THE HOGÁN OF THE YÉBĬTCAI DANCE

Despite the ceremonies which have been performed, it frequently happens

that malign influences affect the new dwelling. The inmates suffer from

toothache, or sore eyes, or have bad dreams, or ghosts are heard in the

night. Then the house ceremony is repeated. If after this the conditions

still prevail and threatening omens are noted, an effort is made to

ascertain the cause. Perhaps the husband recalls an occasion when he

was remiss in some religious duty, or the wife may remember having

seen accidentally an unmasked dancer, or they may be convinced that a

sorcerer, a _¢ĭlkúji_, is practicing his evil art. Such malign

influences must be due to some definite cause, and it must be found.

Then, if the cause be grave, resort must be had to a very elaborate

ceremony, the dance of the _Yébĭtcai_.

For the observance of this ceremony it is usual to construct a flat-roof

hut called _iyá¢askuni_, meaning, literally, “under the flat.” The roof

is nearly square as well as flat, and the edifice, with its spreading

base, suggests a truncated pyramid; but as it is roughly covered with

earth heaped over the entire structure it is externally little more than

a shapeless mound. Plate LXXXIX is an exterior view of one of these

special hogáns, which is also shown in plan in figure 241.

[Illustration: Fig. 241--Ground plan of Yébĭtcai house]

When it has been decided to build an _iyá¢askuni_ all the young men of

the neighborhood join in the labor while some of the older men direct

them in the prescribed methods. The procedure is much the same as that

employed in building the regular hogán, but larger timbers are required.

Any kind of timber growing in the vicinity is used; but as groves of

piñon and juniper are most abundant in the Navaho country, these are

the kinds usually employed. The stunted, twisted trunks of these trees

make it a matter of some difficulty to find the necessary timbers of

sufficient size, for they must be at least a foot in diameter. When

found, the trees are cut down and carried to the site selected, which

must have fairly level surroundings, free from dense wood and

underbrush, so as to afford a clear space for the ceremonial processions

and dances. Four heavy posts are necessary--“legs,” the Navaho call

them--and these must be trimmed so as to leave a strong fork at the top

of each at least 6 feet from the ground when set upright. Four others,

for the horizontal roof-beams, must be 10 feet long, but without forks;

and two more, the straightest and longest, are necessary for the doorway

passage. These ten timbers are called _tsá¢i_, the same term that is

applied to the five main timbers of the ordinary hogán.

The four posts are set firmly in the ground in shallow holes at

distances apart corresponding to the length of the main roof-beams,

and so arranged as to describe a square, the sides of which face the

cardinal points. The prescribed position of the doorway is the center

of the eastern side, and it must face the east exactly. The post at

the southeastern corner is the first to be set, then the one at the

southwestern corner, with the forks arranged on the same line. The

northwestern post is then set, and finally the one at the northeastern

corner, and the forks of the last two are also placed on the same line.

In the ground plan (figure 241) the posts are numbered in the order in

which they are set up. This sequence is not always strictly followed,

but the old men say that this is the proper way.

The beam for the southern side of the roof is next lifted into place and

laid so as to rest in the forks of the two posts on that side, with the

ends projecting a little beyond them. The beam on the northern side is

similarly placed, and the western and the eastern beams are next laid

so that their ends rest upon the ends of the beams already in place.

Another timber is then placed parallel with the eastern beam, as shown

on the plan. This forms the western side of the smoke-hole and also

a support for the smaller roof-timbers to rest upon. Sometimes an

additional timber is laid across for this purpose between the one last

named and the next beam. The two timbers for the sides of the doorway

passage are then placed in position about 3 feet apart and leaning

against the eastern roof-beam. The butt ends rest upon the ground, and

the space between them should be in the center of the eastern side.

All the main posts and beams are stripped of bark, the rough knobs and

protuberances are hewn off, and they are finished according to the skill

of the builders or the exactions of the old men who superintend the

construction.

While this work is in progress a great number of smaller and less

shapely timbers are procured for the sides and roof. To determine a

pitch for the sloping sides all the workers arrange themselves so as to

encompass the square frame, and a few of the longest of the irregular

timbers are placed here and there around it, leaning against the beams.

They are roughly aligned, and some attempt is made to have the sides of

the same slope. The floor area thus determined, the outer edge of which

would fall 4 to 6 feet outside the posts, is then lightly dug over to

remove all irregularities, and is made as level as possible.

As in the ordinary hogán, the upright posts of the door-frame are set

near the lower ends of the doorway timbers, and the roof and sides of

the doorway are covered in when the sides of the hut are inclosed, which

is the next step in the construction. Small tree trunks and timbers are

placed closely around the excavated floor area, with their upper ends

leaning against the roof beams. They are not set very regularly and

boughs are often used to fill the larger crevices, while the corners are

turned in a clumsy manner, with the tops of the timbers overlapping

each other, while the butts diverge in a haphazard curve.

The roof is laid with smaller timbers, the longest resting on the

smoke-hole timber and the western beam, while the shorter pieces span

the smaller interval from the former timber to the eastern beam. The

arrangement of the smoke exit differs from that of the ordinary hogán.

In the latter an open space is left between the doorway timbers at their

upper ends; in the _iyá¢askuni_ the doorway roof is continued up to the

eastern beam, which forms the eastern side of the smoke hole. This hole

is in the main roof, in line with the doorway but just beyond the ends

of its timbers, and it is usually about 3 feet square. Figure 242

is an interior view of the frame, looking outward. The structure is

finished like the hogáns; the frame is covered by heavy layers of cedar

or juniper bark over the sides and roof, and finally with a deep

covering of earth packed firmly over the whole exterior. The door frame

is usually about 4 feet high and 2-1/2 feet wide; the roof is about 7

feet high in the interior, and the floor area measures roughly 20 feet

square, with the four posts standing about 5 feet from the base of the

sides. Figure 243 shows some actual measurements.

[Illustration: Fig. 242--Framework of Yébĭtcai house]

While the _Yébĭtcai_ ceremony is in progress the hut is occupied by the

_qaçál‘i_ and his assistants and by the young men who assume the sacred

masks and personate the various deities in the nightly dances. In the

mornings the _qaçál‘i_ sits under the western side of the hut and

directs the young men in the process of sand painting, the making of

curious sand mosaics delineating mythologic subjects. The materials used

are dry sand, charcoal, and powdered ochers of different colors, which

are poured from the hand between the thumb and fingers. Without the use

of a brush or other implement the trickling stream is guided to form

intricate designs. These designs are made directly on the earthen floor

in a zone about 3 feet wide and extending nearly the entire length of

the hut from north to south. This zone, called the _iká‘_, is made in

front of the _qaçál‘i_, and between him and the fire, which is reduced

to small dimensions to enable him to work close under the opening in

the roof. During the process the door is closed with the usual hanging

blanket, and to increase the light from above a buckskin or white cloth

is sometimes suspended as a reflector on a light frame of boughs erected

on the roof on the western side of the smoke hole.

[Illustration: Fig. 243--Diagram showing measurements of Yébĭtcai

house]

The mask recess, which is found in all the larger hogáns, is always made

in the middle of the western side of the _iyá¢askuni_. It is usually

somewhat wider and deeper than in the ordinary dwelling. The bundles

containing the masks and other paraphernalia to be used in the ceremony

are placed in the recess by the _qaçál‘i_, who then fastens a skin or

cloth across it. The upper edge at a height of about 3 feet from the

floor is fastened with strings to the sloping timbers. The lower edge is

held by small pegs driven into the edge of the bench-like ledge of earth

which marks the limits of the floor. When he needs them the _qaçál‘i_

reaches behind the curtain for the paraphernalia he has previously

prepared and deposited there. The masks must never be seen except when

worn by the dancers, nor are the fetiches exposed except when certain

rites demand their display.

This recess is called by the Navaho _djĭc bĭnasklá_, literally “mask

recess.” Besides its practical use it has a mythic significance, as

it indicates the position occupied by First-man, who sat there with

Qastcéyalçi (Dawn) and Qastcéqoġan (Twilight) on either hand, in the

house where the Corn people were made. They also occupied similar

positions in the house in which they made the celestial bodies, and

also in the first _iyá¢askuni_, which was made by them to celebrate

the occurrence of the first menstruation of Estsánatlehi.

No special veneration attaches to the _iyá¢askuni_ except when a

ceremony is in progress. At that time it is devoted exclusively to the

_qaçál‘i_ and the other actors in the rites, and it is then known as

_qaçál‘ biqoġan_, the song house. Perhaps the family for whose benefit

it was first used may have contributed the larger share of the food for

the workers who constructed it, but it is not held to be the exclusive

property of any one person; it is for the use of the neighborhood. In

the summer time, during which season no important rites are celebrated,

the women often erect their vertical looms there and use it as a

workroom. Some of the neighbors may find it convenient to occupy it

temporarily, or when some occasion brings an influx of visitors they

adjourn to the flat-roof house, if there be one near, to smoke and

gamble and sleep there. But it is rarely used as a dwelling in winter,

as it would have to be vacated whenever one of the neighbors wished to

have a ceremony performed. Moreover, owing to its large size, it would

be more difficult to keep warm than the more compact hogán.

Navaho Houses Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 469-518 · 第 18 / 22 题