island, driving

out Corralat as a fugitive and intimidating other chiefs who had

intrigued with him against the Spaniards (Vol. XXVII, pp. 253-305,

319-325, 346-357; XXIX, pp. 28-30, 60, 86-101, 116-134). Corcuera

followed up this success by another in Joló, in 1638 (Vol. XXVII,

p. 325; XXVIII, pp. 41-63; XXIX, pp. 32, 36, 43, 44, 135, 136), and in

the following year a Spanish expedition severely chastised the Moros

around Lake Lanao, in Mindanao (XXIX, pp. 159, 161-163, 273-275);

further military operations in Joló and Mindanao, on a smaller scale,

occurred during 1638-39 (Vol. XXIX, pp. 141-166, 198-200). It may be

noted, further, that the Jesuits established missions there at an early

date, evangelists of that order going with Figueroa in 1596 (Vol. XII,

pp. 313-321; XIII, pp. 47-49, 86-89; XXII, p. 117; XXVIII, pp. 94-99,

151, 171); and others were founded by Augustinian Recollects (XXI,

pp. 196-247, 298-303; XXIV, p. 115; XXVIII, pp. 152, 175, 340-345).]

[The second reduction of Joló--by Almonte, in 1639 (Vol. XXIX,

p. 143)--subdued all of that archipelago, save the Guimbanos, a

fierce Moro people inhabiting the mountains of Sulu (Joló) Island,

who were hostile to the Joloans of the coast. When Almonte ordered

them to cease disturbing the pacified Joloans, the Guimbanos made an

insolent reply, telling the Spaniards to come to their country and

learn the difference between them and the Joloans. Almonte therefore

sent (July, 1639) troops, under Luis de Guzman and Agustin de Cepeda,

to subdue these proud mountaineers; and after a fierce battle the

Guimbanos retreated, leaving four hundred dead on the field, and three

hundred captives in the hands of the Spaniards--of whom eight died,

including Guzman, besides twenty Indian auxiliaries. (Murillo Velarde,

Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 96 b, 97.) After the departure of Almonte

from Joló, affairs went ill, Morales being unfit for his post as

governor of those islands, although he was valiant in battle. Having

abducted a beautiful girl, daughter of a chief named Salibanza,

a conspiracy against him was formed by the enraged father; this was

discovered, and the leaders seized. This, with several arbitrary and

hostile measures of Morales, stirred up the Joloans to revolt, and

an affray occurred between them and the Spaniards, in which Morales

was wounded. Juan Ruiz Maroto was sent to relieve him from office,

and tried to pacify the natives, but in vain; he then sent Pedro

de la Mata Vergara to harry all the coast of Joló, who burned many

villages and carried away three thousand captives. Mata, being obliged

to return to Mindanao, was succeeded by Morales, who rashly attacked

(near Párang, Sulu Island) a force of Moros with troops exhausted by

forced marches; the Spaniards, although in numbers far superior to

the Moros, were ignominiously put to flight, thirty-nine of their

number being slain, including Morales and another officer. At this

time Cepeda was governor of Joló, and he soon found it necessary to

chastise the natives, who were encouraged to rebellion by their recent

victory. (Combés, Hist. de Mindanao, col. 402-412; Murillo Velarde,

Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 121-122; Montero y Vidal, Hist. piratería,

i, pp. 175-181, 199-211.) An account of his exploits in this direction

is furnished by letters of the Jesuit Miguel Paterio to Father Juan

Lopez, regarding the expeditions of Cepeda (to whom Combés dedicated

his book), written in 1643-44 (ut supra, col. cix-cxv); we present them

here as a specimen of the proceedings in these punitive expeditions.]

Relation of the exploit which was accomplished in the villages of

Paran by Captain and Sargento-mayor Don Agustin de Zepeda, warden of

the forts in Jolo.

After the disaster to Admiral Morales, the Guimbanos of the villages of

Paran were very arrogant and haughty, so that, however much they were

invited, with assurance of peace and pardon, to lay down their arms

before those of our king, and to restore the Spanish weapons that they

were keeping, they paid no heed to it. Seeing this, Sargento-mayor

Don Augustin de Çepeda, the better to justify the expedition that

he intended to make against them, sent word to them through other

Guimbanos who were our friends, that they must restore the arms that

they had taken from the Spaniards, and that if they did not restore

these he would wage war against them. To this they replied that those

arms were converted into lances, and that nothing would be given up

to the Spaniards, whether Don Agustin marched against them or not. The

captain and sargento-mayor received this reply on Tuesday, December 29,

and on Wednesday, the thirtieth of the same month, he determined to

make a daylight attack on them with the utmost secrecy. Accordingly, at

four in the afternoon, almost all the soldiers made their confessions,

and the sargento-mayor exhorted them to rouse all their courage,

as brave soldiers, since they were fighting for both the majesties

[i.e., the divine and the royal], and they had the sure protection

of the mother of God, our Lady of Good Success. Then they set out

from the hill of Jolo with only twenty-five Spaniards and three

officers, [Cepeda's lieutenants being] Adjutant Diego de los Reyes

and Alférez Gaspar de Chaves; and twenty-two Pampangos and Cagaians,

with their officers, also ten or fifteen servants with their pikes

and shields. Of this infantry the captain formed three divisions,

giving to each one its own watchword--to the first one, "Jesus be

with all;" to the second, "Our Lady of Good Success;" to the third,

"Saint Ignatius"--and each division was ordered to render aid according

to its watchword, and as the enemy should sound the call to arms. With

this order, they began their march, and proceeded until nightfall,

when they marched in single file, since the road and the darkness

gave no opportunity for doing otherwise. They passed rivers, ravines,

marshes, and miry places, until they arrived at a village of a Guimbano

chief named Ulisten, near which they heard coughing in the houses;

and [they moved] so cautiously that they were not perceived. The

sargento-mayor did not choose to enter this village, not only because

the chief had showed his friendship for the Spaniards, but because

his only intention was to punish the people of Paran, who had merited

this by their acts in the past and by the haughty spirit that they

showed. For the same reason, he would not enter another village near

this one, belonging to another chief, named Sambali--who, if it were

not for the purpose that the commander had in mind, deserved to lose

his head for his rebellious disposition in not being friendly to the

Spaniards. From the hill to these two villages may be a journey of

about two leguas and a half; the road is very bad, and of the sort that

has been described, [passing through] marshes and rough places; and,

with the darkness of a moonlight night, to go among trees, thickets,

and tangled briers was intolerable and full of difficulty. Not less

wearisome was the road which they still must take to reach the people

and village of Paran, and even more difficult: but neither the one

nor the other could weaken or diminish the tenacity, spirit, and

valor which not only the captain but his soldiers displayed. They

traveled all night in this way until a little before daybreak, when

they mistook the road, and took another, which did not lead to the

village where they meant to go; but God chose that the people of that

very village should serve as guides [to the Spaniards], by furnishing

them light--for on account of quieting some infants who were crying,

they kindled lights in the houses. The sargento-mayor ordered them to

march toward that place, where they arrived at daybreak; and there they

remained about half an hour, waiting for the dawn to brighten so that

they might break the countersign [87] and make the daylight attack

[dar el albasso] on the said village, which they did. For when it

became light, and the day was brightening, they broke the watchword,

which was "St. Ignatius;" and the division to which that belonged made

the first attack on the houses, jointly with the vanguard, which went

ahead to reconnoiter. All the forces united to make this assault on the

houses, and to break through the defenses of the village and enter,

all in order, with lighted matches and to sound of drums, as they

did. In their houses this occasioned a great tumult; some were slain

by musket-balls, some by lance-thrusts; others escaped naked, fleeing

without thought of their kindred or their possessions, abandoning their

weapons and whatever they had; others, finally, were burned to death

in their houses, to which our men set fire--the natives remaining in

them either through fear, or that they might not fall into our hands

and be slain by our lances. They hid themselves, therefore, for the

greater protection--only to have their houses, and their granaries

of rice, and their bodies burned [here], and finally their souls in

hell. Besides this, their cultivated fields were laid waste, set out

with all the plants that they rear--bananas, sugar-cane, and other

plants which furnish them with food; and our men did the same with

these, destroying and burning everything. This done they looked about,

scanning the country in all directions, and saw an impregnable height;

and when the commander understood that this was (as it proved to be)

the citadel of the enemies, he gave the order to march thither. They

proceeded by a path or trail so narrow that they were obliged to

ascend in single file; and when they reached the top of the said hill

they found a plateau, more spacious than that of our hill of Jolo,

on which were houses, some fortified and some small ones. The former

were full of provisions and contained some Guimbanos. These, seeing

our men and recognizing them as enemies, immediately abandoned the

houses and took to flight, throwing themselves headlong from the

heights. Our men entered the place, and burned the houses with the

rice and other things contained in them; and they laid waste the

fields and destroyed what had been planted in them, as they had done

in the villages before ascending the hill. Our men were occasioned

no little anxiety by their failure, after this exploit, to find the

road by which to leave the hill; for, as it had in every direction

precipices and rugged heights, they had great difficulty and hardship

in getting away from the hill, on account of not being able to strike

the path by which they had entered. But finally the Blessed Virgin

who hitherto had been our Lady of Success, chose to show also that

she was our Lady of Good Success--which she did by enabling our men

to depart in safety from the hill. For the alférez, going to make a

hasty reconnoissance with four arquebusiers, and some servants armed

with pikes and shields, saw [traces of men's] work among the trees that

covered the hill; and, upon reaching the place, ascertained that there

was a path by which he could descend. Notifying the troops of this,

they went down the hill by this path, and thus returned to the houses

that they had burned, all marching in regular order. They approached

the seashore through a level field, passing near the harbor where

the natives had slain Admiral Morales; and, as they advanced through

the open country, they encountered four Guimbano Indians, shouting

[or grimacing?--haciendo carracheo], who came from a grove that was

growing on the said seashore. When our men tried to get near them,

these Indians took to their heels, retreating toward the grove--where,

it was understood, they had an ambuscade; and as it was now eleven

o'clock, the sargento-mayor did not think it best to delay [his return]

longer. Accordingly, they marched in the same order, and to the sound

of drums, toward the fortification that stood on the seashore, going

through fields and mangrove thickets, and along beaches and pools of

water, another two leguas and a half, until they reached the harbor

where they had provided some boats. In these the sargento-mayor and

all his troops embarked, and returned to these forts, with great

satisfaction and rejoicing at so complete a success, without losing

one of our men, or encountering any danger. Many salvos were fired

from the boats in which they came, and from the forts, in honor of

their protectors, Jesus, Mary, and Ignatius.

From this expedition and victory I have learned some things about

Guimba which are worth mentioning here. The first is, that two days

afterward the people of Paran made war on the chiefs Ulis and Sambali

whom we mentioned above, complaining that these chiefs had not warned

them that the Spanish troops had passed close to their villages,

and even because they had allowed the Spaniards to pass them. May God

establish them in peace, and grant them light and a knowledge of the

truth. And after this expedition, as I have said, one of the chiefs in

the villages to the east named Suil, complained that the sargento-mayor

had not informed him of it, so that Suil with all his men might have

accompanied the Spaniards. Although he may not be sincere, thanks are

returned to him, and probably his offer was prompted by the admiration

and high opinion that he entertains for our men since this exploit;

or because he feared lest the like fate might befall him. He and other

chiefs beyond Guimba to the east have sent to tell me that, although

those who killed the sargento-mayor are their brothers, they will not

for that reason fail to be the friends of the Spaniards; and that they

will come to the village of the Lutaos who are in this fort [i.e.,

at Joló] to talk with the father and treat of peace. And it cannot

be denied that there has been a great disturbance among them since

this expedition, and it has caused among them all not only fear,

but astonishment also, to see that so few Spaniards could dare to

traverse almost all of Guimba, marching almost all the way among the

settlements, without being seen. In this affair not only the caution

of the Spaniards, but their courage in penetrating among so many

barbarians, the most valiant in all these islands, is causing great

admiration--which is increased at seeing how so few Spaniards made so

great a number of enemies take to flight; for in all the villages there

are nearly a thousand barbarians who carry arms. It is certain that,

considering the circumstances of this exploit, it adds prestige to

several others that have been performed; and I even venture to say

that it is astonishing, if we consider what occurred in one night,

the perils that they went through, the daring of so few soldiers among

so many enemies, and, finally, their accomplishing what they did in

destroying and burning the villages and their people, without injury to

any one of our men. All this causes the Moros who see these occurrences

close to them to wonder and fear, and apparently they are talking in

earnest of becoming friends and vassals of his Majesty. [Marginal note:

"For Father Juan Lopez, rector of Cavite."]

[Another letter by Father Paterio, written from Jolo, February 28,

1644, relates the particulars of another expedition by Zepeda into

Guimba, six days previous to that date. The native chiefs on the east

side of the island are intimidated by the punishment inflicted on

Paran, and are inclined to submit to the victorious Spanish arms;

but those on the west desire to take revenge for the massacre of

their tribesmen. A conference of the latter chiefs is accordingly

held at the village of Ulis, where they talk of making an attack

on the Spanish forts at Jolo. They invite Suil, one of the friendly

chiefs, to join them; but he sends word to the Spaniards (February

9) of the plot against them. Zepeda is then absent in Zamboanga, but

returns soon afterward; and another warning from Suil being received

ten days later, Zepeda decides to inflict summary punishment on the

plotters. He therefore leads an expedition against the village of Ulis,

on February 21, and, as before, attacks the village at daylight. This

time, the natives have had warning of the intended assault, and attempt

resistance; but they are defeated with considerable loss--among the

slain being Ulis, "who was the idol of that island, and whom all

obeyed," and three other chiefs. In this fight the Spaniards lose

but four lives--a soldier, an officer, and two servants. This causes

even more fear and awe than even the former expedition, and brings

the recalcitrants quickly to terms--Suil and other chiefs proposing

to leave their homes and go to dwell near the Spanish forts. Later,

the Spaniards complete this castigation by ravaging the country,

burning and destroying all before them, "by which the Spanish arms

have acquired greater reputation and glory than that which they had

lost on former adverse occasions." Then other islands adjacent to

Jolo are intimidated, and two battles are fought with their natives,

who lose many men therein. As a reward for his services, Zepeda is

honored by Corcuera with the governorship of Zamboanga.]

The Joloans remained at peace, as thoroughly chastised as were the

Mindanaos, curbing their haughty arrogance, and repressing their hatred

in consideration of the advantages of the time. Among the agreements

for the peace, they accepted one that a fort for the Spaniards

should be erected at their harbor-bar; this was maintained with many

difficulties and little advantage, unless from the pearl-fishery,

which yielded many and valuable pearls. [88] The island of Joló abounds

in these, so that on the Dutch hydrographical maps they have given it

the name "Island of Pearls," on account of the many fine pearls which

the Joloans sent in those years to Nueva Batavia by ambassadors from

their king, asking their alliance, and aid against the Spaniards. The

Dutch granted them protection, those valuable gifts arousing in them

greater desires for profit--although afterward the first aid that they

furnished the Joloans cost them very dear. But in this year of 1641

the Joloans had a fortunate opportunity for recouping themselves for

past expenses, with a mass of amber [89] as large as an ox's body,

which the sea cast up on their shores, which yielded them great

profits, and increased the reputation of their island. This sort

of find is usually very frequent in those islands, since they are

beaten by many currents which flow from the archipelago; and thus goes

drifting on the waves what the sea hurls from its abysses, along with

other debris, under the fury of the wind--this so precious substance,

whether it be the excrement or vomit of whales, or a reaba which the

sea produces in its depths. But in Joló it is apt to be more often

found, because those islands are scattered and their coasts prolonged

for many leguas opposite many currents and channel-mouths. And for

this reason some amber is usually found in Capul, an island beaten by

so many currents--as the ships which come on the return from Nueva

España know by experience--and also in Guiguan and on the beaches

of Antique. Near Punta de Naso the sea cast up, in the year 1650,

an enormous piece of amber, although it had not the fine quality and

excellence of that which comes from Japón. (Diaz's Conquistas, p. 447.)

[For several years after Corcuera's expedition against the Mindanaos

(1637), various military operations were conducted in that island

by the Spanish forces, notably under Pedro de Almonte. Corralat and

other Moro chiefs were sufficiently reduced to render them nominally

peaceful; but they formed various plots and conspiracies against the

Spaniards, and, on the other hand, these availed themselves of the

jealousies and personal interests of the Mindanao chiefs to separate

them and neutralize their efforts. The foolish arrogance of a Spanish

officer, Matías de Marmolejo, caused an attack on his detachment by

Corralat and Manaquior; all the Spaniards save Marmolejo and six

others were slain (June 1, 1642), including the Jesuit Bartolomé

Sánchez, and the survivors were captured by Corralat. But when

Corcuera heard of this encounter he was so angry that he ordered

Marmolejo to be ransomed and afterwards to be beheaded in the plaza

at Zamboanga, for disobedience to his orders. He also ordered that

the fort at La Sabanilla be demolished, and the men there be sent

to punish Corralat, which was done. That chief, to revenge himself,

intrigued with the people of Basilan to secure possession of the

Spanish fort there; but its little garrison defended it against the

Moro fleet until aid could be sent them from Zamboanga. As soon as

Diego Fajardo became governor of the Philippines in Corcuera's place,

he endeavored to secure peace in Mindanao, and finally (June 24,

1645) a treaty of peace was signed by Corralat and his leading chiefs,

and Francisco de Atienza and the Jesuit Alejandro López. This treaty

settled questions of mutual alliance, of boundaries of possessions,

of trade, of ransom of captives, and of freedom for the ministrations

of Jesuit missionaries. Christian captives in Corralat's domain should

be ransomed at the following rates; "for men and women, in the prime

of life, and in good health, each forty pesos; for those who were more

youthful, thirty pesos; for aged and sick persons, twenty pesos; for

children at the breast, ten pesos." In this very year Salicala, son

of the king of Joló, had gone to Batavia to seek aid from the Dutch;

the latter sent some armed vessels, which cannonaded the Spanish fort

at Joló for three days, but finally were obliged to depart without

having accomplished anything. This occurrence increased Fajardo's

anxiety in regard to the cost and danger incurred in attempting to

maintain three forts in Joló; and he sent orders to Atienza, commandant

at Zamboanga, to withdraw the garrisons from Joló and demolish those

forts--an embarrassing command, since both Joloans and Dutch were

then making raids among the northern islands. Both Fajardo and Atienza

relied on the Jesuit Alejandro Lopez to bring about the pacification

of both the Mindanaos and the Joloans, a task which he accomplished so

successfully that on April 14, 1646, a treaty was signed, by Atienza

and Lopez, [90] with Raya Bongso of Joló (the same who, with his wife

Tuambaloca, was conquered by Corcuera's troops in 1638) and the envoys

of Corralat. Combés gives the full text of both this and the former

treaty. A Dutch fleet attempted to make a landing near Zamboanga,

but were repulsed by the Spaniards with much loss. Corralat and

Moncay came to hostilities, and the former implored the aid of the

Spaniards; Atienza sent an armed force to succor Corralat, and Moncay

fled. Salicala of Joló and Panguian Cachilo of Guimba undertook (1648)

to raid the Visayan Islands; but the latter was attacked and slain by

a Spanish squadron, which so intimidated Salicala that he hastened

back to Joló. Meanwhile, a notable event occurred in Mindanao, the

conversion of Corralat's military commander, Ugbu, to the Christian

faith--which of course tended to strengthen the ties between Corralat

and the Spaniards; and Ugbu afterward rendered them efficient service

in the Palapag insurrection, which caused his death. Salicala died

(1649) and his parents, Bongso and Tuambaloca, were thus able to

maintain the peace which they had established with the Spaniards; that

queen afterward left Joló, retiring to Basilan. Moncay also died, soon

afterward, and was succeeded in Buhayen by Balatamay, a Manobo chief

who had married Moncay's daughter; he joined Corralat in alliance

with the Spaniards. In January, 1649, Pedro Duran de Monforte went

with an armed fleet to northeastern Borneo, to punish its people

for aiding the Joloans in their raids; the Spaniards plundered

several villages, burned three hundred caracoas, and carried away

two hundred captives. The expedition was accompanied by Jesuits, who

afterward opened successful missions in Borneo. The insurrection of

1649-50 spread to Joló and Mindanao, but was quelled by the Spaniards

(see Vol. XXXVIII). (Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 269-348, 425-498;

Murillo Velarde, Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 149-153. Cf. Concepción,

Hist. de Philipinas, vi, pp. 205-281; Montero y Vidal, Hist. piratería,

i, pp. 182-189, 212-231.)]

[In 1653 Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara succeeded to the government of

the Philippines.] One of his first undertakings was to establish peace

with the ruler of Mindanao, Cachil Corralat, whom it was expedient to

assure for the sake of the tranquillity of the Pintados Islands--which

were more exposed than the others to the incursions of their armed

fleets, since Manila had not enough soldiers and vessels with which

our people could go forth to hinder the operations of the Moros. The

governor sent as his ambassador Captain Don Diego de Lemus, and Father

Francisco Lado of the Society of Jesus, who were very kindly received

by the Moros; and he gave them to understand that no one desired

peace more than he did, since the warning was still fresh that had

been given him by the war which was waged against him by Governor Don

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera in person--which had obliged Corralat

to wander as a fugitive through the lands of his enemy the king of

Buhayen, exposed to many perils. It seems as if the desire which

Corralat showed to maintain the peace might be regarded as sincere;

for if he had chosen to avail himself of the opportunity afforded by

the past years, when all our forces and power were fully occupied in

resisting the cruel invasions of the Dutch, without doubt he could

have made great ravages in the villages of the Pintados Islands;

and therefore this must be attributed to an especial providence

of the divine mercy. All [these dealings with the envoys] were

cunning measures of the shrewd Moro to lull [91] our vigilance with

feigned appearances of peace, for never was he further from pursuing

it--partly through greed for the booty of slaves, a great part of

which belonged to him; partly because his captains and other persons

interested in these piratical raids persuaded him to avail himself

of the opportunity furnished by the weakness of our forces. Corralat

determined to renew his former hostile acts, and began by preparing

vessels and supplies; and in order to cover up better his damnable

intention, he sent to the governor of Manila an ambassador to confirm

the peace. This man was called Banua, and was no less fraudulent than

Simon the Greek. On the route he left many tokens of this; for in the

village of Tunganan, among the Subanos, he treated very contemptuously

[92] the father minister, Miguel Pareja of the Society of Jesus--who,

as the pious religious that he was, turned the other cheek, as the

gospel commands. Banua arrived at Manila in the year of 1655, where he

discharged very well his office as ambassador, and even better that

of spy--and well he knew his double trade; for among other things

he demanded that restitution be made to Corralat of some Mindanao

slaves, and of the pieces of artillery which Don Sebastian Hurtado de

Corcuera had taken from him in war; but this and other petitions of

the ambassador had no satisfactory issue. Banua returned [to Mindanao],

and Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara despatched to accompany him Captain

Don Claudio de Rivera, and Father Alejandro Lopez of the Society

of Jesus, who went with holy zeal for establishing in Mindanao the

preaching of the true faith. They arrived at Zamboanga, where they

had sufficient warnings of the danger to which they were going; but

with fearless courage they continued their journey until they reached

Corralat. He received them without any of the ostentation usual for

an embassy, but rather with frowns and displeasure; and when he read

the letters from the governor of Manila--which were excellent for an

occasion in which our strength might be greater, but the present time

demanded shrewder dissimulation--the Moro king was much disturbed,

and displayed extreme anger. The end of this embassy (of which an

excellent account is given by Father Francisco Combés in his Historia

de Mindanao, book viii, chap. 3) was that Corralat ordered his nephew

Balatamay to slay Father Alejandro Lopez and his associate, Father

Juan de Montiel, and Captain Claudio de Rivera. [93] Corralat sent

the letters of the governor to the kings of Joló and of Ternate,

to incite them to make common cause in defense of their profession

as Mahometans, but they did not choose to risk breaking the peace;

on the contrary, the king of Ternate handed over the letters to the

governor of our forts there, Francisco de Esteybar, who restored them

to the governor of Manila. (Diaz, Conquistas, pp. 549-551.)

Corralat, fearing the vengeance of the Spaniards, wrote to the governor

of Zamboanga throwing the responsibility for what had occurred on his

nephew Balatamay, whom he could not chastise on account of the latter

being so powerful. He also wrote to Manrique de Lara, attributing the

deaths of the Jesuits and other Spaniards to imprudent acts committed

by Father López, and entreated the governor that, mutually forgiving

injuries, affairs might remain as they had previously been. But

his complicity in the event came to be discovered, through another

letter directed in June, 1656, to the sultan of Joló, exhorting

the latter to unite with him for defending the religion which both

professed. The Joloan monarch sent his letter to the governor of

Zamboanga in order to demonstrate his loyalty. Similar assistance

was solicited by Corralat from the Dutch and from the sovereigns of

Macasar and Ternate; and to the latter, in order to stimulate him

more, he sent the original letter of Manrique de Lara, presenting

the question under the religious aspect only--a letter which the

Spanish governor of Ternate was able to recover, and he sent it to

its author. The captain-general of Filipinas, not considering his

forces sufficient for waging war on the powerful sultan of Mindanao,

notified the governor of Zamboanga [94] to accept Corralat's excuses

as sufficient until he could ascertain whether reënforcements were

arriving from Nueva España and they could avenge so many injuries.

The sultan, seeing that his insolent conduct did not receive the

energetic and effectual punishment that it deserved, gained new

courage, and sent out his people to make raids through the coasts of

Zamboanga and Basilan--terminating the campaign by looting Tanganan,

where they took captive the headman of that village, named Ampi,

and twenty-three persons besides. In the Calamianes Islands also the

Mindanaos committed horrible ravages. The governor of the Moluccas, Don

Francisco de Esteybar, received orders to go to Zamboanga, conferring

upon him, besides the command of the said post, the office of governor

and captain-general of all the southern provinces of Filipinas. On the

second of December of the said year 1656 he arrived at Zamboanga. When

this valiant chief was informed of what had occurred, and learned that

the pirates were equipping at Simuay [River] a squadron to invade the

Visayas, he declared war on Corralat, without stopping to consider

whether his forces were inferior or not to those of the enemy, trusting

to the courage of his followers and the justice of his cause for the

issue of the undertaking. In this document he ordered that ten caracoas

should set out, under command of Don Fernando de Bobadilla; and these

vessels went to sea on December 30. This commander detached Admiral

Don Pedro de Viruega at the village of Sosocon, and Sargento-mayor Don

Félix de Herrera at Point Taguima. Through his spies, Corralat knew of

the departure of the squadron, and declined to send his boats against

the Spanish armada; and during twenty days Bobadilla waited in vain

for the pirate vessels. During this time the dato of Sibuguey, Mintun,

went to Zamboanga, offering the aid of his people against Corralat,

perhaps in order not to be the leader in paying for the losses of

the war. It was reported that the sultan had sent four vessels to the

village of that chief for rice, and Bobadilla set out to intercept this

convoy (January 2, 1657). On arriving at La Silanga, [95] two small

caracoas went ahead to reconnoiter the place; these boats conquered

a large vessel; but their crews intimidated the Lutaos who were in

the Spanish ship, telling them that they would soon be destroyed by

Corralat, who was expected in Mintun with fifteen vessels. As the

Lutaos of Bobadilla's squadron were inclined toward the sultan, or

were afraid of falling into his power, they threatened the commandant

that they would abandon the field when the battle was at its height,

if the Spaniards compelled them to fight against Corralat. In view

of this, Bobadilla was obliged to return to Zamboanga, losing so

propitious an opportunity to avenge the wicked perfidy of the old

sultan. Nevertheless, he seized a considerable number of small boats,

full of rice, and forty captives. The sultan, now a declared enemy,

and attributing to our weakness the failure to punish the murder of

the ambassadors, commanded his squadrons to commit piracies, under the

command of Prince Balatamay. That deceitful Moro, after committing

the most outrageous acts of violence in Marinduque and Mindoro,

returned to Mindanao with a multitude of captives and very rich spoils.

While Balatamay was raiding the above-mentioned islands, a splendid

squadron sailed from Cavite by order of the governor-general,

in command of an officer whose name is not told in the histories,

from whom brilliant conduct was expected, to judge from the valor

of which he boasted in drawing-rooms; but, far from fulfilling his

duty, he lingered in Balayan under pretext of securing supplies of

rice, and then in Mindoro, carrying out his cowardly purpose of not

encountering the Moros, notwithstanding that the forces under his

command were more than sufficient to destroy the pirates. To the end

that he might operate in conjunction with the said squadron, Esteybar

ordered Alférez Luis de Vargas to scour the coasts of Mindanao; but

as the commander of the squadron failed to carry out the instructions

that he had received, Vargas, as he could not find him, confined his

efforts to burning a village on the bay of Simuay, where he seized

several captives. Bobadilla reduced to ashes the old capital of

Corralat, Lamitan, its inhabitants having fled to the woods. Also

in the said year of 1657 the dato Salicala of Mindanao scoured the

seas with his squadron; the natives in consternation abandoned their

villages without daring to resist him, and he carried away as captives

more than a thousand Indians--his audacity going so far that he sailed

into the bay of Manila.

Esteybar then equipped a small squadron of caracoas and vintas, which

departed from Zamboanga on January 1, 1658, resolved to chastise

the pirate severely. He spread the report that they were going to

Sibuguey. He reached that river in seven days and, placing part

of his forces in charge of Sargento-mayor Itamarren, he destroyed

the village of Namucan, and at Luraya burned many boats. Four pilans

captured the joanga which had carried Father López to Simuay, manned by

Moros from Mintun. Suddenly changing his course, he took the route to

Punta de Flechas, in order to go to the capital of Corralat, but sent

beforehand thirty Spaniards, with Captain Don Pedro de Viruega, to the

district of Butig. Its chief Matundin, at the head of five hundred men,

was defeated, the grain-fields ravaged, and the village reduced to

ashes. The tilled land of this district was exceedingly rich, since

it is the principal source of supply for rice in Mindanao. Great

damage was also done in La Sabanilla by Captain Don Juan González

Carlete. On the nineteenth of January the squadron encountered a large

Dutch ship surrounded by some pirate vessels. Esteybar attempted to

secure a free passage without bringing on a contest, to which end he

hoisted a white flag; but the commander of the Dutch ship displayed

a red flag, firing all his cannon against the Spanish vessels. Then,

without heeding the superiority of the enemy, Bobadilla came against

the ship, all his men rowing as hard as they could; and Esteybar

attacked it at the stern. The Spaniards then were going to board the

ship with a rush, when a ball fired from the vessel of Esteybar set

on fire the Santa Barbara [i.e., powder-magazine] of the Dutch ship,

thus blowing it into pieces. Only twenty-four of its crew survived,

and these were drawn out of the sea and made prisoners. Esteybar

continued his voyage to Simuay, the bar of which was fortified with

heavy stockades; moreover, at its ends were two forts, garrisoned

by Malays, Macassars, and Dutchmen. This did not frighten Esteybar,

and he made preparations to capture the posts of the enemy, in spite

of advice to the contrary from his captains. While he was deciding

the best method of accomplishing this, he passed with his squadron

to the river of Buhayen, sending in by one of its entrances the

valiant Bobadilla with some vessels, and by the other Sargento-mayor

Itamarren. The former sacked the villages and ravaged the grain-fields

of Tannil and Tabiran, the latter those of Lumapuc and Buhayen; they

destroyed a powerful armada which had been prepared for raiding the

islands, and carried away as spoil many versos, muskets, campilans,

crises, and all kinds of weapons.

In the village of Buhayen resided Prince Hamo, son of Moncay,

from whom the kingdom had been usurped; he mounted a white flag

and a cross above his house, being desirous of forming an alliance

with the Spaniards, but they, being warned by experience with the

treasons of the Moros, continued the hostilities, without attaching

any importance to that signal. While they constructed rafts with which

to attack the fortress of Corralat, Captain Antonio de Palacios went

to destroy the village of Tampacan and its environs; and Adjutant

Antonio Vázquez disembarked with orders to cut off the retreat of

the enemy's spies. These were twenty in number, thoroughly armed;

Vázquez rushed upon them, and at the first encounter killed five

and wounded six of them, and the rest were shot to death in the

woods. Esteybar returned to the bar of Buhayen; he knew that at a

day's journey from there was a village of Lutaos, called Maolo, and,

desirous to chastise that settlement and obtain information about that

coast, he sent Sargento-mayor Itamarren--who, finding it deserted,

set fire to the village, killed four Moros, and captured two others,

the only ones who waited for the attack.

Notwithstanding these provocations, and others that were directly

offered to Corralat in the environs of his fortifications, it was

impossible to draw him out into the open country. Having constructed a

number of rafts, on which were placed pieces of artillery, the governor

went aboard the largest of them, and with the aid of the vessels

cannonaded the fort of Corralat for the space of four hours, but he

defended it well. It was evident that the difficulties of assaulting

it were insuperable, and that the artillery was operating with but

little result, on account of the condition of the sea; accordingly it

was decided to retire to the bar of Buhayen. The squadron went to La

Sabanilla on the seventeenth of February; here Esteybar received orders

to return to Molucas, and he proceeded to Zamboanga. Notwithstanding

the well-known valor of this chief, and the injuries inflicted on the

Moros during the two months of the campaign, this retreat gave much

satisfaction to Corralat, since it freed him from [the danger of]

going as a wanderer through the hills, as on previous occasions.

The valiant Esteybar had been replaced as governor of the military

post of Zamboanga by Don Fernando de Bobadilla--a chief no less

courageous and resolute--with the same titles and preeminences as the

former. Corralat, in order better to secure his dominions against the

aggressions of the Spaniards, made Namu, king of Buhayen, establish

a fort at the mouth of the river, the opposite shore of which was

likewise fortified by Corralat; he entrusted to Marundin the defense

of the bar of Simuay, and to the Basilan chiefs Ondol and Boto the

construction of a fortification at the entrance of the estuary of

Zamboanga. Don Diego Zarria Lazcano took the place of Bobadilla,

the former remaining at the head of the armada.

The datos Linao and Libot of Joló, and Sacahati of Tawi-Tawi, with

thirteen vessels, scoured the coasts of Bohol, Leyte, and Masbate. Near

Luban they put to death father Fray Antonio de San Agustin, who on

account of his ailments could not retreat to the interior of that

island as did the rest who were going with him in their vessel. A

squadron sailed from Manila in command of Don Pedro Duran de Monforte;

they went to Luban, Mindoro, Panay, and Gigantes without discovering

the pirates, and returned to the capital. The Moros were able to

return to Joló with many spoils and eighty captives; but the sultan

of that island sent back the said captives, in order to prove that he

desired peace with the Spaniards. (Montero y Vidal. Hist. piratería,

i, pp. 236-244. Cf. Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 533-549, 570-587.)

Great were the calamities suffered by the Filipinas Islands in these

years of 1657 and 58, which might have occasioned their entire ruin,

if divine Providence had not manifestly preserved them, at the

expense of miracles and prodigies. Even the arrogance of the Dutch

recognized this, when they saw their proud forces humiliated by the

unequal strength of ours; and it was acknowledged by the inhabitants

of these islands, recognizing the divine clemency. In the former of

those years the scourge of divine justice was the great armada of

Mindanao corsairs, which, commanded by Salicala, a Moro of much valor,

infested the Pintados Islands; and their insolence went so far that

they came in sight of the great bay of Manila. The poor natives who

groaned under the yoke of captivity to these pirates amounted to more

than a thousand; and as it was impossible for most of them to furnish

ransom for their persons, they usually died as slaves of the Moros. I

have not been able to learn the reason why no assistance was given

to deliver them by going out to find those pirates--although I do

not believe that it was the absence of compassion in Governor Don

Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, but rather his lack of means, and his

being engrossed with more pressing affairs. This was followed by the

plagues of innumerable locusts, which, laying waste the fields, made

general havoc, occasioning the famine which was the worst enemy of

the poor; this was followed by its inseparable companion, pestilence,

which made great ravages with a general epidemic of smallpox. (Diaz,

Conquistas, p. 556.)

General Don Agustin de Cepeda went to Zamboanga as governor (June

16, 1659), without any events worthy of mention occurring during the

time while he exercised that office; afterward he went to assume the

government of Molucas. He who took his place [96] experienced great

annoyances with the Jesuits, who in their histories relate in great

detail how much he tried to injure their interests; but Don Fernando

Bobadilla was again charged with the government of Zamboanga (February

15, 1662).

The authorities and citizens of Manila were the victims in May, 1662,

of a fearful panic, on account of the claim by the powerful Chinese

pirate Kue-Sing that the little realm of Filipinas should render

him homage and be declared his tributary, under penalty of his going

with his squadrons to destroy the Spaniards--as he had done with the

Dutch, expelling them from Formosa. This embassy, which was brought to

Manila by the Dominican father Fray Victorio Ricci, and the consequent

indignation against the Chinese, were the origin of an insurrection

by those who resided in Manila, which was subdued; and the conference

of authorities resolved to expel them from the country and repel

by force of arms the aggression of Kue-Sing--the governor-general

making ready great armaments, and whatever preparations for defense

seemed to him necessary that he might come out victorious from the

tremendous danger that threatened the island.

But the most important and most far-reaching of the measures

adopted by the council at which Manrique de Lara presided was the

abandonment of the advantageous post of Zamboanga--the advanced

sentinel of our domination over the coasts inhabited by the fierce

Malay Mahometans--and those of La Sabanilla, Calamianes, and Iligan

(which were also important in the highest degree), with the intention

of concentrating in Manila all the forces which garrisoned those posts

(May 6). This notification caused, among the Spanish subjects of those

lands, or it may be among the Lutaos, profound sorrow and the utmost

fear. They complained bitterly of the unprotected state in which they

were left, remaining exposed to the vengeance of the Moros--who no

longer could consider them as belonging to their race, and bore a

mortal hatred to them for having become Christians. [97] These just

complaints, and the knowledge of the damages which would result from

the withdrawal of the Spanish forces, impelled the governor of the

fort, Don Fernando Bobadilla, and the learned Father Combés to entreat

the governor-general to revoke his mandate, both explaining to him the

very cogent and strong reasons which prompted their advice. The news

that the Spaniards were involved in so tremendous a conflict encouraged

the Joloans to repeat once more their terrible incursions. The datos

of Joló, Tawi-Tawi, Lacay-Lacay, and Tuptup, equipped sixty vessels,

and, dividing their forces into several small squadrons, sacked and

burned the villages of Poro, Baybay, Sogor, Cabalian, Basey, Dangajon,

Guinobatan, and Capul. They killed Captain Gabriel de la Peña; they

captured an official of the same class, Ignacio de la Cueva, and the

Jesuit father Buenaventura Barcena; they went even to the mountains

in pursuit of the religious; and all the Indians whom they caught

they carried away as captives to their own country, killing many of

all ages and classes.

The governor-general of the islands sent a squadron to pursue the

pirates, but they accomplished nothing. From Zamboanga Adjutant

Francisco Alvarez went out alone to encounter them; he captured the

caracoa of the pirate Gani, a relative of Salé, and of thirty captives

whom the latter was carrying away. Alvarez freed twenty-two--afterward

going to an island of Joló, where he captured twelve Moros. Bobadilla,

in answer to his message, on November 8 received pressing orders to

return to Manila without loss of time, the governor yielding so far

as to allow that he might leave in the fortress of Zamboanga at most

fifty Spaniards. This was equivalent to condemning those unfortunates

to a sure death, and the Jesuit fathers protested against it, saying

that necessarily they would incur the same fate; but finally the

supreme authority of the islands decided upon the total abandonment

of the posts above mentioned. Nevertheless Bobadilla, with the object

of encouraging the Lutaos and leading the Moros to believe that he

was not abandoning the post, sent in pursuit of them Don Juan de

Morales Valenzuela, with two caracoas, to the islands called "Orejas

de Liebre," on January 2, 1663; but on the fourth of the same month

he received a new and more positive order from the captain-general,

dated October 11, that without delay or any excuse he must abandon

Zamboanga. At sight of this, Bobadilla warned Morales that the

withdrawal must be made, as was done on the seventh--as promptly as

possible fulfilling the said imperious mandate, convinced that it

was now altogether impossible to oppose so plain a decision.

The governor of Zamboanga made a solemn surrender of the fort to the

master-of-camp of the Lutao natives, Don Alonso Macombon, receiving

from him an oath of fidelity to hold it for the king of España

and defend it from his enemies; but Don Alonso refused to include

among these the sultan of Mindanao, on the pretext that he had not

sufficient strength to oppose the dreaded Corralat. The governor,

fearing his defection, did not leave him any artillery. The Jesuits

also surrendered to Macombon their houses and churches, carrying away

the images, ornaments, chalices, and books; and six thousand Christians

remained in Zamboanga exposed to the rage of the Mahometans. Some

Lutaos, although not many, decided to go to the province of Cebú,

or to that of Dapitan; others scattered through Joló or Mindanao in

search of safety, returning to their former religion.

The abandonment of our military posts in Mindanao was, although it is

excused by the embarrassed condition of the capital of the islands,

an exceedingly imprudent measure, since, in order to provide for an

uncertain danger, the Visayan Islands were left exposed to another

which was more immediate and real--to say nothing of the retrogression

that must necessarily result to our domination among the natives

of Mindanao, where at that time over seventy thousand Christians

lived. The pirate who could cause such a panic in the authorities of

Manila, and occasioned so great losses to the undertaking of subduing

the Mahometan Malay pirates, died without carrying out his threats.

During the government of Don Juan de Vargas (1679), the sultan of

Borneo sent an embassy to ask that mercantile dealings might be

established with Filipinas; and Vargas in his turn sent another

and a very distinguished one, headed by Sargento-mayor Don Juan

Morales de Valenzuela. In 1701 occurred in the south of Filipinas

an event as tragic as unusual. The sultan of Joló went to visit

the ruler of Mindanao, for greater ostentation taking with him as

escort a squadron composed of sixty-seven vessels. At sight of such a

retinue the sultan of Mindanao, Cutay [98] (the successor of the noted

Corralat), feared that the other had designs that were not peaceable,

and commanded that the mouth of the river should be closed; but the

sultan of Joló, offended thereat, dared the other to a personal

combat. This challenge was accepted, and the two sultans engaged

in a hand-to-hand contest, so fierce that each slew the other; and

immediately war was kindled between the two peoples. The Joloans,

breaking down the stakes which closed the river, retired to their

own island with many weapons and spoils. The new ruler of Mindanao

asked aid from the governor of Manila, Don Domingo Zubálburu; but

the latter advised that they should lay aside their dissensions,

and for that purpose sent the Jesuit Father Antonio de Borja, who

was able to attain his object. (Montero y Vidal, Hist. piratería, i,

pp. 244-252. Cf. Combés, Hist. Mindanao, col. 610-640.)

The king of Joló, on the contrary, had for many years maintained peace

and friendly relations with the Spaniards, much to the resentment of

his chiefs and captains, who derived much more profit from hostile

raids than from trade and peace; therefore by means of their

confidential agents they spread the report that the king of Joló

was talking of sending an armed fleet of twenty joangas to plunder

these islands. The principal author of this was a Joloan named Linao,

who was on intimate terms with the Spaniards, and a Guimbano named

Palía. But the king of Joló was very far from thinking of such changes,

and it would have been better for us if we had not so readily believed

it. At this information Don Fernando de Bobadilla despatched his armada

against Joló, under General Don Pedro de Viruega; but when he reached

that island he found that the story that they had spread abroad against

the king was false, and Don Pedro, having talked with him, went back

to Zamboanga well satisfied of his peaceable attitude. But it was not

long before the former rumors against the king of Joló were again

current; the author of them was Linao, who desired a rupture [with

the Spaniards], so that he with other pirates might go out on raids

against these islands--in which enterprise he was more interested

than in the peace of his king. This plan he carried out in company

with two others, Libot and Sacahati, who went cruising with several

vessels and did much damage in the islands of Pintados and Masbate,

until they reached the Limbones; [99] from that place they chased the

corregidor of Mariveles, and captured the provincial of our discalced

Augustinian religious and those who were accompanying him, on his

return from visiting the Christian villages of Bolinao--although these

persons escaped by jumping ashore. But there was one who could not do

this, father Fray Antonio de las Misas (also a discalced Augustinian),

who was coming from Cuyo and Calamianes to visit those convents. This

religious might with good reason be regarded as a martyr; for with

his blood only were the hands of the renegade Linao stained, as he

spared the lives of all the rest in his greed for ransom. Although

the pirates knew that the ransom of this religious promised them more

profit [than that of an ordinary captive], their hatred to the faith

prevailed over their greed, which in these barbarians is great. This

opinion is confirmed by the cruelty with which they treated an image

of Our Lady of the People, which this religious was wearing, on which

they used their crises with furious rage. This religious was an old

man, and greatly esteemed for his virtue; and in the order he had held

positions of honor--prior of the convent at Manila, vicar-provincial

of Cebú, and other posts in Caraga. He had a brother, a lay member of

the Society of Jesus in these islands, who also suffered the same kind

of death at the hands of the barbarous pirates called Camucones--a

nation as cruel as cowardly, two qualities which always go together.

Great was the injury which these pirates inflicted on the islands,

and although the alcalde-mayor of Balayan went out against them

with some armed vessels they could not be found, either by him or

by some other vessels which went from Manila for this purpose with a

considerable force of men, on account of the adroitness with which the

Moros concealed themselves, avoiding an encounter--to such an extent

that the belief was current in Manila that these were not outside

enemies, but insurgent Indians of the country, until a Spaniard

who had been seized by the enemy at the shoals of Mindoro made his

escape from them, and his account undeceived the people of Manila. The

governor despatched an armed fleet in command of Admiral Pedro Durán

de Monforte, a soldier of long experience, but this remedy came too

late; for the pirates, satiated with burning villages, plundering,

and taking captives, had returned to their own country. Accordingly

the armada, having vainly scouted along Lubán, Mindoro, and Panay,

returned to Manila, having accomplished nothing save the expenses

which were caused for the royal exchequer, which is the paymaster

for these and other cases of negligence.

The distrust which was felt regarding the maintenance of the peace by

the king of Joló perhaps occasioned anger that he had not prevented

these injuries; but he, knowing that if he did not make amends it

would be a cause for justifiable hostilities, sent an embassy to the

governor (who was Don Diego Sarria Lazcano), exonerating himself and

promising to chastise Linao, Libot, and Sacahati; this he did, and many

captives were restored, which was no slight [amends]. King Corralat

raised his false alarms, as he was wont to do when that suited him,

and also made some trifling raids through the agency of the people of

Sibuguey, and threatened the Zebuans at Dapitán. But all became quiet

when the office of governor of those coasts was assumed (June 16, 1659)

by Don Agustín de Cepeda, a great soldier--who died in decrepit old

age as master-of-camp of these Filipinas. Corralat knew, much to his

sorrow, the valor of this able officer, and therefore did not dare to

anger him, content that the Spaniards should leave him in peace. Don

Agustín, as a prudent man, determined to try measures to secure peace;

and, conferences having been held, those measures were carried out,

with very advantageous arrangements for our forces.

The frequent raids of these Moro pirates, both Mindanaos and Joloans,

were one of the greatest hardships which these Filipinas Islands

suffered through many continuous years; they were the scourge of the

natives of the islands of Pintados and Camarines, Tayabas, and Mindoro,

as being nearest to the danger and most weak for defense. These

people paid with their beloved liberty for our neglect to defend

them--not always deserving of blame, on account of the mutations of the

times. Few Spaniards have been the prey of these vile thieves, except

some who were very incautious; but amends have been made for these

by many religious and some secular priests, ministers in the Indian

villages, who have suffered rigorous captivities and cruel deaths. No

small amount of expenditure has fallen on the royal exchequer; for

those pirates have caused innumerable expenses in armed fleets, most

of them useless because the news of the loss did not reach us until

the pirates were returning unhurt to their own lands. At times it has

given even the governors and captains-general of these islands plenty

to do in defending them from these pilfering thieves, as we saw in

the first part of this history, in the case of Don Sebastián Hurtado

de Corcuera and others. All the life of Cachil Corralat--which was a

very long one, for it exceeded ninety years--and that of his father

Bahisan kept our vigilance continually on the alert, and caused us

to found and maintain the fortified posts of Zamboanga, Sabanilla,

Malanao, and others--which caused so much expense and no profits;

for the forts defend only a small space, and the sea has many roads,

and thus they did not hinder the Moro fleets from sallying forth

whenever they chose. Moreover, Corralat had all the Lutaos for spies,

on account of their great reverence for him, and because they were

in secret as much Mahometans as himself; for never is a Lutao found

who has not been circumcised, or one who eats pork--and it is this

which constitutes their Mahometanism, as also having many wives and

being enemies of Christians; for in other respects they are atheists,

and do not know what the Koran is or what it contains. And, as I have

heard from military men who have experience in these wars, the only

restraint upon these Joloan and Mindanao enemies is in armed fleets,

which go to search for them in their homes and inflict on them all

the damage they can, without going inland; for the Spaniards will not

find any one there on whom to avenge themselves, since the inhabitants

are safe in their thick forests and on impregnable heights.

After so many years of misfortunes the divine mercy took pity on these

poor natives, on whom the cruelty and greed of the Moros had so long

fattened, selecting as an agent the very Corralat who had been the

cause of the past havoc. With old age and experience he came to see the

injury which was resulting to his people (and most of all to the kings

of Mindanao) from having enemies so valiant as the Spaniards had proved

to be; and therefore while he lived he maintained peace with Manila,

with friendly relations and the benefit of commerce on both sides. And

when his death arrived, which was at the end of the year 1671, he left

his nephew and heir, Balatamay, strictly charged to keep the peace,

with heavy curses and imprecations, according to their custom; and his

people obeyed him so well that for a long time no raid was heard of;

nor was there any by the Camucones, who are subject to Borney. The

king of Joló, Paguián, has preserved the same peace and friendship;

for all the Moro tribes of these regions reverenced Corralat as if he

were Mahoma himself. For he was a Moro of great courage, intelligence,

and sagacity, besides being exceedingly zealous for his accursed sect,

and a great sorcerer--for all of which he probably has met condign

punishment. (Diaz, Conquistas, pp. 564-567.)

The governor [i.e., Manuel de León, in 1674] commanded Juan Canosa

Raguses, a skilful builder of lateen-rigged vessels, to construct two

galleys; these sailed very straight and light, and did good service in

frightening away the Camucones, pilfering and troublesome pirates, who

in most years infested the Pintados Islands with pillaging and seizure

of captives. These are a barbarous, cruel, and cowardly people, and

they cannot have one of these traits without the others. They inhabit

a chain of small islands, which extend from Paragua to Borney; some

of them are Mahometans and others heathens. They have done much harm

to the islands of Bisayas, which they ravaged quite at their ease--so

much so that in the year 1672 they carried away the alcalde-mayor, Don

José de San Miguel, as we have mentioned elsewhere. They have a great

advantage in the extreme swiftness of their vessels, which enables them

to find their defense in flight. Their confidence and boldness went so

far that they ventured to infest the coasts of Manila. The provincial,

Fray José Duque, while going to visit the convents in the islands

of Pintados, came very near being captured with his companion, Fray

Alvaro de Benavente; for they were attacked by a squadron of these

pirates near the island of Marinduque, where they would have been

a prey to Moro cruelty, if they had not been favored by the divine

kindness. [This acted] through the agency of Captain Francisco Ponce,

a veteran soldier, who killed the captain and another of the pirates;

and also of a sudden wind, which gave wings to the champan for placing

itself in safety. With the building of these galleys the Camucones were

inspired with such terror that for many years they did not venture

to sally out for their usual raids, so much in safety as before. The

first time, Sargento-mayor Pedro Lozano went out to scour the seas

through which the Camucones might come to make their raids. In the

following year, Captain Don José de Novoa went out--a brave Galician,

the encomendero of Gapang--and as commander of the second galley

Captain Simón de Torres, an able soldier from Maluco; and they scoured

the coasts of Mindanao, committing some acts of hostility, their sole

object therein being to cause more terror than harm. And thus it was,

that with the fear which those piratical tribes had conceived of the

galleys neither Joloans, Mindanaos, nor Camucones dared, so long as

these lasted, to commit their former ravages. The same thing occurs

whenever there are galleys, even though they do not go out to sea and

are shut up in the port of Cavite. It is therefore very expedient to

keep vessels of this sort, in order to be free from the invasions of

those pirates. In view of this, Governor Don Domingo de Zabálburu built

two other galleys, which was the cause of the Joloans, Mindanaos, and

Camucones remaining, throughout his term of office, within their own

boundaries, although they had been in previous years, as we have seen,

a continual plague to these islands. (Diaz, Conquistas, p. 711.) [100]

NOTES

[1] Juan de Zarzuela was born in Argete on February 11, 1640. When

sixteen years old, he entered the Jesuit novitiate, and ten years later

went to the Philippines. He was rector at Iloilo, and vice-rector at

Cavite; rector and vice-rector at San José during seven years, and

procurator of the province during five; and filled other posts. He

died in Manila, May 27, 1706. (Murillo Velarde, fol 394 b.)

[2] A light sailing vessel, with one mast; a sloop. Cf. Dutch bylander,

a coasting vessel.

[3] Gaspar Marco was born in Biar, Valencia, January 25, 1660, and

became a Jesuit novice in 1682. Seven years later, he came to Manila,

and was for fifteen years procurator of the college there. After

filling other offices, he was sent as procurator of the province to

Madrid and Rome. He was taken ill in Spain, and died on September 8,

1716. (Murillo Velarde, fol. 406.)

[4] Paul Clain (originally Klein) was born at Agra, Bohemia, and

entered the Jesuit order September 14, 1669. In 1678 he went to Mexico,

and four years later to the Philippines; he there was rector in several

colleges, provincial, professor, and missionary. He died on August 30,

1717. (Sommervogel, ii, col. 1197.)

[5] Antonio Tuccio (misprinted Fuccio in our text) was born at

Messina, April 16, 1641, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of

seventeen. After completing his studies, he was a teacher during five

years; in 1672 went to the Philippines, where he was rector at Cavite

and Manila, and twice provincial. He died at Manila, February 4,

1716. (Sommervogel, viii, col. 265.)

[6] Guiuan is the name of a village and port on the extreme south

coast of Samar; it has a good anchorage for vessels, even in typhoons.

[7] Taclobo: the Tagálog name for the enormous shells of the giant

clam (Tridacna); they sometimes attain a length of five or six feet,

and weigh hundreds of pounds. The valves are frequently used for

baptismal fonts, and are sometimes burned to make lime. (Official

Handbook of the Philippines, part i, p. 153.)

[8] Full accounts of the earlier knowledge of these islands,

unsuccessful efforts to locate and discover them, and the organization

of a mission to go there for the conversion of the natives, are

given in Murillo Velarde's Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 375 b., 379;

and Concepción's Hist. de Philipinas, ix, pp. 151-171. Both these

writers use Clain's letter, more or less closely following his

account. Gregorio Miguel, in his Estudio sobre las Islas Carolinas

(Madrid, 1887), p. 32, cites a MS. at Sevilla, dated 1567, written by

Juan Martinez (see our Vol. II, pp. 149-150), to show that the Palaos

Islands were first seen in 1566, by the captain of the Spanish ship

"San Jerónimo," Pero Sanchez Pericón. It was not until 1710, however,

that they were actually discovered. The name Palaos (corrupted

to Pelew) was given them on account of the vessels, called paraos

(cf. Javanese prau), used by the natives. For description of the

islands, their people, and the customs and mode of life of these

natives, with a vocabulary of their language, see Miguel, ut supra,

pp. 32-60.

[9] Following is a translation of the title-page of this work:

"General history of the discalced religious of the Order of the

hermits of the great father and doctor of the Church, San Agustin,

of the congregation of España and of the Indias. Volume Four. By

Father Fray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, pensioned lecturer,

calificador of the Holy Office, apostolic missionary, father of

the province of Aragon, ex-definitor-general, and chronicler of the

said congregation. Dedicated to St. Nicholas of Tolentino. Containing

three decades, extending from the year 1661 to that of 1690. Zaragoza;

printed by Francisco Moreno, in the year 1756."

[10] A sidenote at this point in the original is as follows: "Historia

de la Provincia del Santo Rosario, volume ii, book ii, chapter xv." The

reference is of course to Baltasar de Santa Cruz's book.

[11] A sidenote in the original refers to volume iii of the Recollect

History by Santa Theresa, Decade vii, book i, chapter iv, section vii,

folio 241, nos. 507-515. The Philippine portion of this book appears

in our Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188.

[12] Juan Polanco (not Palanco), was a native of the Burgos mountain

region, and professed in the Dominican convent of Valladolid, July 13,

1639. As he showed evident signs of a brilliant mind he was sent to the

college of San Gregorio of Valladolid, after graduating from which he

returned to the convent as lecturer in philosophy. Thence he went to

the convent of Trianos as master of students, but later joining the

Philippine mission arrived at those islands in 1658. Destined for

the instruction of the Chinese he was sent to the Chinese missions

as soon as he had mastered the language. His two years in China were

years of continual suffering, imprisonment, and torment. Recalled,

although against his will, to become procurator for his province in

Madrid and Rome, and to act as definitor in the general chapter, he

gave up his mission work. Always of a humble and obedient disposition,

when he was ordered to return immediately to Spain on one occasion

after he had just conducted a mission to Mexico, he obeyed without

hesitation, but he had scarcely reached the convent at Sevilla,

when he died, December 2, 1671. At the chapter held at Rome 1668,

he petitioned the beatification of the Japanese martyrs. See Reseña

biográfica, ii, pp. 1-3.

[13] A sidenote in the original at this point refers to the Chronicas

of San Antonio, i, book i, chapter xvii.

[14] A sidenote of the original reads: "All this appears from Father

Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio, ut supra, book ii, chapter xviii,

folio 364, and chapter xix, folio 372."

[15] A sidenote of the original refers to San Antonio, i, book i,

chapter lv, folio 220, and chapter lvii, folio 224.

[16] So called perhaps from the long robe probably worn by women who

were allowed to take partial vows.

[17] A sidenote at this point refers to Father Nieremberg's Oculta y

curiosa philosophia, last treatise, folio 431. This book is rightly

named Curiosa y oculta filosofia, and was published in two parts in

Madrid, 1643. Juan Eusebio Nieremberg was born in Madrid either in 1590

or 1595. His father was a Tyrolese, and his mother a Bavarian. Educated

at the university at Salamanca, he took the Jesuit habit in the same

city in 1614. He became known for his learning and ability and for

fourteen years filled the chair of natural history at the royal

school at Madrid, and for three years after that lectured on the

scriptures. At the same time he was held in high esteem as a confessor,

and was solicited by many prominent people as such. In 1642, he gave up

teaching entirely because of an attack of paralysis. His death occurred

at Madrid, April 7, 1658. He was the author of many works in Spanish

and Latin, some of which have been translated into French and Arabic,

and other languages. See Rose's New General Biographical Dictionary,

and Hoefer's Nouvelle Biographie générale.

[18] Sidenotes at this point in the original refer as follows:

"Volume i of this History [i.e., the volume by Andrés de San Nicolas,

for extract from which see our Vol. XXI], decade ii, chapter ix,

folio 452; volume iii [i.e., the volume by Diego de Santa Theresa,

from which appear extracts in Vol. XXXVI, pp. 113-188], marginal

numbers, 233, 257 et seq., 530 et seq., 540, 596, and 649."

[19] There is a a sidenote reference here in the original to Santa

Cruz's Historia, part ii, book i, chapter xxiii.

[20] A sidenote of the original refers here to Santa Theresa's

Historia, marginal numbers 649 and 651.

[21] See Vol. XL, p. 179, note 78.

[22] A sidenote here refers to Santa Theresa's Historia, no. 259 ff.

[23] The references in the margin at this point are to San Andrés's

Historia, folios 451, 452; Luis de Jesús's Historia, folios 39, 40,

44, 45, 70, 282, 284-295, and 353; Santa Theresa's Historia, marginal

numbers 250 ff., 366 ff., 519, 522, 534, 599, 603, 615-629, 646 ff.,

and 740 ff.

[24] Subhastación: literally, sale of goods at public auction.

[25] Our author also refers in sidenotes at this place to Luis de

Jesús's Historia, folios 45, 167 ff., 284-295, and 353; and to Santa

Theresa's Historia, marginal numbers 328, 522, 534, 648, 741, and 1153.

[26] A sidenote reference at this point reads: "See Volume iii of

this Historia [i.e., Santa Theresa's], marginal numbers 737-742."

[27] The reference is to volume i of the series of histories of

the Recollect order, the volume by Andrés de San Nicolás, decade 2,

chapter vi from folio 419.

[28] A reference here in the original is to Santa Cruz's Historia,

folio 499.

[29] A sidenote refers to San Antonio's Chronicas, i, book i, chapter

39, no. 407, folio 139.

[30] A sidenote refers at this point to Santa Theresa, nos. 239 ff.,

and 737 ff.

[31] See Vol. XL, p. 123, note 46.

[32] Mindoro has an area of 3,851 square miles, according to the

estimate of the Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 65, 66. It has

a maximum length of 100 miles and its greatest width is about 60

miles. Though represented as having two mountain ranges those who have

crossed the island say that it has but one. The highest elevation of

that range is Mt. Halcón, about 8,800 ft. high. The island has much

valuable timber. The settlements are mostly confined to the coast,

and are small, while some wild people live in the interior.

[33] Of "yonote" Colin (Labor evangélica, p. 29) says: "They [i.e.,

the inhabitants of Mindoro] pay their tribute in yonote, which is a

kind of black hemp, produced by certain palms. It is used for the

larger cables of ships, which are made in the rope factory of the

village of Tal." Cf. bonote, Vol. X, p. 58; and Vol. XIV, p. 257.

[34] San Antonio, i, p. 102, notes that the island of Mindoro was

formerly called Maìt. Its Chinese name was Ka-may-en (see Vol. XXXIV,

p. 187, note 15).

[35] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Agustin's Conquistas,

book ii, chapter i, pp. 216, 250. The first page makes no mention of

the "simplicity."

[36] The sidenote reference to San Antonio is to his Chronicas,

volume i, p. 103.

[37] A sidenote reference is to San Agustin's Conquistas, pp. 216,

224, 292.

[38] See Vol. II, p. 59, note 22.

[39] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, ut supra, p. 292.

[40] Sidenote reference: San Agustin, p. 250.

[41] Sidenote references: Father Fray Marcelo de Ribadeneyra, in his

Historia, folio 84; father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio in his

Chronicas, volume i, folio 20.

[42] Murillo Velarde (folio 123 verso, no. 306) records that two

Jesuits were sent to Mindoro to work in the field of the seculars

in 1640. Juan de Polanco, O.P., notes that about 1645 there were

four or five Jesuits in Mindoro who worked among the people of the

uplands (see Pastells's edition of Colin's Labor evangélica, iii,

p. 735). San Antonio notes (i, p. 203) Jesuit residences in the

jurisdiction of Mindoro.

[43] A sidenote reference is to nos. 400, 715, ante.

[44] Our author refers in a sidenote to San Antonio, i, p. 207.

[45] A sidenote reference is to folio 80 of Joseph Sicardo's

Christiandad del Japon, ... Memorias sacras de los martyres de las

ilustres religiones ... con especialdad, de los religiosos del orden

de S. Augustin (Madrid, 1698).

[46] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[47] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, p. 207. The present total

population of Mindoro (according to the Census of the Philippines

ii, p. 407) is 28,361, of which the civilized or Christian people

number 21,097. The native peoples include Bicols, Ilocanos, Mangyans,

Painpangans, Pangasináns, Tagálogs, Visayans, and Zambals. The wild

people are all Mangyans.

[48] See ante, note 47. See also the Census of the Philippines (i,

pp. 472, 473, 547, 548), which says that the Mangyans are probably

a mixture of Negritos with other native peoples, and possibly some

slight infusion of white blood in some localities.

[49] The reference is to I Corinthians iii, 6.

[50] A sidenote here refers to nos. 32-38 ante.

[51] The original refers at this point to Luis de Jesús, folios 36,

42 ff.

[52] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[53] A sidenote reference is to San Antonio, i, p. 215.

[54] The present population of the island of Romblón is 9,347, all

civilized. This must be differentiated from the province of Romblón,

which contains a number of islands, and has a population of 52,848. The

Calamianes or Culión group is located in the southwestern part of the

archipelago between Mindoro and Paragua between lat. 11° 39' and 12°

20' N., and long. 119° 47' and 120° 23' E., or a sea area of 1,927

square miles. This group consists of well over 100 islands, islets,

and mere rocks, many of them unnamed. The largest islands in the group

are Busuanga, Calamian, and Linacapan. The population of Calamianes

is given as follows for a number of years: 1876, 16,403; 1885, 21,573;

1886, 17,594; 1887, 16,016; 1888, 14,739; 1889, 16,876; 1891, 18,391;

1892, 18,053; 1893, 19,292; 1894, 18,540; 1895, 16,186; 1896, 15,620;

1897, 15,661; 1898, 14,283. While the falling off in later years

may be accounted for possibly by the movements of population during

the insurrectionary period, it must be assumed that the returns

for the earlier years are incorrect, for they would not naturally

vary so greatly from year to year. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer,

pp. 412-415; and Census of the Philippines, ii, pp. 197, 198, 405;

and iii, pp. 12-16.

[55] A sidenote refers to Santa Theresa, no. 1228.

[56] Tomás Antonio Manrique de la Cerda, conde de Paredes, marqués

de la Laguna, and knight of the Order of Alcantára, took office as

viceroy of Mexico, November 30, 1680. The chief events of his term

were the piratical raids, chiefly by French corsairs. His residencia

was taken in 1686, and about two years later he returned to Spain. See

Bancroft's Mexico, iii, pp. 190-207.

[57] The island of Masbate has an area of 1,236 square miles. It is

mountainous, the mean elevation ranging from 2,000 to 2,500 feet. Its

present total population is 29,451, all civilized, and the great

majority Visayan. See Census of the Philippines, i, p. 66, ii, pp. 30,

392, 407.

[58] Ticao belongs to the present province of Masbate. It is very

small, containing an area of only 121 square miles. In shape it is

long and narrow, and not of great elevation. Its present population

is 10,183. The chief known occupation is agriculture. See ut supra,

i, p. 66, ii, p. 30.

[59] The same general description as that of Ticao fits Burías. Like

that island, it also belongs to the province of Masbate. Its area is

197 square miles, and its population 1,627. See ut supra, i, p. 66,

ii, p. 30.

[60] Sidenotes at this point refer to San Agustin's Conquistas,

book ii, chapter i, p. 215; book iii, chapter xxv, pp. 515, 516, 529.

[61] A sidenote refers to San Antonio, i, folio 219.

[62] A sidenote reference is to Santa Theresa, no. 740 ff.

[63] A sidenote refers to ut supra, no. 739.

[64] Miguel Poblete was archbishop of Manila from 1653 to 1668.

[65] Bolinao is now located on the northeastern end of the Zambal

Peninsula. Before being moved by the Dominicans, it must have been

located on the island of Santiago or Purra, just across the channel

from its present location. Its present population (see Census of

Philippines, ii, p. 244), is 5,397.

[66] Today located on the coast. Its present population is 6,139. See

Census of Philippines, ii, p. 244.

[67] Masinloc (see ut supra) has a present population of 3,230.

[68] Iba, now the capital of the province of Zambales, is located on

a river a very short distance from the coast. Its present population

is 4,482. See Census of Philippines, ii., p. 244.

[69] The modern Cabangán is located on the coast road a few miles

south of Iba. Its present population (see ut supra) is 3,015.

[70] The village of Subic is located on the northern side of the

bay of the same name, and its present population (see ut supra) is

2,525. Subic Bay is one of the best natural harbors in the Philippines.

[71] See the Dominican account of their missions among the Zambals,

as given by Salazar, in Vol. XLIII.

[72] i.e., Incense, or storax. The word is spelt "camangyian" in the

Tagálog dictionary of Noceda and Sanlucar.

[73] The port and village of San Jacinto are located on the east

coast of Ticao Island toward the north. The village has a present

population of 4,845. See Census of the Philippines, ii, p. 232.

[74] Mobo is an inland village in the northeastern part of Masbate,

located on a river a short distance from the capital village

called Masbate. Its present population is 2,657. See Census of the

Philippines, ii, p. 232.

[75] Domingo Pérez was born in Santa Justa near Santander, in

1636. Entering the convent at Santillana, he professed as a Dominican

there, October 14, 1659. Refusing the offer of a college education

in Alcalá de Henares, he went to the Philippines, after teaching

philosophy for a time at Mexico. Reaching Manila in December 1666,

he taught philosophy until the following year, when he was assigned to

the province of Bataán, at the convent of Oriong, which was declared

independent of Abucay in that same year. Three of his five years

there he acted as vicar. From Oriong he went to Samál, and thence to

Abucay in 1675. Somewhat later he was sent to Balacbac, but remained

there but a short time because of the complaints of the Recollects,

who claimed that the Dominicans were usurping their territory. In 1677

he was appointed vicar of Abucay, where his capacity for work and his

zeal were conspicuous. In 1678 he was appointed vicar of Binondoc,

remaining there one year. When the Dominicans were given charge of

the province of Zambales in 1679, he was made vicar of that whole

district. He was conspicuous throughout the province for his efforts

in destroying idol worship, and his opposition to that and all manner

of vices finally ended in his murder, as related in the text. He died

on November 15, 1683. He was the author of a relation on the customs

and superstitions of the Zambals, which existed in the Dominican

archives at Manila. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 34-43.

[76] Juan Rois (Roes, Ruiz) was a Galician, and professed in the

Dominican convent of Lugo, September 2, 1679. Arriving at the

Philippines that same year, he was assigned in 1680 to the house

at Masinloc, and in 1682 to that at Nueva Toledo. In 1684 he was

again assigned to Masinloc, and in 1686 became vicar of Paynaven and

vicar-provincial of Zambales. He was sent to the Batanes Islands with

Father Mateo González, in 1688, where he died that same year from the

unhealthfulness of the region and his hardships. See Reseña biográfica,

ii, pp. 216, 217.

[77] Possibly the agos-os, or Ficus pungens, which is used occasionally

in house construction. See Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 341;

and Ahern's Important Philippine Woods (Forestry Bureau, Manila,

1901), p. 8.

[78] See Salazar's Historia, pp. 275-313, for the Dominican account

of the missions of Zambales, the incidents of Calignao, and the life

of Father Domingo Pérez. Concepción evidently had before him this

account in compiling his own.

[79] Juan Peguero, O.P., was born in Estremadura, and professed in the

Seville convent, November 1, 1659. After arriving in the Philippines,

he was assigned to the province of Bataán, where he labored in the

convents of Samal and Abucay. He was associate in Binondoc during

the years 1671-1673, when he became vicar of San Juan del Monte,

serving also in the latter in 1680 and 1686-1691. He was vicar of

Oriong 1677-1680, and became procurator, along with his other duties,

in the latter year. His death occurred at the Manila convent, May

21, 1691. He wrote a compendium of the history of the province,

and a biography of Domingo Pérez, the latter of which he dated and

signed on February 1, 1691, and which was conserved in the Dominican

convent at Manila. One of his works was to construct an aqueduct from

the Pasig for the better water-supply of Manila, but an earthquake

totally destroyed his work. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 81, 82.

[80] Doubtless the Recopilación de las Leyes de los Reynos de las

Indias, first published at Madrid, 1681.

[81] Traslado: The reference or act of delivering written judicial

proceedings to the other party, in order that on examination of them

he may prepare his answer. Appleton's New Velázquez Dictionary.

[82] Raimundo Berart, O.P., was a native of Cataluña, and professed

in the convent of Santa Catalina Virgén y Martir, in Barcelona, at

that time being doctor in both laws at the university of Lérida. He

arrived at Manila at the age of twenty-eight, in the year 1679. He

speedily became associate to the archbishop, Felipe Pardo, in whose

defense he wrote several manifestos which remain in MS. In 1681 the

ecclesiastical cabildo asked that the archbishop give him up, and

probably in answer to that demand, he was assigned to the convent of

Abucay in the province of Bataán. In 1684 he became vicar of that

convent, and in 1686 he was appointed rector and chancellor of the

college of Santo Tomás in Manila. He left the islands before July 13,

1689, and from that time until 1696 was in charge of the hospitium

in Mexico. In 1696 he was sent to Spain as definitor in general

chapter, and died in that country in 1713. See Reseña biográfica,

ii, pp. 195-206.

[83] This date cannot be reconciled with the dates that follow. It

may be an error for 1685.

[84] Domingo de Escalera was a native of Andalucia, and professed in

the Dominican order at Madrid, September 10, 1665. He was a deacon at

his arrival at the Philippines. He was first assigned to the house

of San Gabriel in Binondo; became vicar of Sámal in the province

of Bataán in 1680, and in 1682 of Abucay, after which he was again

at Binondo. During the years 1686-1690, he was procurator-general,

and during part of that time (1686-1688), had charge of the natives

in the Manila convent. In 1690 he was definitor and acted as vicar

again of Binondo, where he remained until 1698, when he became

president of the college of San Juan de Letrán. He was appointed

president of the hospital of San Gabriel, and procurator-general of

the province. Although assigned as vicar of the convent of San Telmo

in Cavite in 1702, he resigned that office in November of that same

year, and went to the mission at Ituy. His death occurred on the

nineteenth of the following month, and resulted from the unhealthful

region. During the year spent among the mountains of Zambales, he

formed the village of Malso. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 169, 170.

[85] Pedro Mejorada, O.P., professed in the convent at Salamanca, and

on going to the Philippines was assigned to the Tagálog district. He

ministered four years in Binondo, then the same period in Sámal,

in the province of Bataán. In 1694, he was assigned as lecturer on

theology at the college of Santo Tomás in Manila, where he remained

for four years. The following eight years were spent in Abucay and

Oriong. In the year 1702 he received the title of calificador of the

Holy Office, and in 1706 was appointed rector and chancellor of the

university, which position he filled until 1710, when he was elected

provincial of the order. On the termination of that office in 1714,

he was elected regent of studies in the college of Santo Tomás. In

November of that same year, however, he resigned in order to return

to his convent at Salamanca, arriving in Madrid in 1716. Although

lie was elected prior of the Salamanca convent, he was not to be

allowed to enjoy that position, for a royal appointment as bishop

of Nueva Segovia caused him, howbeit unwillingly, to return to the

Philippines. Entering those islands once more in 1718, he assumed

the duties of his office, but died in Vigan in June of the following

year in the sixty-third year of his age, and after a residence in the

islands of thirty-one years. See Reseña biográfica, ii, pp. 230-234.

[86] Domingo Collantes, the author of the fourth part of the Dominican

history of the Philippines, was a native of Villa de Herrin de

Campos, in the bishopric of Palencia. He professed in the convent

at Valladolid, in 1764, and arrived in Manila, July 8, 1769. He

held several conventual posts in his order there, among them that

of provincial. The bishopric of Nueva Cáceres was later given to

him. His death occurred in Manila in 1808 at the age of sixty. See

Pardo de Tavera's Biblioteca filipina, p. 107.

[87] Spanish, romper el nombre; "to cease using the countersign

of recognition, when daybreak comes, for which purpose the drums,

cornets, trumpets, or other musical instruments give the signal with

the call named diana" (Dominguez); cf. French reveille.

[88] In Sulu roadstead; anchorage is north of the town. In channel

between Sulu roadstead and Marongas is a pearl-oyster bed, which

employs many boats. This is an important industry, pearls and

pearl-shells being the chief articles in the export trade of the

island. (U. S. Philippine Gazetteer.)

[89] Colin (who was at that time in Joló) says of this (Labor

evangélica, ed. 1663, p. 49): "There was found near the island of Joló

a piece [of amber] which weighed more than eight arrobas, of the best

kind that exists, which is the gray [el gris]." Retana and Pastells

regard Combés's ambar as meaning amber, the vegetable fossil; but it

is possible that all these writers mean rather ambergris, which is

supposed to be a morbid secretion of the sperm whale, and has been

used as a perfume.

[90] It was Lopez who soon afterward, having gone to Manila to report

results to Governor Fajardo, secured (largely through the influence of

Venegas, who was very friendly to Lopez) permission for six Jesuits to

labor in the islands of the south, the rebuilding of their residence

at Zamboanga, and the exemption of the Lutaos from tribute, and the

appointment of Rafael Omen de Azevedo as governor. (Murillo Velarde,

Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 151 b.)

[91] In the text, desvelar, "to keep awake"--but from the context,

apparently an error of some sort.

[92] Spanish, dió una bofetada, literally, "gave a blow in the

face"--in the Spanish a play on words which it is difficult to retain

in English.

[93] This order was carried out by Balatamay, on December 13, 1655. See

Combés's detailed account of this tragedy, as cited by Diaz.

[94] Pedro Durán de Monforte; his term of office began in 1649,

and lasted until Esteybar's arrival at Zamboanga (Dec. 2, 1656).

[95] "La Silanga, which is a strait that is formed by the island of

Tulaya with the land of Mindanao" (Diaz, p. 561). Retana and Pastells,

in their edition of Combés, make Tulaya the modern Tulayan, near

Sulu--an evident error, from Diaz's statement.

[96] Referring to the governor ad interim from November, 1661 to

February, 1662; Combés describes at length his "persecution" of the

Jesuits at Zamboanga (col. 591-609), but does not mention his name.

[97] "Hardly had Morales reached the islands, when a new despatch

arrived from Manila, repeating the same orders. The silence of the

Spaniards [i.e., regarding their first order to leave the fort],

and the hurried preparations that were made that very night for the

withdrawal of Morales, inflamed the injured feelings of the Lutaos,

nor could any argument repress them. The governor did not attempt

to do more than console them, in order that they might prudently

decide what they should do; he told them that the Spaniards would

never forsake them, and that if the Lutaos would follow them there

were places in the islands, with equal and even greater advantages,

where they could live; that Corralat was friendly, and the Spaniards

would charge him to maintain friendly relations with them, which

they could with good reason expect, as he was of the same nation as

themselves; that if he should not fulfil this obligation, occasion

would not fail the Spaniards to avenge them. He also said that they

could, with the forts which he left to them, easily defend themselves

from their enemies; and finally, that they should await the ultimate

decision which would be brought by General Don Francisco de Atienza

on his way to Maluco, since it might improve the condition of affairs.

"Little impression did these arguments, which the Spaniards offered

by way of consolation, make on the Lutaos. The tyrannies that they

would experience when left to their own government had no respect

for kinship, nor was there any law save that of might. To leave

their homes was most difficult, and to transplant their villages

was to ruin them. To defend the fort supplies of ammunition and

food were required, and they had no fund to meet these costs. They

gave way to lamentations and complaints that, as they had served

the Spaniards with their lives, they had roused in their neighbors a

mortal hatred; that, notwithstanding they had become Christians, they

were left abandoned, in the power of the Moros, without instruction,

or defense, or honor. They recounted their services, and their sighs

grew heavier, while they declared as false the promises made to them

in the beginning, which drew them away from obedience to their natural

king; and that with such an example [as this of the Lutaos before them]

the peoples [of Mindanao] would not change sides in order to please

a nation so unreliable [as the Spaniards]. The Subanos also presented

their piteous remonstrances that as a people of the hill-country, and

of timid disposition, they were exposed to greater misfortunes. They

went to the fort and renewed their importunities, saying that the

Spaniards were deserting and abandoning them [notwithstanding] their

humble submission, and leaving them to be slaves of their enemies;

that although they had maintained the Spaniards with their tributes,

provided their houses with their products, and embraced their faith,

contented with the freedom which followed Spanish protection, yet

now their liberty remained at the mercy of greed, the Spaniards

profiting by their lives for the sake of keeping up intercourse with

the Macassars and Malayos; and that it was too much to be endured,

to leave in such infamous subjection vassals so obedient as they. The

governor, his heart pierced by their pathetic expostulations, could

give no other satisfaction than his own anxious hopes. In the midst

of these limited and sad consolations, with the arrival of the succors

for Terrenate came anew the severe orders [for abandoning the forts];

the governor was now unable to give them courage, for lack of means,

and all were disconsolate; but it was necessary to execute the rigorous

order--those who remained being as sorrowful at it as were those who

were going away, and each one endeavoring to make his decision and

to suit it to this emergency. Some went to Mindanao, others to Joló,

and others to Basilan; many dispersed in the coasts of Zamboangan,

the people of Don Alonso Macombon remaining here with him; and a few

determined to follow the fortunes of those who retreated thence,

going to settle at Dapitan and Zebù.... In the vessels had to be

placed more than a thousand souls, and the military supplies. It was

a grievous abandonment, by which more than a thousand Christians were

left exposed to the cruelty of the Moros.... In great part it was

due to the obstinacy of the Jesuits, who, regarding the allowance

of fifty men as insufficient, compelled its total abandonment. Such

garrisons have been and are sufficient to oppose the Moros in the

remaining presidios; and the same would be enough in Zamboangan if

the great extent which must be guarded, on account of the size of

the fort, were reduced to a little, demolishing the less important

part [of the fortifications]. But their profound thoughts feared

lest that fort would afterward remain thus scantily garrisoned,

and that it would not make so much show or its administration be so

conspicuous; nor would there be expended in the allowances [for it]

so large sums, which they converted to their own advantage.... Soon

there were representations made at the court of injury resulting from

its desertion, and consequent royal decrees for its reconstruction,

which did not take effect until long afterward." (Concepción, Hist. de

Philipinas, vii, pp. 93-97.)

[98] This name is Curay in Concepción's Historia.

[99] An island and point at the entrance to Patungan Bay, in Batangas,

Luzón.

[100] It is evident, from the above statements by Diaz, that Barrantes

is incorrect in saying (Guerras piráticas, p. 17): "In this manner,

so melancholy for Filipinas, ended the seventeenth century." He has

made this hasty and unfounded conclusion through failure to search

for material to supply the gap which occurs at this point in the

narrative which he has used as the basis of the work above cited. This

is a MS. narrative of the Moro wars, for an account of which see our

Vol. XXIX, p. 174, note 40.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. · 第 6 / 6 章

13. The decree so enacted had the effect that the office of