CHAPTER I_The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and

their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,

as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the

political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those

islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the

close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XLI, 1691-1700

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson

with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord

Bourne.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLI.

Preface 9

Documents of 1691-1700

Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela,

and others; Manila, 1691 and 1694 33

Discovery of the Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J.;

Manila, June 10, 1697 39

Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro

de San Francisco de Assis; Zaragoza, 1756. Juan de

la Concepción; Manila, 1788 57

Bibliographical Data 273

Appendix: Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth

century. [Compiled from various historians.] 277

ILLUSTRATIONS

Title-page of vol. vi of Lettres édifiantes (Paris, 1723);

photographic facsimile of copy in library of Wisconsin

Historical Society 41

Map of New Philippines or Palaos Islands, 1710 (?);

photographic facsimile of original map in Archivo general

de Indias, Sevilla 45

Map of Palaos Islands, discovered by Joseph Somera, 1710;

from original manuscript map in Biblioteca de Vittorio

Emanuele, Rome 53

Map of Magendanao (Mindanao); drawn by Fakynolano, elder

brother of the sultan of that place, ca., 1700; photographic

facsimile of original manuscript map in the

British Museum 280, 281

PREFACE

The main part of this volume is a record of the Recollect missions

in the Philippines from 1661 to 1712; these are conducted mainly

in western Luzón, Mindanao, and Calamianes, and Assis's account

contains much information of interest regarding conditions in those

regions. "Moro raids in the seventeenth century" summarizes the

principal events connected with that topic; and the Jesuit Clain

presents an interesting account of the discovery that the islands

called Palaos exist within range of the Philippines.

Extracts from letters written by Manila Jesuits in 1691 and 1694

furnish some items of news. Governor Cruzat y Gongora is making

rigorous exactions upon the alcaldes-mayor and the tributary Indians;

he engages in trade, and accepts gifts from office-seekers. In

1692, two richly-laden vessels from Manila are lost; and in 1694

another, which contained all the available wealth of the Manila

citizens. Various ecclesiastical squabbles continue as echoes of the

Pardo controversy.

A letter from the Jesuit Paul Clain (June 10, 1697) gives a vivid

description of the arrival in Samar of some strange people, driven

from their homes in the Palaos (or Pelew) Islands; and reports the

information gained from them about that hitherto unknown group in

the broad Pacific. These foreigners receive kind treatment from the

natives of Samar, and religious instruction from the missionaries

there; and they desire to open communication between their own islands

and the Philippines.

The chief part of this volume is devoted to the Recollect missions

in various portions of the Philippines, the period treated in general

being included in the years 1661-1712, although some few remarks touch

a later period. The main portion of the account is taken from the

chronicle of Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, the author of the fourth

part of the Recollect Historia general; the second and subsidiary

part from vols. viii and ix of Juan de la Concepción's Historia,

this portion being designed merely to supplement the preceding account.

San Pedro de Assis describes cursorily the insurrection in Pampanga

(there scarcely more than an attempt) and the more serious uprising in

the province of Pangasinan and Zambales, and the part played by the

Recollects in restoring peace. The revolt in Pampanga arises, like

so many minor revolts in the past, through the injustice of lesser

officials--this time the superintendent of the timber-cutting. Under

leadership of one Francisco Manyago, a native military official,

the Pampangos attempt to gain freedom, and plan a general uprising

among various provinces. But though the most warlike of the Filipinos,

they are at the same time the most reasonable, and are, consequently,

easily quieted by the personal efforts of the governor, assisted

ably by the various religious orders. More difficult to eliminate,

however, is the leaven of discontent injected by the Pampangos into

the other provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan. These northern provinces

begin to think of a union for the purpose of securing liberty, and

of a central government of their own. Our author chooses as his field

more particularly the story of the revolt in Zambales, which he calls

a district of the province of Pangasinan, and which is a Recollect

mission territory. The revolt of Pangasinan is under the leadership

of Andrés Málong, who aspires to kingship and who gradually gathers an

army, some say, of 40,000 men. He intrigues through certain relatives

and adherents in Zambales to compel the Zambals to declare in his

favor, but notwithstanding the many in sympathy with him there, his

attempts are bootless, for the Recollect religious work so strongly

and courageously against his machinations that, in the end, entirely

conquered by the troops sent against him from Manila, he meets the

fate of other insurgent leaders. The efforts of Málong, through

his relative Sumúlay, in the village of Bolináo, are frustrated by

the vigilance and courage of Juan de la Madre de Dios, the vicar in

charge of the convent there, but his church is burned by the insurgent

sympathizers. The fathers and loyal natives, notwithstanding repeated

threats of death, under the active leadership of the above father hold

to their post, although one of the fathers, Luis de San Joseph, would

have gladly abandoned the place. This same priest, however, performs

brave feats in his delivery of messages from the vicar of Lingayén

(who describes the revolt in Pangasinan, and asks aid from Manila),

to the convent of Masinloc. Thence those messages are taken to Manila

by Bernardino de la Concepción, accompanied by three loyal chiefs,

who are suitably rewarded for their services.

With the absence from Masinloc of the three loyal chiefs

above-mentioned, treason shows its head in that village, its immediate

outbreak being due to an inopportune rebuke administered by the

prior to a chief who had neglected to attend mass. The religious and

loyal natives are besieged in the convent, but escape by stratagem, by

seizing a boat in which some natives have come to the village. Reaching

the village of Bagác, they meet there the three loyal chiefs who

are returning from Manila, and with their aid and that of thirty men

gathered by the prior of Bagác, they recover the village of Masinloc

from the insurgents. The majority of the inhabitants receive pardon,

but three of the ringleaders are put to death.

In the village of Cigayén, a chief, Sirray, acts as agent for

Málong, but failing to succeed in his plan to murder the religious

there, finally joins Málong with twenty-five followers, while the

father retires to Manila, and the village is abandoned by its other

inhabitants. The village of Agno is quieted by the efforts of the

Recollect Luis de San Joseph; and the chief, Durrey, the cause of

the trouble there, and twelve of his partisans are forced to flee. In

Bolinao, the flames of insurrection break out once more, for the vicar,

Juan de la Madre de Dios, is now alone. Málong sends an emissary,

one Caucáo, to deliver to him a letter, demanding that the place be

turned over to him. The father, however, is enabled by the chance

arrival of a champan with some religious, Spaniards, and natives, who

are fleeing from Ilocos, to outwit his enemies for the time being. The

quiet of Bolinao lasts only so long as the above-mentioned champan

remains there. After its departure Málong tries to secure the murder

of the religious through Durrey and Sumúlay. The former is dissuaded

from the attempt, and the latter persisting, is in turn attacked by

the father, and wounded, although he escapes by the connivance of

some of the inhabitants of Bolináo.

Meanwhile definite arrangements are made in Manila--and that more

speedily than is the custom there--for sending troops to put down

the incipient rebellion. The aid consists of a fleet under Felipe de

Ugalde, and an army of 200 Spaniards, and 400 natives, under Francisco

de Estebár. These joining and assisted further by some Zambals, quickly

break up organized hostility. Punishment (too severe some think,

but our author justifies it) is meted out to the leaders: Málong is

shot; Sumúlay, Caucáo, Sirrey, and Durrey are hanged; while another

leader in order to escape the death-sentence kills himself. Thus the

insurrection, which has lasted but a portion of the years 1660 and

1661, comes to an end, and this attempt, perhaps the earliest in which

various tribes or peoples of the Filipinos (although but waveringly

it is true) show any desire to act in concert, is recorded only as a

failure. The Sangleys, who have openly encouraged the insurrection,

and have even fought in their ranks, also attempt to revolt, partly

in response to the efforts of the pirate Kuesing; but their plans,

both in 1661 and 1662, come to naught, divine Providence each time

allowing the Recollects to act as agents. But the second attempt is

put down only after the shedding of much Sangley blood.

Probably in the year 1662, the first work of the Recollect on the

coast of Luzon opposite Manila begins, with the invitation of the

Franciscans who are engaged in work there, but who must give up

that field, a poor one, because of a scarcity of religious. Quickly

accepting the invitation, the Recollects enter upon the work with

enthusiasm, and found the convents of Binangónan, Valér, Casigúran,

and Palánan. In that district much fruit for heaven is gathered;

but in 1704 the dearth of religious (for none pass from Spain to the

Philippines from 1692 to 1710) causes the order to restore the district

to the Franciscans. Continuing, the deaths of the missionaries Juan

de San Antonio and Joseph de la Anunciation in the years 1663 and

1664 are recorded, and synopses of their lives given.

In chapter viii, Assis, going back somewhat, gives a résumé of the

sufferings of the Recollects between the years 1640-1668. These

sufferings and persecutions come mainly from the Moros, who by their

continual raids make themselves the scourge of all the Philippine

mission villages; and such is the boldness of those pirates that

they do not even hesitate to carry on their operations in sight of

Manila itself. Added to the terrors of the Moros is also the active

injury inflicted by the Dutch, those heretics allying themselves

even with the Moros to cause injury to the true Catholic faith. The

peace between Spain and Holland comes as a most welcome relief to the

colony. The Recollect villages and missions being in the very midst

of the Moro territory are the worst afflicted by that scourge. Their

pitiful petitions for aid fall on deaf ears, for at Manila, self

interest rules, and trade is the syren of the hour, not religion. The

Recollects, too, are not without their martyrs for the faith as the

result of Moro persecutions, while others succumb to the hardships

of the missionary labors.

The work among the Zambals is again taken up by our author in the

year 1670. The inhabitants of that district are a fierce people,

those in the mountains being more so than those dwelling along the

coast and on the plains, where they have had intercourse with other

natives and with Spaniards. The mountain population contains many

apostates and heathens, while many Negritos wander homeless and in

utter barbarous condition through their fastnesses. Although all those

people are hostile among themselves, they unite against the Spaniards,

for their common hatred to the latter draws them together. All the

orders have had a share in the reduction of those fierce people,

but the Recollects with the greatest success. The fierceness of

the people leads the Recollects to employ gentle means, and thus

by adapting themselves to the genius of their flock they gain many

converts--the most abundant being during the years 1668-1671, when

the provincial Cristobal de Santa Monica appoints nine religious for

the work. As a result of their labors 2,000 people are reduced to

a Christian and settled life, and others also adopt the faith. The

new villages of Iba (formerly called Paynavén), Subic, and Mórong

are formed from the converts, while all the old villages increase in

population. Two new convents are established--one in Paynavén, and the

other in Bagác. All this is accomplished by the year 1670. In 1671,

Joseph de la Trinidad makes great gains for Christianity in the Zambal

district, and, on becoming provincial in 1674, takes especial care

of those missions. But unfortunately the Recollects clash with the

Dominicans, whose administration lies in the district of Batáan; and

although the Recollects resist, they are at length (1679) compelled

by the archbishop, Felipe de Pardo (who covets the entire district

for his order) and the governor to cede the Zambal missions to the

Dominicans, and to take in exchange the island of Mindoro, which has

been for many years in charge of the seculars.

Following is told in synopsis the life of Miguel de Santo Tomás, most

of whose mission life has been spent in the province of Caraga. The

general chapter of 1672, meeting in Spain, assigns definitors and

discreets to the Philippine province.

Chapter iv of the ninth decade of the history carries us into Mindanao,

where the work among the heathen Tagabalòyes is reviewed. These are

a heathen people living in the neighborhood of Bislig in Caraga, the

Recollect mission center farthest from Manila, in the mountains called

Balooy (whence their name). They are a domestically inclined people,

courageous and intelligent, faithful in their treaties and promises,

and said to be the descendants of the Japanese. Not much can be done

among them until the year 1671 because of the Moro wars, the little

government aid received, and the scarcity of religious, the two in

the district being unable to extend their labors much outside of their

regular duties. But in 1671, Juan de San Felipe, the new provincial,

who has been a missionary in Bislig, appoints a religious especially

to look after the conversion of the mountain people. That religious

aided by the other two, has baptized 300 adults by 1673, besides 100

others who die immediately after receiving that sacrament. By 1674 the

district of Bislig has increased from 200 to 800 whole tributes. This

conversion has been aided by certain miraculous occurrences.

In 1674, Joseph de la Trinidad the provincial increases the mission

forces by the appointment of special ministers who visit the various

districts continually, carrying aid to the most needed parts of the

districts assigned them, and thus easing the burden of the missionaries

already established in the various villages by giving them more time

to attend to their regular duties. His greatest efforts he expends

in the Mindanao provinces of Butuan and Cagayan, where Christianity,

in consequence, makes vast gains. The faith is carried among the

Manobos of the Linao district, and the population of the villages

increases. The three religious working in the mountains of Cagayan,

and in toward Lake Malanao, reduce more than one hundred tributes

to Christian villages in spite of the hostility of the Moros, the

conversion being aided throughout by manifest miracles.

The ninth chapter of the ninth decade relates the work in the new field

of Mindoro. The mission work of that island (of which and its people

a brief description is given) is first begun by the Augustinians,

who cede the district to the Franciscans. Later the Jesuits maintain a

number of missionaries there and found the permanent mission of Naojan,

which is maintained until Luis de San Vitores goes to the missions

of the Ladrones or Marianas, when the island is turned over to three

seculars. The district is a poor one, and the seculars, although

zealous in their duties, cannot be adequately supported. Finally in

1679, as related above, the Recollects, after their glorious record

in the Philippines and their flourishing mission work in the Zambal

district, take up the Mindoro mission field, after a vain protest at

being ousted from their Zambal missions. The transfer is speedily

concluded by chaplaincies being provided for the seculars, and the

Recollects, taking possession of the new territory, immediately put

six religious to work. The new leaver is felt instantly and the number

of Christians increases from 4,000 in 1679 to 8,000 in 1692, and to

12,000 in 1716. Although the Moro depredations lessen that number

later, in 1738, San Antonio still chronicles over 7,000. The first

convent established at Baco is later moved to Calapan. Convents are

also established at Naojan, Calavite, and Mangárin (which is later

removed to Bongabong, because of its unhealthy site and the raids

of the Moros), all of which have their visitas. A mountain mission

established later results in a great increase to the Christians

of Mindoro.

The succeeding chapter deals with the resumption of the Recollect

missions in Calamianes which have been abandoned in 1662 because of the

Chinese pirate Kuesing, and the consequent withdrawal of the support of

the military. All but two of the missions, those in Cuyo and Agutaya,

which are retained by the Recollects, have been given into the care

of one secular priest, and this arrangement is maintained until 1680,

when the Recollects (although somewhat unwillingly on their part)

again accept the ministry of those islands. In November of 1680

three religious are sent there, the possession of the Recollects is

given royal confirmation in 1682, and in 1684 the arrival of a new

mission allows them to assign other workers to the field. There are

plenty of hardships to suffer, but the fruit is great. New missions

are established, and by 1715 the number of Christians has risen from

4,500 in 1680 to 18,600; and in 1735 Calamianes and Romblón contain

21,076 Christians. Certain missionaries are named and praised for

their work. Incidentally an interesting description is given of the

training of the native children for the service of the Church, by which

our author refutes the charge that the religious have many servants.

Notwithstanding their efforts, several times all but successful,

the Recollects are unable to extend their evangelization to the

great empire of China, as is related in chapter ii of decade x. The

succeeding chapter tells of the Recollect missions sent from Spain

to the Philippines during the three decades covered by this history

(1661-1690). The first leaves Spain in 1660 under the leadership

of Eugenio de los Santos, and consists of twenty choristers and two

lay-brothers. One of the entire number reaches Manila in 1662, and

fourteen others the following year. The second mission is in charge

of Christobal de Santa Monica, who has been appointed procurator in

1663. All of that mission of twenty-four religious which sets sail

in 1666 reaches Manila in 1667, except two who remain in Mexico. The

third mission is collected in 1675 by Juan de la Madre de Dios, who

takes the twenty-six religious composing it to Mexico, but there hands

them over to another religious while he himself returns to Spain. They

reach the islands in 1676. In 1680, Cristobal de Santa Monica is sent

to Spain as procurator, reaching his destination in 1681. In 1683,

he sails from Cadiz with a mission consisting of nineteen fathers,

nineteen choristers, and five lay-brothers. All of that number, except

one who dies at sea and two who desert at Puerto Rico and return home,

reach the Philippines in April, 1684, and are distributed among the

convents. The general chapter of 1684 held in Spain elects definitors

and discreets for the Philippine province.

Most of chapter v of decade x treats of the life of Juan de la Madre

de Dios, which we give by synopsis and extract. He is one of the most

active and able workers whom the order has had in the islands, where he

has held many offices in the order and has also worked valiantly in the

missions. He is one of the most untiring of idol-worship destroyers,

and even dares to venture alone to the places where heathen assemblies

are held for the purpose of their nefarious worship. Of a political

nature also, so far as the order is concerned, his work is by no

means slight, and he obtains much for his province in Spain. His

death occurs in the latter country in 1685. This same chapter relates

also the life of Thomás de San Geronimo (given by us in synopsis),

a missionary in the Visayan region. He is elected provincial in 1680,

and so well is he liked that he is again elected in 1686 against his

will. His death occurs the same year.

In chapter viii of decade x the Recollect labors in the islands of

Masbate, Ticao, and Burias are reviewed. These islands which have

been conquered during the early years of Legazpi's arrival in the

archipelago are an important way-station for ships plying between

Nueva España and the islands. The faith is introduced into Masbate by

the Augustinians under Alonso Jimenez, who is called the "apostle of

Masbate." The Augustinians, however, abandon that island and Ticao in

1609, and seculars have charge of the mission work there from that year

until 1688. In the latter year the Recollects are substituted for the

seculars in accordance with the plan of the bishop of Nueva Cáceres,

that the district be given to a regular order. A decree of August 13,

1685 grants the islands to the Recollects as well as certain villages

in Luzón. The latter are resigned by that order to the Franciscans,

as they can be administered more easily by them, but the islands of

Masbate, Ticao, and Burias are accepted by them in 1687. In 1688 the

cession is made by the secular in charge at Mobó in the island of

Masbate, to the content of the natives who welcome the Recollects. A

good convent is founded in Mobó and three new villages, in addition to

the six existing when the Recollects enter, are established. In 1726

another convent is founded in the district after the wreck of a galleon

in order that the image of the Santo Cristo of Burgos which is carried

by that ship and which is saved through the diligence of one of the

passengers on the vessel, Julian de Velasco, may be properly housed. In

reply to a petition of the Recollects in 1724 asking royal confirmation

of the Masbate missions, a report on their work there is ordered. It

is found that the number of families has increased from 187 in 1687 to

585 in 1722, an increase of 398 families or 1,592 persons. In 1738,

there are 5,000 persons in the islands, and three new villages, one

in Ticao, and two in Masbate. This means that the order has formed

six villages and brought 3,252 persons to the bosom of the Church in

the time that they have had control of this district. The number has

been lessened by the invasions of the Moros. The conversions have been

made among heathens, apostates, refugees from other islands--all of

whom represent the worst elements. The Recollects have had to fight

against the forces of nature, the Moros, and sorcery. They have

persevered in the face of all manner of hardships--hardships that

cause some of the missionaries who have been there to say that the

Masbate territory offers more suffering than any other mission field.

The extracts from Concepción cover in part the same field as the

history by San Francisco de Assis; except the third, which tells

of the restoration of the missions of Zambales to the Recollects,

and gives a brief account of the judicial proceedings between that

order and the Dominicans.

The first extract concerns the enforced transfer of the Zambal missions

to the Dominicans. This comes about directly from the representation

made in the Council of the Indias by Diego de Villaroto, to the

effect that the conversion of the island of Mindoro would progress

much more rapidly if given to the religious order best suited

therefor, and if the seculars in charge of the curacies there be

appointed to chaplaincies. Royal attention is given this petition

and in 1677 a royal decree orders the governor and archbishop to

make the transfer. In consequence, Felipe Pardo, the archbishop,

quick to seize the opportunity, aided by the governor, compels the

unwilling Recollects to give up their missions among the Zambals and

take the island of Mindoro, in order that the Dominicans might take

the former. Such an arrangement is very convenient for the Dominicans,

as it enables them to better concentrate their missions in Pangasinan,

and affords them easier communication among their various missions. The

protests of the Recollects that the Zambals prefer their order and

that the people of Mindoro will prefer their old missionaries the

Jesuits, and that the two districts will be disturbed and restless has

no weight, and the governor sees that they are kept quiet through the

Spanish officials there. The three Recollects assigned to Mindoro are

Diego de la Madre de Dios, Diego de la Resurrection, and Eugenio de

los Santos, and they are each given one assistant. A description of

Mindoro and its people follows, and a résumé of its early conquest

and of missionary labors there. Since the Jesuits have abandoned

that field (with the going of Luis San Vítores to the Marianas) the

seculars have had ecclesiastical charge of the island, but it is a

poor place and scarcely can any secular be found who cares to accept

it. After the entrance of the Recollects, the number of Christians

steadily rises, evangelization making progress among the Mangyans,

Negritos, and other peoples. Four convents are established, each of

them with several visitas, and the mission to the Mangyans on the bay

of Ilog, in the last of which none of the apostatized Christians are

allowed to enter lest they pervert the new plants. "But that fine

flower-garden [i.e., the island of Mindoro] has been trampled down

and even ruined by the Moros." The Dominicans bend their energies

to the work in their newly-acquired missions of Zambales. With

malicious satisfaction, Concepción reports that their efforts have

resulted mainly in failure. Believing that the eleven villages which

they have received from the Recollects are too many for the best

administration of the district, they endeavor to consolidate and move

some of them. Bolinao, which under the Recollect regime was located on

a small island off the coast of Zambales, is moved across the channel

to the barren coast where "many inconveniences but no advantages" are

possessed. Agno is moved inland from the coast; Sigayen is also moved,

the only advantage made by the changed site being the river of fresh

water on which it is located. Paynavén is moved inland to the site

of Iba, to which its name is changed, and Iba becomes the capital of

the district, but in order that it may become so, some families are

moved from Bolinao. The villages of Cabangán and Subic are made from

the consolidation of several others, and the places left vacant by

refugees are tilled by families from Pangasinan, whence the natives

can be moved easier as that province is so densely populated that

there is not sufficient room for all of them. The inference is that

the evil caused by the administration of the Dominicans is greater

than the good, in discontent among the Zambals and the flight of many

families to Ilocos and to the mountains.

The second extract recounts, quite similarly to the version given

by San Francisco de Assis, the work in Recollect missions in the

islands of Masbate, Ticao, and Burias. These islands are a part of the

bishopric of Nueva Cáceres, and are under the civil control of the

alcalde of Albay. Masbate, the largest, has traces of gold and some

fine copper mines, but the gold has never paid well. All three islands

possess excellent timber and many civet-cats. The early history of

the islands and their early spiritual conquests are told. Through the

efforts of the bishop, Andres Gonzales, O. P., the islands are given

to the Recollects, the secular priest in charge there being given

a chaplaincy instead. Certain villages of Luzón, which were also to

be given to the Recollects, are given instead to the Franciscans who

contest them with the former. The islands are important both from a

secular and religious point of view, for they are a way-station for

the Acapulco ships, and also for the Recollect missions in Cebú and

Mindanao. As related above, the Recollects ask royal confirmation

of the missions of these islands in 1724, and the subsequent report

rendered shows that their work has resulted in great progress, and

that they have made the islands a safe place where before they were

most dangerous both on the coast and in the interior.

The third extract concerns the work of the Dominicans in the

missions of Zambales and the restoration of that district to the

Recollects. From Concepción's account (which must be read in connection

with that by Salazar, the Dominican), the Dominican order did not

have the success of their predecessors among the fierce Zambals,

and ended rather in alienating them by their aggressive treatment;

while the Recollects have, on the contrary, employed gentle means by

which they have won the hearts and minds of the Zambals. The presidio

at Paynavén which has been increased, is injudiciously allowed to make

raids among the natives upon any occasion. The trouble comes to a head

with the murder of the nephew of one of the chiefs, Dalinen, by another

chief Calignao, the latter of whom appears to have been a thoroughly

unreliable and malicious man. Dalinen, in order to avenge the murder

in accordance with Zambal traditions, takes to the wilds, but with

his followers, is pursued by the soldiers of the garrison. As Calignao

has not fled, the missionary Domingo Pérez, O.P., in order to win him

over, indiscreetly announces that the murder of Dalinen's nephew has

been by command of the government, which has ordered that all those

who refuse to reduce themselves to village life be killed. Calignao,

as another act in the tragedy, plans to kill Dalinen, and by the aid

of a Negrito, accomplishes that design. Then, in order to show in

full light his character, he compasses the death of Domingo Pérez,

wounding the latter so severely that he dies through lack of efficient

care. Although the Dominicans claim certain miraculous occurrences as

happening at the death of the above father, Concepción disproves them

all. The remainder of the extract has to do with the suits between

the Recollects and the Dominicans in regard to the Zambal missions,

which last spasmodically from the time the Recollects are compelled

to abandon them until the time of their restoration in 1712. The

Recollects claim throughout that they have been despoiled unjustly of

the missions, and that although they accepted the missions of Mindoro,

they have had no other alternative, and have not accepted them as a

compensation for the loss of the Zambal missions. Indeed they have

never renounced their claim to those missions, but have regularly

appointed ministers for them (who of course have not labored in

those missions). The Dominicans, on the other hand assert that they

have merely taken over those missions in response to commands from

the archbishop and the governor to that effect. The suit drags on

wearily, each side asserting its rights, and the matter being delayed

by such proceeding until it seems unending. Finally the Dominicans,

with a change of procurator, shift their tactics, and allege that they

are not at all a parry to any suit, and since they have received the

missions at the order of the governor, they are ready to resign them if

requested so to do. The Recollects maintain the opposite, namely, that

the Dominicans are a party to the suit; and the verdict is at length

given to them, and the Dominicans are ordered in 1690 to appear before

the Audiencia within three days to plead their right. The summons is

neglected until the year 1710, when the attorney for the Recollects

again stirs up the matter, and notwithstanding the fact that the

Dominicans still adhere to their former statements that they are not

a party to the suit, the matter is brought to court, and the missions

of the Zambals turned over to the Recollects by special sentence.

Through nearly all of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, those

islands, especially and most the Visayan, suffered greatly from the

frequent and cruel raids of the Moro pirates from Mindanao and other

islands south of it. Some account of these is a necessary part of this

work; but our limits of space will not allow us to reproduce verbose

and detailed relations like that of Combés (in his Hist. de Mindanao),

especially as this and some others of similar tenor cover but a short

period of time. In an appendix to this volume we present a brief

summary of this subject, down to the end of the seventeenth century;

the first part is an outline merely, drawn from our previous volumes,

giving full citations therefrom, which show the relations existing

between the Spaniards and the Mahometan Malays from 1565 to 1640. The

second part covers the same subject for the rest of the century; it

is composed of the accounts given by Murillo Velarde, Diaz, and other

historians, arranged in chronological order--sometimes synopsized,

sometimes translated in full, according to the prolixity or the

relative importance of each. From the beginning were evident various

elements of hostility--racial, religious, and commercial--between the

Spaniards and the Moros, which were soon aggravated by the Spanish

desire for conquest and the Moro greed for plunder and bloodshed. The

unfortunate natives of the northern islands who had been subjugated

by the Spaniards were unable to defend themselves from their enemies,

and the Spanish power was often inadequate to protect them or to punish

the invaders. The pirates were intimidated and curbed for a long time

by Corcuera's brilliant campaigns in Mindanao and Joló (1637-38); and

other punitive expeditions had a like though often temporary effect

in later years. In the latter part of the century peace prevailed

between these enemies for a long time, probably because no one of

the Moro chiefs had the ability and force of the noted Corralat.

In 1639 Almonte subdues the fierce Guimbanos, a mountain people in

Sulu. Later, they and the Joloans rebel, and in 1643-44 Agustín

de Cepeda again chastises them, defeating the natives in several

battles and ravaging their country. One of these expeditions is

related in detail by a Jesuit in Joló, who, as usual, ascribes

the success of the Spaniards to the favor of St. Ignatius and the

Virgin Mary. In Mindanao, Corcuera's invasion (1637) long restrains

Corralat; but in 1655 he treacherously causes the murder of three

Spanish envoys sent to him and attempts (but in vain) to stir up the

other Moro rulers to rebellion against the Spaniards. The latter are

not strong enough to wage war with him, and therefore overlook his

insolence; this encourages him to begin anew his piratical raids

against other islands. At this, several attempts are made to curb

them, most proving ineffectual--although in January-February, 1658,

Esteybar with a squadron of armed vessels, destroys several Mindanao

villages. Finally (in 1662) the Manila authorities decide to abandon

their forts in Mindanao and Joló; this causes the loss of Spanish

dominion there, and the christianized Moros soon relapse into their

former heathenism. Some of the Joloan chiefs make unauthorized raids

on the northern islands, but their king punishes them and restores

the captives. Corralat meanwhile, in his old age, maintains peace,

and charges his heir to do the same--an example which is followed by

the king of Joló. The Camucones are kept in awe by the light galleys

which are built at Manila for this purpose. Thus the latter part of

the century is a time of comparative peace, so far as the relations

of the Spaniards and Visayans with the Moros are concerned.

The Editors

July, 1906.

DOCUMENTS OF 1691-1700

Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela, and others;

1691 and 1694.

Discovery of Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J.; June 10, 1697.

Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro de

San Francisco de Assis; 1756. Juan de la Concepción; 1788.

Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from the Ventura

del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72; the second, from

Lettres édifiantes (1st Paris ed.), i, (1717), pp. 112-136, from a

copy in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society; the third,

from the Historia general de los religiosos descalzos de San Agustin,

part iv, written by Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (Zaragoza, 1756),

from a copy in the Library of Congress.

Translations: The first document is translated by Emma Helen Blair;

the second, by Frances B. Marshall; the third, by James Alexander

Robertson.

EXTRACTS FROM JESUIT LETTERS, 1691-94

[From a letter by Father Juan de Zarzuela, [1] June 19, 1691.]

The governor Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora is a royal official in these

islands, who makes every endeavor to collect the revenue of his

Majesty. He has a hasty disposition, and no one dares oppose him;

consequently there are few who wish him well, and there is no one

who desires the office of alcalde, on account of the burdens that he

imposes on them (never customary here), of completing every year the

royal revenue and its accounts, and filling out the quota of what they

must collect, even though they do not actually collect it. The result

is, that the alcaldes contribute from their own stores what they had

not collected; for, no matter what efforts they make, they cannot

during the year finish the collections, on account of the extreme

poverty of the Indians. The governor has for counselors or intimates

only Andaya and Antonio, for whom he does many things and confers many

offices. It is not known how much it costs them. His Lordship brought

over a great amount of silver from the viceroy, which is necessarily

sent as an investment; and there will be many who complain of this,

because [the goods procured by] it will occupy the greater part of

the ship. For this reason no one wished to accept command of the ship,

for it will be nothing more than to go in the governor's employ; and

finally it was given to Don José Mato Rayo. It is a new ship which

is sailing; it was built by Andaya as contractor, and superintendent

of the whole--whom the governor obeyed, as one who was necessary

to him, because there was no ship that could be sent. That is, the

"Santo Niño" was in such a condition that it could not be repaired;

and, as the time was short (it was then only nine months), it was

necessary to multiply the exactions [sacas]. Thus Silang, which has

two hundred and twenty-seven and a half tributes registered, had

one hundred and twenty men at one time outside of their village;

others had seventy, eighty, or more out--without being able to

take care of their grain-fields. Afterward, because there was not

enough rice for the king, through lack of foresight in the royal

officials, they levied another assessment of rice on the natives

[in Cavite] as also in La Laguna, the king paying but one-half of

what the Indians could sell it for later, and leaving them under the

necessity of buying the grain at double price. The worst thing is,

that now the rice has become so scarce that it is worth nine and

ten reals, at which price it is sold in the [royal] magazines; and

the tribute which is given by the very Indians on whom this purchase

was levied is sold at the magazines, without being placed therein,

to the rice-mills. This gentleman very willingly accepts what people

give him for the offices. At the beginning, it was understood that

he would not receive gifts; but with five children, a wife, and a

sister-in-law, and heavily indebted, the office costing him so much,

and he coming so great a distance, how can he avoid looking out for

money? He is not opposed to the Society [of Jesus], but we are under

no obligation to him. Our order has no kindly feeling toward thieves,

and it is thought most probable, as nearly as can be guessed, that he

will not speak [of us] very favorably to his Majesty. He says that

he will despatch the balandra [2] this year; but I do not know how

this will be, because they have not begun to get it ready.

[From a letter by Father Magino Sola, June 19, 1691.]

On the twenty-fifth of July, Señor Fausto Cruzat y Gongora took

possession of the government. When Don Juan de Vargas was ready to

embark this year, the city brought a new suit against him, and seized

the little that he possessed.

[From a letter by Father Juan de Montemayor, dated July 4, 1694.]

He says therein that information had been received in Manila that

the Dominicans would not be promoted to bishoprics in the Filipinas

Islands, a statement that had been well received. The bishop of

Troya had attempted to regain the government of the archbishopric,

founding his claim on a royal decree in which he was charged to

surrender it to the person who had been presented by his Majesty

(from which he inferred that the king approved his government), but

slighting the imperative order [ruego y encargo] that he should set

out for España. He demanded that the governor send him the official

correspondence from España for the governor of the archbishopric;

but the governor replied that he would send him that which should go

to the name of his illustrious Lordship.

[Letter by Father Pedro de Silva Alencastre, July 20, 1694.]

[He says] that for three years past no letters from the islands reached

Mejico, because in July of the year 1692 the patache which was going to

the Marianas, with more than twenty thousand pesos, was burned while

in the very port. In the same year the ship "Santo Cristo" sailed for

Acapulco, and had to come back to this port from the thirtieth degree

of latitude. Then she sailed in July of 93, from the port of Naga;

and up to the present time nothing is known about her fate. In 1694

a galleon was built that was 72 cubits long [de 72 codos de quilla],

an audacious attempt. It set sail on the eve of St. Peter's day;

and on the following Saturday, while off the shore of Maragondon, it

went to pieces. It was laden with more than twelve thousand packages;

for all the citizens had invested whatever they possessed, in order

to lade this ship, and even the wrought silver and the jewels of the

women had been sold in order to invest their value in stuffs. The

letter was sent by the patache which the governor was despatching

as an express, so that they might know in Mejico and España that the

islands were not destroyed.

[Letter by Father Gaspar Marco, [3] July 27, 1694.]

The bishop of Troya was going on, thinking that the government of the

archbishopric belonged to him, and did not ordain the clerics who

presented dismissory letters from the cabildo of Manila--assuming

that the king regarded him as ecclesiastical governor--and that,

in spite of the permit for absence which commanded him to return to

España. The cabildo had brought suit against Doctor Nicolas Caraballo,

sentencing him to exile in Nueva España. He embarked in the year

1692; but, the galleon having come back to the port of Naga in the

province of Camarines, the bishop of that diocese not only received

and entertained Caraballo, but absolved him and qualified him to hold

any office or benefice. The cabildo of Manila, who had sent a person to

conduct Caraballo to that city, endured this slight and said nothing,

when they knew of the conduct of the bishop of Camarines, in order

not to arouse another dispute. The bishop appointed Caraballo governor

of the bishopric of Cebu, on account of the death of its prelate, in

1692. He began his rule by visiting and punishing the curas, until

he removed the cura of Aclan, named Salazar, and seized his goods,

without allowing him any appeal to the metropolitan. Salazar escaped

to Manila, and informed the cabildo of this; and they commissioned

the cantor, Don Esteban de Olmedo, to arrest Caraballo. The bishop of

Camarines had information of all this, and went in person to protect

him. He arrived twenty-four hours after Olmedo, and arrested the

latter; he passed sentence on him, with the counsel and opinion of

Caraballo himself, and carried Olmedo to Camarines with a pair of

fetters, where he remained until the date [of the letter], without

the cabildo having taken any steps for his liberation.

DISCOVERY OF THE PALAOS ISLANDS

Letters written from Manila, June 10, 1697, by Father Paul Clain [4]

of the Society of Jesus to Reverend Father Tirso Gonzalez, general

of the same Society, on the new discovery that has been made of

thirty-two islands, south of the Marianas Islands.

After the departure of the vessel which was commissioned with the

letters which I wrote during the year past to your Paternity, there

arrived another which brought me the order to accompany the reverend

father Antonio Fuccio, [5] of Sicily, the new provincial of this

province. Making with him the circuit of our houses, I have taken

a survey of the country of the Pintados. There are large islands

separated from one another by arms of the sea, in which the tide

renders navigation difficult and dangerous. There are in these islands

seventy-seven thousand Christians, under the spiritual direction of

forty-one missionaries of our Society, who have with them two of our

brothers who provide for their subsistence.

I can scarcely express to you, my reverend Father, how I have been

moved at the sight of these poor Indians, of whom there are many who

die without receiving the sacraments of the church, in great danger

of their eternal salvation: because there are so few priests here,

that the majority of them have charge of two villages at the same

time. When it happens that they are occupied in one place, fulfilling

the functions of their ministry, they are not able to assist those

who die in the other. I have been still more greatly moved by the

forsaken condition in which we found several other persons, who died

in the islands that are called Pais. Although these islands are not

far from the Marianas, their inhabitants have no intercourse with

those of the latter group. The discovery of this new country has this

year been made certain, as is here recounted.

In making the visitation with the father provincial, as I have already

said, we arrived at the village of Guivam, [6] on the island of Samal,

the largest and southernmost island of the Eastern Pintados. We

found there twenty-nine Palaos, or natives of these newly-discovered

islands. The easterly winds which rule over these seas from the month

of December to the month of May had blown them three hundred leguas

from their islands to this village on the island of Samal. They had

come on two small vessels, that are called here "paraos." This is

how they relate their adventure.

They had embarked, thirty-five persons in all, intending to go to

a neighboring island, when there arose a wind so violent that they

were not able to gain the island where they wished to land, or any

other in the neighborhood, and were carried out to the open sea. They

made many efforts to land on some shore or some island known to them,

but without avail. They sailed thus at the will of the winds during

seventy days without being able to make land. Finally losing all

hope of returning to their country, and seeing themselves half-dead

with hunger, without water and without food, they resolved to abandon

themselves to the mercy of the winds, and land on the first island they

could find toward the west. Scarcely had they taken this resolution,

when they found themselves in sight of the village of Guivam on the

island of Samal. A man from that village who was on the seashore saw

them, and, judging by the structure of their little vessels that they

were some strangers who had lost their way, he took a piece of cloth

and made them a signal to enter by the channel that he indicated, in

order to avoid the rocks and the banks of sand upon which they were

about to run aground. These poor men were so frightened at seeing this

stranger that they began to put back to sea; however much effort they

made, they were not able to turn about, and the wind blew them a second

time toward the shore. When they were near, the Guivam man made them

understand by signs the route that they should take; but, seeing that

they were not taking it, and that they would surely be lost, he threw

himself into the sea, and swam to one of those two small vessels,

with the design of acting as pilot and of conducting them safely to

port. Scarcely had he reached the vessel when those who were on board,

even the women carrying their children, threw themselves into the

water to gain the other vessel, so much did they fear the approach

of this stranger. This man, seeing himself alone in the small vessel,

followed after them; and, having entered into the second, he cleared

all the rocks and piloted it safely into the harbor. During this time

the poor people remained motionless, and gave themselves up to the

guidance of the stranger, whose prisoners they considered themselves.

They landed on St. Innocent's day, the twenty-eighth of December of the

year 1696. The inhabitants of Guivam gathered on the shore, received

them with charity, and brought them some wine and some food. They

ate eagerly some cocoanuts, which are the fruit of the palms of

this country. The meat in them is somewhat like that of chestnuts,

except that it has more oil, and that it furnishes a kind of sweetened

water which is agreeable to drink. The natives presented them with

rice boiled in water, which the people use here and in all of Asia,

as one does bread in Europe. They looked at it with wonder, and

took some grains of it, which they immediately threw on the ground,

imagining that they were worms. They exhibited much pleasure when

some of the large roots that are called palavan were brought to them,

and eagerly ate them.

Meanwhile the natives brought two women whom the wind had thrown upon

the same shore at Guivam some time before. As they knew a little of

the language of this country, they served as interpreters, and it is

through them that we learned what I am about to relate. One of those

women found among these strangers some of her kindred, and they no

sooner recognized each other than they began to weep. The father who

had charge of this village, having learned of the arrival of these poor

people, had them come to Guivam. Some, when they saw him and perceived

the respect that was shown him, imagined that he was the king of the

country, and that their lives and their fate were in his hands. In

this belief they threw themselves upon the ground to implore his

mercy, and to beg that he would grant them their lives. The father,

touched with compassion at seeing them in such great desolation,

did all that he could to console them; and, to mitigate their fears,

he caressed their children, of whom three were still at the breast,

and five others a trifle older, and promised their parents to give

them all the help that was in his power.

The inhabitants of Guivam vied with each other in offering to the

father to take the strangers into their houses, and to furnish them

with all things that they needed, both food and clothing. The father

committed the strangers to them, but on condition that they should

not separate those who were married (for there were some married ones

among them); and that they should not take less than two together, for

fear that those who were left alone would die of grief. Of thirty-five

who had come aboard the ships there now remained no more than thirty;

five had died during the voyage, because of the lack of food and the

privations of the long journey. A little while after their arrival

still another died, who had the good fortune to receive holy baptism.

They said that their country consisted of thirty-three islands. They

cannot be very far from the Marianas, to judge from the structure of

their vessels, and by the form of their sails, since these are of the

same style. There is strong indication that these islands are farther

to the south than the Marianas, in eleven or twelve degrees north

latitude, and upon the same parallel as Guivam; since the strangers

came straight from the east to the west, and landed on the shore at

this settlement. There is also ground for believing that this is one

of the islands that was discovered from afar some years ago. A vessel

belonging to the Philippines (in 1686) having left the customary route,

which is from east to west upon the thirteenth parallel, and having

veered somewhat toward the southwest, saw it for the first time. These

people called this island Carolina, in honor of the king (Charles II,

king of Spain); and the others called it St. Barnabas, because it was

discovered on the day when the church celebrates the feast of this

apostle. This island was seen last year by another vessel that the

tempest had blown out of its course, in going from here to the Marianas

Islands. The governor of the Philippines had often given orders to the

ship which went nearly every year to the Marianas, to seek for this

island and the others that were thought to be near; but these orders

had been useless, God reserving to this time the discovery of them,

and as we hope, the complete conversion of these people.

The strangers added that of these thirty-three islands there were three

which were inhabited only by birds, but that the others were thickly

peopled. When asked what was the number of the inhabitants, they took a

grain of sand or of dust, and intimated to the father in this fashion,

the innumerable multitude of men who lived there. These islands

are named Pais, Lamululutup, Saraon, Yaropie, Valayyay, Satavan,

Cutac, Yfaluc, Piraulop, Ytai, Pic, Piga, Lamurrec, Puc, Falait,

Caruvaruvong, Ylatu, Lamuliur, Tavas, Saypen, Tacaulat, Rapiyang,

Tavon, Mutacusan, Piylu, Olatan, Palu, Cucumyat, Piyalucunung. The

three which are only inhabited by birds are Piculat, Hulutan, and

Tagian. Lamurrec is the largest of all these islands. It is where

the king of all that country holds his court. The chiefs of all those

settlements submit to him. There was found among these strangers one

of the chiefs with his wife, who is the daughter of a king. Although

they may be half-naked, they have manners and a certain air of dignity,

which makes one recognize well enough who they are. The husband has

all his body painted with certain lines, the arrangement of which

forms various figures. The other men of this tribe have also some

similar lines, some of them more than the others; but the women and

the children do not have them at all. There are nineteen men and ten

women, of different ages. The contour and the color of their faces

are very similar to those of the natives of the Philippines. The men

have no other dress than a kind of girdle which covers their loins

and thighs, and which is wound several times about their bodies. They

have upon their shoulders more than an ell and a half of coarse cloth,

of which they make a kind of hood, which they tie in front, and allow

to hang carelessly behind. The men and the women are dressed in the

same fashion, except that the women have their wearing apparel a

little longer, descending from the waist almost to the knees.

Their language is different from that of the Philippines, and

resembles that of the Marianas Islands. Their manner of pronouncing

words is something like that of the Arabs. The woman who appears to

be of highest station has many rings and necklaces of tortoise-shell,

that are called here carey; and others of a material that is unknown

to us. This material, which somewhat resembles ambergris, is not

transparent.

This is the manner in which they lived upon the sea during the seventy

days while they had been at the mercy of the waves. They threw into

the sea a sort of weir, made of several small branches of trees tied

together. This weir had a large opening to allow the fish to enter,

and ended in a point to prevent their going out. The fish that they

caught in this manner were all the nourishment they had, and they

did not drink any water except that which the rain furnished them;

they caught it in the shells of cocoanuts--which are the fruit of

the palms of this country, as I have already said; they are of the

shape and size of a man's skull.

There are no cows in those islands. The natives tried to run away when

they saw some cows browsing the grass, just as when they heard a small

dog bark in the house of the missionaries. There are neither cats

nor deer, nor horses, nor, in general, any four-legged beast. There

are but few birds, except those which live on the sea. They have,

however, fowls which they eat; but they never eat their eggs.

In spite of this lack of all things, they are happy and content

with their lot. They have some songs and dances in tolerably regular

time. They sing all together and make the same gestures, which has

a pleasing effect.

They are surprised at the government, the politeness, and the

manners of Europe, of which they have no knowledge. They admire

not only that august majesty of the ceremonies by which the church

celebrates divine worship, but also the music, the instruments, the

dances of the Spaniards, the weapons which they carry, and, above

all, the gunpowder. They admire also the whiteness of the Europeans;

for the inhabitants of this country are all of swarthy complexion.

They appear until now to have had no knowledge of God, nor do

they adore idols. We have noticed in them only a life altogether

barbarous. All their care is to seek for food and drink. They have

a great deference for their king and the chiefs of their villages,

and they obey them with the greatest exactitude. They do not have

regular hours for their meals. They drink and eat at any time and

wherever they may be, when they are hungry and thirsty, and when they

find wherewith to satisfy themselves. But they eat little at a time,

and one of their meals is not enough to suffice for all the day.

Their civility and mark of respect consists in taking the hand or

the foot of the one to whom they wish to do honor, and in rubbing it

gently over their face. They have among their possessions some saws

not made of iron, but of a large shell that is called here taclobo,

[7] which they sharpen by rubbing against certain stones. They have

also one of iron, as long as a finger. They were much astonished on

the occasion of a trading-vessel being built at Guivam, to see the

great variety of tools for carpentry which were used. They looked

at all these, one after another, with much wonder. They do not have

metals in their country. The father missionary gave them each a

good-sized piece of iron, which they received with more joy than if

he had given them so much gold. They had so much fear that it would

be taken away from them that they put it under their heads when they

wanted to sleep. They do not have any arms except lances or darts

made of human bones. They are very peaceful among themselves. When

it happens that there is a quarrel among them, it is settled by a few

blows of their fists upon each other's heads. But this rarely happens;

because, if some wish to come to blows, others separate them and make

them stop the dispute. They are not, nevertheless, stupid or heavy;

on the contrary, they have fire and vivacity. They are not as stout as

the natives of the Marianas Islands, but they are well proportioned,

and of nearly the same height as the Philippinos. Both men and women

let their hair grow, which falls upon their shoulders.

When these strangers learned that they were to be conducted into

the presence of the father missionary, they painted themselves all

over the body with a certain yellow color, which they consider a

great adornment. They are so satisfied at finding here in abundance

all that is necessary to life, that they have offered to return to

their own country in order to attract here their compatriots, and

to persuade them to enter into intercourse with these islands. Our

governor is much pleased with this design, in view of the fact that

he has subjected all this country to the king of Spain; and this would

open a wide door for the propagation of the gospel. The eldest of the

strangers had once before been thrown upon the coast of the province of

Caragan in one of these islands; but, as he found only some infidels

who dwelt in the mountains and along these deserted shores, he had

returned to his own country, without having known of the abundance

and the riches of these islands. He had been more fortunate in this

second voyage. The children have already been baptized, and the

others have been instructed in the mysteries of our religion. They

are very skilful in diving; and it is said that they recently found,

while fishing, two large pearls in the shells, which they threw back

into the sea, because they did not know their value. [8]

I write you all this, my reverend Father, persuaded that you will be

glad to learn news so advantageous to those of your children who have

the good fortune to carry the faith into this new country. We have

need of workers, for there is much work to do. We hope that you will

have the kindness to send some workers to us, and will not forget us

in your holy devotions. I am with profound respect, my very reverend

Father, your Paternity's very humble and obedient servant and son,

Paul Clain, missionary of the Society of Jesus. At Manila, June

10, 1697.

MISSIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES

1661-1712

General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by

Fray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis [9]

[From this work, as in the three preceding parts of the General

History of the Discalced Augustinians, we translate the important

matter relating to the Philippines, with synopsis or mention of

matter omitted.]

DECADE EIGHT

CHAPTER I

Mention of the insurrections of some provinces in Philipinas, with

the labors that began for our religious. The exemplary lives of some,

who died holily in their convents.

The Year 1661

§ I

One insurrection having been put down in Pampànga, another one follows

in Pangasinàn. Mention of the great sufferings of our religious in

Zambàles, in keeping their villages duly loyal to God and the king.

... 2. From the beginning of the year 1660, the Indians of Pampanga,

a province not far from the city of Manila in Philipinas, incited

by many grievous annoyances unjustly caused by the superintendent of

timber cutting, which was ordered to be done within their boundaries by

the governor of the islands, Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, determined

to withdraw themselves from the yoke of the Spanish dominion. Although

that dominion is very mild per se, some subordinate government employes

generally make it intolerable, for tyrannically availing themselves

of the name of the king, they endeavor to trample everything under

foot. The Pampangos elected as leader a master-of-camp of their own

nation, one Don Francisco Manyàgo. He clutched the staff of office

as though it were a scepter. Although this insurrection caused

considerable fear in Manila at the beginning, since the Pampango

nation is so warlike, yet since at the same time, its individuals are

the most reasonable of the islands, the governor hastening thither

in person together with many religious of various orders (for the

religious form the most powerful army for quieting the Indians) the

whole disturbance was readily quieted by means of negotiation. Justice

was done them in their grievances, while no punishment was omitted,

and was administered to the seditious leaders. Fathers Fray Joseph

de la Annunciacion, and Fray Juan de San Antonio, ex-provincials of

our Family, together with fathers Fray Carlos de Jesus, and Fray Juan

de San Diego, were of considerable aid in that pacification. Those

fathers, exposing themselves to not few dangers, had the boldness to

go to some of the principal Indians, who were their acquaintances,

whom by dint of their persuasion, they succeeded in bringing back to

reason. And by their means, discussion and friendly agreements having

been introduced, those so harmful insurrections were put down.

3. But at the beginning of their insurrection, the Pampangos had

written many letters to the provinces of Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, and

Cagayàn, which lie farther north in the island of Luzon. In those

letters they assured the inhabitants of those provinces that they

had risen with so great force that they had no doubt but that they

could gain Manila by force of arms. They besought those people to

heed the common cause, for once that the Spanish yoke was thrown off,

they could all get together in firm friendship and relations, and

maintain their liberty, by electing a king to govern them, or become

feared by the other nations under the form of a republic. Those were

counsels which like a cancer in the human body, continued to spread in

the civil affairs of those provinces, and the majority of the Indians

followed them with only too great rapidity. Hence, when the Indians

of Pampanga were quieted they were incapable of extinguishing the

fire that they themselves had kindled.

4. In Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, and Cagayàn, the flame acquired too much

force because of the fierceness of the well arranged combustibles,

which were applied by several Indian chiefs, who endeavored, under the

specious name of liberty, to oppress in the most intolerable manner

the ones who did not recognize the blessings which they had while

they had the good fortune to call themselves a part of the Spanish

monarchy. But in order that this history may not wander into parts

that do not belong to it, we shall treat only of what happened in

the province of Pangasinàn; for one part of that province, namely the

territory of Zambàles, which is composed of ten villages, was then,

and is also at present, cultivated in regard to spiritual matters by

our holy Recollect order. On that account our religious necessarily

suffered considerably, and they aided in the pacification of the

Indians, as did the other holy orders in the villages entrusted to

their care.

5. At the end, then, of the year 1660, the insurgents of Pangasinàn

elected as their leader an Indian chief of the village of Binalatòngan,

one Don Andrès Màlong. He having usurped the title of king, went

to Campaña, escorted by nine thousand Indian warriors. This number

was increased enormously within a few days; for it was either a

boast of the rebels and they so published it, or it was a fact,

his army was composed of forty thousand men. An Indian noble, by the

name of Don Francisco Sumùlay, a very near relative of Màlong, was

living in Bolinào, a village within our administration. On account

of that relationship he looked upon his progress as his own, and

helped him as much as he could to attain his purposes. He, in order

to incite Bolinào and its environs to revolt, spared no effort that

he considered fitting. But the father prior, Fray Juan de la Madre

de Dios (or Blancas), opposed him openly and in secret, destroying

with cunning whatever Sumùlay wrought deceitfully. No sooner did the

restlessness and excited condition of the Indians force him to take

prudent precautions, than he caused ten soldiers to disembark from a

champan which was on its way to Cagayàn. The latter obeyed him for the

captain agreed thereto, and because they knew how much the governor

of the islands favored the above-named religious, and that he would

approve whatever was done with the latter's advice. The father found

himself somewhat ready to offer resistance with those soldiers and

with the faithful Indians, who by dint of his persuasions were not

few; but he had not sufficient forces to attack the rebels or to

seize the wicked Sumùlay, who was the cause of all the disorder.

6. The latter starting a rumor that the hostile Mindanàos were in

the neighborhood, imagined that by that false report, and by setting

fire to the convent and church at night, the soldiers would flee to

the mountains, and that the religious and the loyal Indians of the

village would imitate them. It would then follow that, since he would

remain behind with the insurgents who were already thoroughly advised,

he would be able, after having conquered the port and settlement at

his safety, to kill all who were not of his party. Those ideas were

not very badly conceived, and had they arrived at the desired success,

would have been only too potent for the attainment of his malicious

purpose. For, after the surrender of Bolinào, would doubtless follow

that of all the territory of Zambàles, and then, the great difficulty

of maritime aid from Manila to Pangasinàn, a circumstance which gave

great strength to the revolt. But the same arguments also served the

father prior to procure the preservation of Bolinào with the greatest

watchfulness. Hence scarcely had Sumùlay fired the edifice, when the

soldiers and loyal Indians protecting it, and fortifying themselves as

well as they could, maintained the village in the faith for their God,

and in the loyalty due their king. It is a fact that while attending

to that, the church was reduced to ashes, as were the sacristy and

most of the convent. But that was considered as a little loss as it

was well employed, so long as the enemy did not attain their purpose.

7. The above happened in the early part of December, when authentic

tidings were not known in Bolinào of the insurrection, and only

various movements were descried in the Indians which provoked

fear. However, they had been compelled to dissimulate through lack

of forces. But on the twentieth day of the above-mentioned month,

the conspiracy was finally published in the village, and Simùlay and

his associates notified the religious in the following manner. In

front of the cells of the father prior and of his associate father

Fray Luis de San Joseph, were placed two bamboos and at the end of

them two cocoanuts. That is a barbarous ceremony of those countries

by which to threaten one with decapitation. Simùlay thought that that

would be sufficient to frighten the fathers and make them abandon the

village, and especially since they now had no soldiers, as the soldiers

mentioned above had proceeded on their way. But he was mistaken in

his reckoning, for although father Fray Luis was of that opinion,

and Indian chiefs were not wanting who supported him, either because

they were already infected with the rebellion, or, perhaps, in order to

assure the lives of the fathers, were carried away by their good zeal,

the father prior resolved to die rather than fail in his service to

God and the king. He did not change his decision, however much the

sign was repeated the following day. On the contrary, he considered

the time suitable to ascertain and establish with cunning the degree

of the fidelity of his parishioners. He convened the Indians in the

atrium of the convent, and in eloquent and powerful arguments gave

them to understand that God having entrusted their souls to him,

he would not leave their land, although he knew that he was to

suffer a thousand martyrdoms. "I am not ignorant," he said, "that

the aim of those who occasion these insurrections is to apostatize

from the Catholic faith, and to return to their former paganism; but

for that same reason, I must oppose myself to that with the greatest

strength. Go ahead, send news of my constancy to the partisans of the

rebel Màlong, if perchance there are any in the village, so that they

may not tire themselves with threatening me with death. Assure them

that I shall consider myself very fortunate, if I transform myself

into a good martyr from so poor a priest. But meanwhile, I warn you,

that I shall know by each one's actions who are the rebels and who

are faithful; and that accordingly the proper reward or punishment

will follow each one, when the Manila fleet, which will not delay,

subdues affairs properly." By that effort some who were wavering in

their loyalty were confirmed in it, while those who were on the side

of the seditious ones did not dare to put their treacherous thoughts

into execution.

8. Very soon did experience show the great importance of the firmness

of so valiant a religious. For on the night of that same day, after

the convent was locked, some of the loyal Indians, who were guarding

the outside of it, captured a strange Indian, who declared that he was

bringing a message to the father prior, which was to be given into his

own hand. He was taken into the father's presence after observing the

necessary precautions, where he delivered the message. It was from

the father vicar of Lingayèn and contained extensive notices of the

insurrection of Pangasinàn which had broken out, the murder of the

alcalde-mayor, and the devastation of that part of so flourishing

a province. He sent letters for his provincial and for the governor

of the islands, in which a speedy relief was asked in order that the

sedition might be stifled at its beginning. He besought the father

prior to send them quickly to Manila, as it was impossible to send

them from Pangasinàn overland. And now it is seen that if the father

prior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, had retired from Bolinào as

fear persuaded him, that despatch would have been fruitless, and

perhaps had those advices been unknown in Manila, Pangasinàn would

have been endangered; but since he remained inflexible against the

incentives of fear, he was able to take the fitting means, in order

that the promptest and most efficacious aid might be obtained.

9. It was not considered advisable to entrust the conveyance of such

letters to the Indians of Bolinào, and accordingly it was resolved

to despatch father Fray Luis de San Joseph overland to Masingloc

under the pretext that he was going on affairs connected with the

spiritual administration, but his real purpose was to deliver the

messages to the minister of the said village, in order that the

latter might despatch them. The religious exposed himself to evident

danger of death; for the village of Agno, through which he could not

avoid passing, was almost entirely in insurrection, and because in

the stretch extending from the territory of Agno to that of Bàlcac,

it was necessary to take the rough sea in a small fishing boat which

carried no sail and only one oar with the religious himself at the

helm. At last he reached Masingloc, after conquering so great an

obstacle. Thence, not without the most serious dangers, the minister

sent the messages to Manila, arranging to have them carried by father

Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion, accompanied by three of the most

faithful chiefs. One of those chiefs was appointed master-of-camp

by the governor as a reward for so excellent a service, another,

sargento-mayor, and the third, captain of the militia of his village;

and they were exempted for life from paying tribute. And since the

father vicar of Lingayèn despatched a second mail to Bolinào in

case that the first should fail, the father prior, Fray Juan de la

Madre de Dios, despatched the letters in a Chinese vessel which made

a way-station there, and was on its way from the island of Hermosa

to Manila. But while the army and naval fleet are being prepared in

that city, in order to take relief to Pangasinàn, let us return to

our villages of Zambàles, in order to see what is happening there,

and the dangers by which our religious were afflicted.

§ II

Continuation of the foregoing matter, with the declaration of what

happened to our religious in Masingloc, Cagayàn, Agno, and Bolinào.

10. With the absence of the three said chiefs in Masingloc, the prior

found himself greatly troubled and persecuted, for those who favored

the rebellion, who had thitherto not dared to show their faces in

public, showed openly the most foul face of treason on the day of

St. Stephen. They threw the village into such consternation that

if God had not aided it, it would have been impossible to restore

it to its former quiet. It happened that, as some Indians had not

been at mass on either the eve or day of the nativity, the prior

meeting one of them afterward who was most esteemed for his bravery,

chid him for his fault, although with demonstrations of paternal

charity. He had no intentions of exasperating him, for he knew quite

well that the Indian was inducing his countrymen to swell the number

of the insurgents by persuasion and threat. But the Indian would not

suffer the mild rebuke for that sin, which in other circumstances

would have made him experience the severities of punishment, and

deeming the occasion very suitable for the revolt of the village, he

began to pretend implacable annoyance because the father admonished

him. Following this, he became excessively angry, and hurled many

insults at the evangelical minister, and concluded by crying out:

"Long live Màlong! Death to the Spaniards and the fathers!"

11. By that means the Indian obtained his desires, for more than

fifty armed companions gathered about him. They proclaimed the traitor

Màlong as king; hacked the Spanish coat-of-arms which was placed on

the site where the principales met to administer justice; and they

obliged the prior, whom it was a miracle of divine Providence that they

did not kill instantly, to retire to his convent, where a guard was

established by means of some Indians who could be gathered together,

while many others who were of the loyal party, were oppressed in

their homes. There they held the prior and those who accompanied them

besieged, and did not allow them to communicate with the outside,

and refused to allow any kind of food to be taken to them, trying

by this means to restrict them to the heighth of necessity. Within

the danger was so much greater, as it was less known by the loyal

villages near by which could have sent them some aid. If the rebels

did not attack the convent in order to kill the loyal ones, it was

because they were afraid of some few arquebuses with which those

of the inside threatened them. But they endeavored to set fire to

the convent and church three times without being able to succeed,

notwithstanding that the material of the building was but little less

combustible than tinder, for it was all constructed of wood, bamboo,

and nipa. Those who tried to burn that edifice, regarded that as a

miracle. Moreover, one can well understand the necessity that they

suffered for they had no place whence to get relief, not even for the

necessities of life. Consequently they were placed at the will of the

divine Providence, who as is His custom with those in tribulation,

very quickly declared His patronage.

12. Having passed the time in this way until New Year's eve, it was

noted then that a medium-sized vessel was anchored not far from the

convent, and that almost all of its Indians having landed, engaged in

a very interesting conversation with the insurgents. On that account,

the prior and his men had an opportunity, to leave the convent

without being perceived, to go to the beach, and make themselves

masters of the above-mentioned vessel. They set sail without loss

of time in it. Thus freed from their peril they took their course

toward Manila. But as they were in need of food, they put in at

Bagàc, where they met the three chiefs who had guided father Fray

Bernardino, and were now returning to their village. They recounted

to those chiefs the deplorable condition in which they were; and

considering that the remedy for wrongs generally lies in quickness,

they determined to take thirty well-armed Indians, whom the father

minister of Bagàc prepared, and who were fortunately at that place;

and then retracing their way, to attack Masingloc suddenly. They hoped

that if they attacked the rebels when they appeared to be most secure,

it would not be difficult to reduce them all to their former quiet. So

did it happen, for the season favoring them, they disembarked on

the night of the third of January in a bay one-half hour's distance

from Masingloc, and went overland to that village. At dawn of the

fourth, they surprised the insurgents so completely, that overtaken

by fear, the latter could not put themselves in a state of defense,

while they even had no opportunity for flight. They were all seized,

and the prior, although he was full of grief at the robbery of the

sacristy and church, interceded for the prisoners, and succeeded in

having all except three set at liberty. Those three were the leaders

and later paid for their wickedness on the gallows.

13. In Cigayèn (a village which had decreased very sensibly in houses

and inhabitants since the violent death of the venerable father, Fray

Alonso de San Agustin, in the year 1612), was father Fray Francisco de

San Agustin, an especially zealous minister, who was applying all the

persuasive powers of his eloquence to retaining the remnants of that

great settlement in due fidelity to God and the king. But a chief,

called Don Antonio Sìrray, desired the contrary, in order to keep

things in confusion for his own profit. Knowing that he would have no

opportunity so long as father Fray Francisco was living, he tried to

kill him twice, but the religious man was delivered from his ambushes,

for God took his part in a very visible and special manner. In the

discussion that the two had together, (one persuading to good, and

the other inducing to evil), it happened that Sìrray and all his

partisans went to swell the army of Màlong. The loyal Indians with

their families and possessions went to another village; father Fray

Francisco retired to Manila. With that the village was completely

abandoned and no more thought was expended on its rebuilding. Such

harm do dissensions cause, when, because there is no strength to attack

them, they increase to the highest degree when agitated by violence.

14. In Agno (a visita or annex of Bolinào), there was a chief called

Don Juan Dùrrey, a very near relative of Sumùlay, and consequently

he was bound up very closely to the rebels. Three Spaniards reached

that place on Christmas day, who were fleeing from the insurgents of

Pangasinàn. They showed the Indians a diamond ring, as a reward or

payment for something to eat, for they were suffering dire need. But

scarcely had they sat down to table, when Dùrrey inhumanly killed

them. As father Fray Luis de San Joseph (who was returning from

Masingloc whither he had taken the messages as related above), was

passing in the afternoon toward Bolinào, he noted the loud shouts

in the village, caused by the feasting and dancing that they made

according to their custom with the heads of the three Spaniards. He

attempted to approach nearer in order to check their inhumanity,

but an Indian instigated by the devil, scarcely saw the father when

he threw two spears at him. It was regarded as a miracle that the

father escaped the blow and was not wounded. Thereupon our valiant

religious lifted up his voice, and loudly condemned so unjust actions

in a fervent sermon. According to circumstances, the words on each

occasion must have served as does music on the ears of the tiger. But

in the midst of the necessary disturbance, he was enabled to tell

them with the help of God, such things that Dùrrey with twelve others

who followed him, had to leave the village. The others, humble and

obedient to the voice of their shepherd, surrendered the heads in

order that he might give them ecclesiastical burial. From that moment

Agno remained in the greatest quiet, like the sea, which shows the

most exquisite quietness and serenity after the most terrible storm.

15. But the place where the rage of the insurgents was felt more was

in Bolinào. Màlong regarded its minister, father Fray Juan de la Madre

de Dios, with irreproachable hatred, for he was not unaware of his

great labor in restraining the Zambals. They are so warlike a nation

that they have always caused themselves to be respected not only in

Pangasinàn, which province they glorify as a not despicable part, but

also throughout the Philipinas Islands where they have been able to

acquire renown through their arms. Having, then, as we have related,

sent his associate to Masingloc, he considered that the Indians left

him alone in the convent, and that they were going about cautiously

talking one with another. He summoned one of the chiefs to him and chid

him for that coldness. He learned from the Indian that Don Francisco

Caucào, a cousin of the usurping king, had arrived from Binalatòngon

with an order to the effect that the Zambals should declare against

the Spaniards, under pain of being treated as rebels if they did not

do so. The Indian added that Caucào was staying in Sumùlay's house,

and they were afraid that he intended to conquer their countrymen, and

that was the reason why they were all so confused. Without allowing,

then, the talk which generally increases dangers beyond what they

are in themselves, the religious father set out for Sumùlay's house

in order to have an interview with Caucào, as well as for the purpose

of examining and exploring the village, in order to see whether there

were any ambuscades about it.

16. After he was assured that there were no strange enemies, he went

into the presence of the Indian, who received him seated, without

showing him the least sign of respect. The father asked him why he

came, and he answered haughtily that his cousin Don Andres Màlong,

the powerful king of Pangasinàn, looking with love on the Zambal

nation, and not desiring to treat them with the greatest rigor of war,

sent him to inform them to recognize him as their seignior, and that

on that same day some papers were to be read in the church in which

that would be intimated; and that the father was to reply to a letter

written by his cousin the king, conceding whatever was asked of him,

for if he did not do so, it would cost him his life. Another of less

valor than father Fray Juan would doubtless have been intimidated at

the sight of such arrogance, especially when it be considered that he

could not be sure of the people of the village. But the very injustice

of the Indian giving the father courage, he said to the chiefs who

had accompanied him: "What is this? What is this? Can it be possible

to write of the loyalty of Bolinào, that a traitor, sent by a rebel

to God, and the king, publicly induces you to insurrection, and that

he remain unpunished? Come, seize him. But no, it is to his advantage

to have been found in the house of Sumùlay, whose nobility is worthy

of this attention. But I warn you, O wretch, that you do not leave

the house which serves you as a sanctuary, and that you do not sow

any discord in order to pervert the fidelity of the Zambals, until I

have answered this letter of your vicious cousin; for if you disobey

my order, and these men do not tear you to pieces, I shall be able

to send you to Manila laden with irons and chains, where you will

pay for your treason on the gallows."

17. Caucào, Sumùlay, and all the others were full of dismay at

hearing the argument of the prior: Caucào, because he thought that

the village sided with the Spaniards since the father spoke with so

great assurance; Sumùlay, because he imagined the same, and because

he thought also that the prior was ignorant of his evil designs,

since he spoke so lovingly to him; and the others, because a rumor

that had been shortly before cunningly spread to the effect that a

fleet was already coming from Manila to punish those who had declared

for Màlong, was thus corroborated. For, they argued, if it were not

so, a poor religious would not have the courage to do so much. In

short the father prior obtained his wish, namely, to puzzle them all

in order to gain time. That done, the venerable man retired to his

convent quite perplexed. Opening the letter, he beheld that Màlong

expressed himself in the same manner as Caucào had done. He deemed

best not to answer it, for while he was thinking how he would dismiss

the messenger, he was advised that a champan had just anchored in the

port, in which were two religious. He proceeded thither in order to

receive them, and was met by fathers Fray Juan de Bergàra and Fray

Juan de Fisla, who were retiring from Ilòcos, where the rebels were

committing innumerable acts of cruelty, and had inhumanly taken the

life of father Fray Joseph Arias, all of our observance.

18. He led them to the convent, arranging also that two Spaniards

and six Tagálog Indians who could be withdrawn from the champan

without their loss being felt therein, should accompany them

with firearms. Then seeing that he was in a state of defense if

anything should be attempted by the rebels, he had Caucào and Sumùlay

summoned. They came at the first notice, but curiosity brought all the

people of the village. Then the father tearing the letter of Màlong

to pieces in the presence of the multitude, said: "This is the reply

merited by such an arrogant method of writing, and especially since

it is the letter of a traitor. You," he proceeded, addressing Caucào,

"who have had the shamelessness to come on so insolent an embassy,

well merit being sent a prisoner to Manila, and in order that I might

do so, God has, perhaps, presented me with this champan. But since

you would go to the gallows, the kindness of my estate does not allow

me to cooperate in the death of my neighbor. Therefore, get you gone

immediately to Binalatòngon, and tell your cousin that I pity him,

since the fleet of Manila is already on its way to punish him. Assure

him that his threats make me laugh; that his demand for obedience from

the Zambal nation is irrational; and that I am sending him his relative

Sumùlay in order to increase his army, besides twenty-five Indians

of this village, who are, according to appearances, looking upon him

with too much affection." The father designated those persons by name,

and added with a show of great anger: "Not a single one of those whom

I have just named will remain in Bolinào, under penalty that whoever

refuses to obey, he and the one who hides him shall be sent to Manila

without fail, where justice will punish his resistance." Thus did

he say, and then turned his back with a show of so great anger that

no one dared not to fulfil his orders. On the contrary, all those

comprehended in the order, left the village immediately, for they

feared the threat of punishment. By that means after thus getting

rid of the evil humors of that body politic that troubled it, it

remained in its former health, and the great and estimable blessing

of peace followed.

19. After the execution of so heroic an action, the father prior

endeavored to welcome his new guests, whom he provided with all that

was needful for the continuation of their journey to Manila. They set

sail December 26, leaving Ours behind especially sad, because we were

defenseless if the traitor Màlong attempted any new persecution. They

were not deceived in their judgment, for the rebel angered at the lack

of effect produced by his letter, sent an order to Don Juan Dùrrey,

chief of the hamlet of Agno, to cut off the head of that illustrious

man without fail and to send it to him. That chief went to Bolinào

accompanied by another valiant Indian, and entered the convent for

the feast of the new year. He found the prior praying outside of his

cell, and the good religious imagining that he was come to ask aid,

began to exhort him especially to be loyal and offered him pardon

in the king's name. God giving force to these words, Dùrrey changed

his intention, and refused to kill the father of his spirit. But

the Indian who accompanied him, shutting his ears, like an asp, to

the voices of health, seeing that his chief would not do the deed,

unsheathed a weapon called igua in those parts, and approached quickly

in order to strike the father. But since the chiefs of the village

who had come to speak with the prior on a matter of moment, entered

at the same time, the Indian was completely embarrassed and both of

them were greatly confused. Thus can God, by so casual happenings,

set a hindrance to even greater fatalities, making use of the very

occurrence of secondary causes in order to free His servants from

the dangers that threaten them.

20. It appears that Màlong was not entirely satisfied with the order

that he had despatched to Dùrrey; for, aroused to anger he also ordered

Sumùlay to return to Bolinào in order to cut off the prior's head,

as well as the heads of all the other religious whom he might find

there. Sumùlay obeyed instantly, for he was confident that he still

had some well inclined to him in the village. He arrived at night, and

waiting until the morning of January 3, entered the convent at the time

that the venerable minister was about to go out with a rattan staff

in his hand in order to go to confess a sick man. Sumùlay attacked

him with a short sword, without any waste of arguments. The poor

religious, seeing himself involved in the worst kind of a conflict,

but infused with valor by the divine hand, beat back the first blows

with his cane, and defending himself with it, just as he might have

done with the best kind of a sword, seeing that no one came to his

aid, passed to the offensive. The cane had a long sharp steel point

and the father gave the aggressor so powerful a blow or thrust in

the breast, that he brought him to the earth grievously wounded. Then

the prior called out, whereupon the village chiefs came up. However,

they were remiss in arresting Sumùlay, but on the contrary favored

his retreat, and allowed him to go away after he recovered from

his wound. Consequently, when the prior returned from his confession

(whither he had not omitted to go, despite all the confusion), Sumùlay

no longer appeared. The prior had to put a good face on regarding the

ill behavior of his parishioners, in order not to put the village in

a worse condition, which, at least publicly, did not aid the seditious

ones as much as they could have done.

§ III

Arrival of the Manila fleet which was aided by our religious.

Destruction of the rebels.

21. Having now related what happened in the villages of Zambàles, and

the dangers which our religious suffered, let us turn our eyes toward

Manila, and see what preparations the government was taking in order

to meet so many depredations. Scarcely had father Fray Bernardino de

la Concepcion delivered his messages, when Don Sabiniano Manriquez de

Lara, governor of the islands, with extraordinary quickness mustered

an army of two hundred Spaniards, besides four hundred other soldiers,

consisting of Pampàngos, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos. As general

he appointed the master-of-camp, Francisco de Esteybàr, a Visayan

noble, who in addition to his credit as so fine a soldier, appeared

a most observant religious in his habits. He was ordered to march

overland to Pangasinàn without loss of time. A fleet consisting of

four champans, two galleys, and six medium-sized vessels, which were

manned with many good soldiers, and a goodly supply of all sorts of

firearms were also prepared. This fleet was put in command of General

Don Phelipe de Ugalde, who was ordered to set out on the voyage at

once, and go to the port of Bolinào, where he was to confer with the

father prior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, whose counsel he was

to prize greatly. He was advised that he was not to attempt anything

ashore, until the arrival of Esteybàr, and their forces were united.

22. Everything was done in so short a time (to the contrary of what is

generally written of Spanish aid), that the father prior was advised by

the bantàyes or sentinels at dawn of January 5, that several vessels

were seen to be headed to the port, which as was judged from their

direction appeared to be from Manila. At nine in the morning the

fleet anchored in the port of Bolinào, which is about one-quarter

legua from the village. The father prior flew thither, with the

rapidity of one who is in search of consolation, for he was most

afflicted. Scarcely was he descried on the beach, when the general

sent a skiff for him. He was taken by the skiff to the flagship,

where he was received with repeated salvos of artillery. All the

men expressed mutual joy, which sprung from the bottom of the heart,

and were not superficial and born from the habit of deceit. Father

Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion returned as chaplain of the fleet,

because he urged the father provincial that he might do so, for he

considered his absence from the field of battle, where his comrades

were accomplishing so much for the crown, dishonorable to his valor

in the spiritual militia. When the mutual congratulations which

were exchanged between the father prior and those who composed the

relief were exhausted, the general gave the former a letter from the

governor. It read as follows:

"My Dear Father Fray Juan: Very sad has been the news that we have

had here of your Reverence and of the other fathers, and we were even

assured that you had all been killed. Consequently, the news from your

Reverence served me as a special source of joy, notwithstanding the

melancholy information contained therein of those insurrections. I

trust implicitly through God that your person will be kept safe for

the service of both Majesties. And I hope that that fleet which I have

been able to assemble quickly will keep you safe and that it will have

your Reverence's advice which I have ordered the general to receive as

you are a person of experience in that district. The army in charge of

General Esteybàr is ordered to make forced marches. And next to God,

I look for success in all things to your Reverence because you are

there. May God preserve you, etc. Manila, January 2, 1661.

Don Sabiniano"

23. The general and the prior then discussed many points in regard

to the order that was to be followed in the war. It was known that

the weapons of the insurgents were poisoned arrows which caused death

irremediably no matter how small a wound they made. And although there

is not wanting an antidote to counteract that danger, yet that secret

is known only by certain Indians who refused to disclose it because

they desired the insolent multitude to conquer. But the vigilance of

our religious had already shown its foresight in a matter of so great

weight, and availing himself of a chief of Bolinào, one Don Antonio

Dàcap, he had obtained from him the recipe for making the antidote;

and he had even prepared a large quantity of it, which he gave to the

general, in order that the latter might distribute it among the men of

the fleet, so that they might suffer no harm from the arrows. Ugalde

asked for some things which could not be prepared in Manila on account

of the haste [of their departure]: namely, bamboo and cowhide for

making parapets, small boats for use in shallow water; rice for the

crew; spears such as the Indians use, and certain shields or bucklers

which are called caràzas, in order to make use of them in default of

the firearms. He was provided with all that he asked immediately. After

these arrangements were made, the father prior advised the general,

notwithstanding the forced delay of the army as it was coming overland,

to go immediately with his fleet to the port of Suàl; for although

he could not begin operations until the arrival of Esteybàr, yet his

appearance with his vessels in Pangasinàn in sight of Lingayèn, would

be of great use in terrifying the rebels, and in encouraging the loyal.

24. The general did so, and although the prior desired to accompany

the fleet, the former would not consent, alleging as a reason therefor

that since Bolinào was so important a post, its conservation was

considered necessary, and the presence of the father religious was

inevitable for that, and also to provide the fleet with necessities

in the accidents of war. On that ever propitious and sacred day of

the Epiphany, after mass had been said, which was celebrated in the

flagship by the father prior, the fleet left the port of Bolinào. At

five in the afternoon it came within sight of Lingayèn, to the joy of

the religious of St. Dominic, who had retired there from almost all

of Pangasinàn, as it was the least exposed place. Until that moment

they had been besieged by constant frights. The general did not

dare to go ashore, as many crowds of people were seen on the beach,

who appeared to be hostile; as well as because he had yet no news

of the army, without which he had orders not to do anything, and he

had no forces for that. On that account the fleet kept tacking to

windward on one tack and another for the space of three days. But at

the end of that time, a felucca was seen to cross the bar of Lingayèn

headed toward the flagship. The father vicar of the said village came

aboard and informed the general that the Indians of that district,

although they had risen, were maintained in their insurrection with

great difficulty, and that without making pacts or contracts, desired

to surrender to the piety of the king, according to the arrangements

that he had already discussed with the chiefs. Consequently, in his

opinion, the men could disembark without the slightest fear.

25. A council of war was called to discuss the matter. The said father

vicar, and the father chaplain, Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion,

were given a vote with the others, as was right. All were of the

opinion that the general should land with all his soldiers in order

that he might place himself in a position of defense for whatever

might happen. But that was unnecessary, for the Indians received

him with the greatest proofs of surrender, and from that time the

village of Lingayèn, which is the capital of the province, was one of

the most safe villages. The rebels who were there fled, as they were

fearful of punishment. But at that same time, the sedition was very

much alive in the rest of the province; for Màlong treated those who

refused obedience to him with the utmost rigor unless they had forces

with which to resist him. This rigor was seen in his native place

Binalatòngan, which he reduced to ashes, and allowed his soldiers to

sack, as the Indians fearful of the Spaniards opposed his purposes. In

Ilòcos and Cagayàn, the provinces lying next to Pangasinàn, was

another Indian Don Juan Manzàno, who acted as Màlong's agent, and

who was general of his armies. He burned villages, killed Indians,

and reduced everything to the most fatal pass, because he claimed

that they denied obedience to our king.

26. On that account, Ugalde knew that the sword would be necessary

in order to cut the gordian knot of so obstinate an insurrection. He,

believing that since the Zambals were so valiant and were especially

experienced in the mountains, where the rebels had their haunts, they

could be of great use to the army, wrote the father prior of Bolinào

to procure a goodly levy of them, and send them out as soldiers,

with the assurance that he would give them help. That famous hero

went through the villages of Zambàles with the greatest diligence,

and collected about three hundred of the most faithful, valiant,

and well-intentioned Indians. They, furnished with their accustomed

arms, and the above-mentioned Don Antonio Dàcap, being appointed

master-of-camp with the necessary captains (whose titles the general

confirmed, as did afterward the governor, as a payment for their

good services) were despatched to Lingayèn, where they arrived on

the eighteenth of January. And in order that the joy of the fleet

might be complete, on the afternoon of that same day, the desired

news was received that the army of Esteybàr had entered the district

of Pangasinàn without having met any considerable disaster in its

difficult march. Thereupon, Ugalde arranged his troops, in order to

go to join him. When the two armies were united they began to work

together. They attacked Màlong first, and after several engagements,

the traitor was obliged to retire together with those who remained of

his men, to certain inaccessible mountains, where they imagined that

they would be safe. But here the valor of the Zambals shone forth,

for directed by father Fray Bernardino who never deserted them, they

pursued the rebels through crag and thicket, so that they compelled

them, defiling gradually one after the other, to surrender. Finally

Màlong himself fell into an ambush which was boldly set for him,

and he was seized on February 6 whereupon the Pangasinàn war ended.

27. But in order not to leave this matter without conclusion, we

must add that our army, immediately increased by some companies of

Pangasinans (a nation that declared itself entirely favorable to the

Spaniards as soon as Màlong was defeated), resolved after holding

a council of war to go immediately to Ilòcos for the purpose of

destroying Manzano. But he with few men because many had been lost

in several frays, retired to some desolate places where he built a

fort. Our captains attacked him, however, full in front, and inspired

by their example the soldiers and Indians, and conquered him. Many

of the enemy were slaughtered, and we on our side did not fail to

lose many, because the resistance was especially obstinate. Manzano

escaped thence with some few of his men, and hid in certain mountains,

but the Zambals, Pangasinans, and Cagayans pursued him, and finally,

the justice of our arms prevailed. For, in order that no spark might

be left which might kindle a new fire, he was also seized on March

22. Thus was that difficult war ended, which had caused Manila many

terrors, for it caused not a few fears to the Spaniards. Thereupon, the

provinces continued to become pacified. The governor Don Sabiniano,

in obedience to the action of the royal Audiencia, despatched a

commissary-general of causes, so that, forming a tribunal together

with Esteybàr, Ugalde, and other necessary ministers, he might make a

process in regard to those who had been most active among the rebels;

and after giving such persons the necessary punishment, publish a

general pardon, which would comprehend the remainder. It was reported

then that the judges proceeded with too great rigor, but I should not

be so bold as to impute that guilt to them, for they aimed to spread

a warning, without it ceasing to be very necessary.

28. The least thing that was seen in the disorders of so unjust a

rebellion was the deaths that were caused, notwithstanding that they

were numerous. There was seen vengeance clothed with zeal; ambition

usurping the staff of justice; tyranny proclaiming liberty; treason

applauded with adoration; and he who never knew the law of reason,

making laws. There were seen thefts, conflagrations, profanations

of the temples, persecutions, scorn, and the evangelical ministers

killed sacrilegiously; the Catholic religion abandoned in great part;

and the door opened to apostasy and infidelity. For what time, then,

is the purpose of inexorable justice, if it is not applied at such a

time? That was no sickness that could be cured by mild means when only

iron and fire were found capable of reëstablishing that vast body in

health, rigor exercised there being a preservative medicine for the

rest. And if, perchance, any innocent one paid what he did not owe, one

must reflect that public vengeance was inflicted by the hands of men,

who, although they try to work with equity, are after all only men,

and that they would cease to be men, if they proceeded without the

least defect in all things. At last among many others who suffered

the last punishment, Màlong was shot in Lingayèn, Caucào hanged in

Binalatòngan, Sumùlay in Bolinào, Sìrray in Masingloc, Dùrrey in Agno,

and Manzàno, in the village of Bacàrra, killed himself in order to

escape the hand of the hangman. But if some of them left the marks

of treason in the Zambal nation, which is ever valiant and loyal to

the king, most of them in number and rank, washed away that stain

more than clean. Everything yielded the great praise to the discalced

Augustinians, who were able, by their exhortations, to restrain and

maintain the loyalty of so many Indians of their districts, despising

for that purpose many perils.

§ IV

Relation of the insurrection of the Sangleys or Chinese and how our

religious aided in bringing about peace and victory.

29. Outside the walls of the city of Manila, under the cannon of the

plaza, there is a very thickly populated settlement called the Parién,

where a large number of Chinese live. Those people are known there

under the name of Sangleys. Although heathen they have been allowed to

reside there for the sake of commerce and because they are employed

in almost all the mechanical trades. It cannot be denied that that

nation fomented and maintained with aid and cunning the rebellions

of the Indians which we have just related. That is apparent, because,

when the alcalde-mayor Don Francisco Pulido was killed in Pangasinàn,

some Sangleys were found among the rebels, who contrived that under

cover of the small boats they might capture the large vessel where

the alcalde-mayor was defending his life very gallantly; and on the

arrival of our naval fleet to explore the beach of Lingayèn, there

were seen there many armed men, consisting of Sangleys and Indians,

as is affirmed by Father Santa Cruz, in volume 2 of his Dominican

history of the Philipinas. [10] But it is still more fully shown by

the many bodies of Sangleys which were found in the field whenever

there was an engagement with the rebels, for on all occasions they

served the Indians as auxiliaries. Let us examine the motive for the

Chinese taking part in a war that concerned them so little.

[Here follows a brief description of China and an account of the

victories of the Tartars about this time, the alliance of the pirate

Kuesing with the legitimate Chinese king Junglie, and following

the latter's death, the retreat of the pirate to Formosa whence he

expels the Dutch. His design to make the conquest is also related,

and his embassy by Father Victorio Riccio to Manila, demanding "prompt

vassalage, and a huge tribute from the islands, and threatening the

most bloody war if Spaniards and Indians did not obey this obligation

and recognize him as king." The Chinese in Manila, hating the Tartars

and favorable to Kuesing, begin to raise disturbances. Their anger

is also further aroused by a commercial treaty between the Spaniards

and the Tartar emperor of China. But little attention is paid to

the Chinese of the Parián, however, but both interior and exterior

fortifications are strengthened and constructed in case of an attack

by Kuesing. The narrative continues:]

34. For this purpose some scaffolds were built outside the wall so

that the pioneers might work comfortably. This, which was a means

for fortification, might, had not the divine aid intervened, have

been the cause of the loss of the city, the center of the faith in

Assia and a firm column of the Catholic religion. For the Sangleys

determined with the utmost secrecy not to let the opportunity slip,

but, on the contrary, to seize time by the forelock, and to climb

in great numbers by night by means of those scaffolds which were

not guarded in proportion to the danger. They thought that if they

did so, and first gained the wall by an unexpected and furtive rush

they could obtain the mastery of the city immediately without any

opposition. In fact they would have planned well had it not been that

God tied their hands. It happened, then, that the father sacristan of

our convent going down one morning to arrange the altar of the Santo

Ecce Homo (an image of which mention was made in volume iii, [11] as

well as the great devotion that Governor Don Sabiniano had for it),

found at its divine feet a message reading as follows: "Governor,

guard thy city, for they are trying to take thee by surprise." The

sacristan immediately put that message into the hands of the father

prior. The latter, considering that no one had to hide himself in

order to give such advice, (for, if it were true, any person would

be assured of a not small reward), he formed the concept that that

notice came from the hand of God; and above all that it would be well

to inform the governor of it. For where there are so many enemies,

the most careful watch is none too much.

35. Consequently, he took the message to the governor, to whom he told

the manner in which he had found it. The prudent superior not only

esteemed the caution, but he doubled his care and vigilance by visiting

the walls and sentinels hourly. But on the morning of the following

day, another more detailed paper was found in the same place, which

read as follows: "Governor, guard thy city. Remove the scaffoldings

from the walls, and do not trust anyone, for the enemy are very

near thee." The father prior also took that message to the governor,

alleging that because of his quality as a good vassal, he could not

avoid giving him that annoyance. But the governor was not annoyed

but instead thanked him again and again, and in his presence had an

adjutant, one Don Joseph Zamora, summoned, and ordered the latter to

remove the scaffolding of the walls, and double the guards in all the

posts. It was afterwards learned how important the arrangement that

has been practiced had been, for it was discovered when the deserved

punishment was meted out to the insurgents that the surprise of the

city was to have been attempted on the night following that day, but

that they had not succeeded because what was to have served them as

a ladder had been removed.

36. The Sangleys seeing the destruction of their designs, resolved,

at the beginning of the year 1662, to arm suddenly one day, with

the weapons which came first to hand, and to take the city openly,

for they trusted too much to their valor. There is a gate in the

city called the gate of the Parián, which gives on the Sangley

settlement, and innumerable numbers of that nation enter the city

through it hourly. They would find it easy if some of them were to

make themselves masters of this gate, for the others to enter the

city armed. By a special Providence of God, as brother Fray Diego

de Santa Ana, one of our religious lay-brothers, went to adjust an

account with a certain Sangley, on the morning of the day on which

they had resolved to make the attack, he observed that the Chinese

were in great disorder, and he even heard some words indicative of

arrogance, and that they were premeditating some sedition. The brother

understood the Chinese language somewhat, and having conceived the

said suspicion, he went about the Parián carefully and joined in

conversation cunningly with several Sangley acquaintances. By that

means originated the confirmation of his fears. He advised a captain of

everything, who took him into the presence of the governor so that he

might inform the latter. Upon receiving that information, the guards

of the gates and of the walls were doubled without any confusion,

and most opportune orders were given secretly for the artillerymen

and soldiers to be prepared to resist any attack.

37. Scarce six o'clock could have struck, when the Sangleys advanced

to the gate of the city in a confused mass, with such violence that

doubtless they would have gained it, had our men not been so prepared

for its defense. With the regular discharge of the artillery, and

with the muskets of the guards, many of them were killed. At that

misfortune the others retired as furiously as they had begun the

attack. But honoring our discalced religious greatly the governor

was wont to say whenever he saw brother Fray Diego, that next to the

patronage of the Santo Ecce Homo, the defense of the city was due to

his opportune advice. The enemy having been repulsed in this manner, a

portion of them, about two thousand, threw themselves into the river in

order to cross it. About three hundred of them having perished there,

the others fled to the mountains. As they passed it, they left our

convent and church of San Sebastian reduced to ashes. Its building

had been finished but a short time before, as it had been burned

during another insurrection. It could not but cause time and trouble

to reduce those rebels, but it was accomplished at last although

accompanied with the shedding of much blood. They were pursued on

one side by the Pampango Indians and on the other by the Zambals,

who were led and captained by our religious. The remaining Sangleys,

who reached the number of ten thousand, took their stand on the field

in front of the walls, thus causing not a little anxiety to Manila. But

they were so disposed that, anticipating a general pardon, conceded by

the governor, with the exception of some few leaders, before nightfall

they were all subdued, and that troubled sea was totally calm.

38. Father Palanco, [12] a Dominican, declared very truly in the

memorial which he presented to the king, on that rebellion of

the Sangleys, "that all the Orders worked and aided with singular

vigilance on that occasion exposing their lives to the service of

both Majesties." For the individuals of all the orders endeavored to

excel, as ever, in their zeal and deeds, now by taking arms to go to

the defense of the walls, just as the most ordinary soldier might do;

now imploring divine clemency with supplications and prayers; and anon

assisting with advice and information. But there is no doubt that,

as is inferred from the abovesaid, our Recollects had a great share

in that victory, and that they shared considerably in the dangers of

the war. Thus are they able without failing in their obligations as

evangelical ministers, to serve their earthly king on all occasions,

as professors of both militias.

[Sections v-vii relate the lives of various Recollects, both priests

and lay-brothers, who died in Spanish convents at this time. No one

of them had been in the Philippine missions.]

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century. · 第 1 / 6 章