THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE SUPERIOR

In Volume Seven of the _American Nation_ Mr. Thwaites states

(page 52) that Lake Superior was discovered in 1616. All

other secondary accounts give 1629. Can you tell me whether

or not the date 1616 is a misprint? If not where can I get

the information about its discovery?

E. G. DOUDNA,

_Eau Claire, Wisconsin_.

The dates of the discoveries of the several great lakes are not

definitely known, and there is no uniformity of statement concerning

their first exploration. Dr. Thwaites’s works reflect this

uncertainty. In the _American Nation_ volume to which you refer he was

inclined to accept the theory of Etienne Brulé’s exploration of Lake

Superior, and thought it might have occurred after his journey to the

Susquehanna in 1615, and before his return in 1618 to Quebec.

Therefore he gives the date as 1616. In his _Wisconsin_, published in

1908, he appears to have rejected the theory of Brulé’s explorations,

and states that Jean Nicolet in 1634 was probably the discoverer of

Lake Superior. In his school _History of the United States_ (Boston,

1912) he shows his doubt by giving “about 1629” as the date of the

discovery. Not all secondary accounts give the date as 1629. Our own

opinion is that there is no authority for this date, and that it

arises from a misinterpretation of Edward J. Neill’s statement in

Justin Winsor’s _Narrative and Critical History of America_, IV, 165.

One of the latest histories of the Great Lakes (Channing and Lansing’s

_The Story of the Great Lakes_, New York, 1909) gives no date for the

discovery of Lake Superior, but assigns 1610 to the first white man’s

voyage on Lake Huron, five years earlier than the traditional one of

1615 for Champlain’s first voyage. The whole matter turns on the

career of Etienne Brulé, one of the youths selected by Champlain to

reside among the Indians and learn their language. His adventures were

first discussed in detail in C. W. Butterfield’s, _Brulé’s

Explorations and Discoveries_ (Cleveland, 1898). A more recent

discussion in French, by the eminent Canadian authority Benjamin

Sulte, appeared in the Canadian Royal Society _Proceedings and

Transactions_, 3d series, vol. 1, section 1, 97-125. Butterfield and

Sulte substantially agree, and both consider that Etienne Brulé with a

companion named Grenolle probably visited Lake Superior and explored

it in 1622-23. The evidence is somewhat circumstantial, and the point

may never be determined; but Champlain must have had some information,

aside from that furnished by the Indians, for upon his map of 1632

appears the outline of Lake Superior entering Lake Huron by the “Sault

de Gaston,” as he calls the present Sault Ste. Marie. If one rejects

the evidence of Brulé’s voyage, which rests upon inference chiefly,

the date 1629 is the last one in which Champlain could have obtained

his information for his map published in 1632, since he was deported

by English conquerors from his colony in the former year, and did not

return until 1633.

Next to Brulé must be placed Jean Nicolet, who visited the Sault in

1634; whether he ascended the strait to the lake itself is

conjectural. Then in 1641 came the great gathering of Indians attended

by the Jesuit fathers, Jogues and Raymbault. (See L. P. Kellogg’s

_Early Narratives of the Northwest_, New York, 1917, 19-25). The first

description of Lake Superior is given by Pierre Esprit Radisson in his

_Journal_. The probable date of his voyage thereon is 1661, but Father

René Ménard arrived at Keweenaw Bay in the autumn of 1660.

It appears probable that the date of the discovery of Lake Superior

cannot be determined with accuracy, and must remain uncertain unless

scholars accept the conclusions of Butterfield and Sulte concerning

Brulé. The same is true of the discovery of the upper Mississippi; it

has been claimed for Nicolet in 1634, for Radisson in 1659, for La

Salle in 1669, all antedating the voyage of Jolliet and Marquette in

1673. The truth is that from the beginning of French settlement on the

St. Lawrence there was much roving to the sources of the great river.

Many of these coureurs des bois were brave and courageous explorers,

but they kept no records. It is thus dogmatic to say that the visit of

the first white man to any given point occurred on such or such a

date. We can only say when the first records were made describing such

an event. The records for the voyage of Brulé and Grenolle in 1622

have not yet been universally accepted.

THE POTAWATOMI DURING THE REVOLUTION: FATHER ALLOUEZ AMONG THE

KICKAPOO

I am sending you some more letters from Quitos. In one of

these letters he refers to War Chief Thunder fighting with

George Washington against the Canadians. I would like to

find out what fight that was. Can you tell me?

I would also like to find out whether Fathers Dablon and

Claude Allouez visited the Kickapoo Indians on Milwaukee

River in 1670 a few years before Jolliet and Marquette

discovered the Mississippi. I have seen something to this

effect somewhere.

A. GEREND,

_Cato, Wisconsin_.

It is an interesting fact that the Potawatomi of the west shore of

Lake Michigan, notably those of Milwaukee, and probably those farther

north, under the influence of Siggenauk or the Blackbird made a treaty

at Cahokia, Illinois, with George Rogers Clark in September, 1778, and

were thereafter for a time American allies. There was no actual

service under Gen. George Washington, but the chiefs probably received

medals or certificates in his name, and thus considered themselves

fighting under his care. The Potawatomi returned to the British

allegiance later, and opposed the Americans during all of the Indian

wars. If our surmise of what Quitos means about Old Thunder is

correct, it is a remarkable instance of the persistence of tradition

concerning an American alliance, and a corroboration of Col. George

Rogers Clark’s testimony about the attitude of the Milwaukee

Potawatomi. Clark calls the two chiefs Saguina or “Mr. Black Bird and

Nakiowin, two chiefs of the Bands of the sotairs [Chippewa] and

Outaway Nation bordering on Lake Michigan and the River St. Joseph.”

De Peyster, the British commandant at Mackinac, speaks in his poem or

rhymed chronicle of 1779 of “Those runagates at Milwakie” and calls

them in a footnote “A horrid set of refractory Indians.” Thus in the

Revolution, while most of the Wisconsin Indians were strong British

supporters, the mixed band of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Potawatomi west of

Lake Michigan were American sympathizers.

With regard to your second question: There is no record in the _Jesuit

Relations_ of any visit of Allouez and Dablon to Milwaukee in 1670.

Such a statement was made before Dr. Thwaites’s edition of the _Jesuit

Relations_ appeared. Upon the publication in English of the exact text

of the _Relations_ it was seen that Allouez visited the Kickapoo in

1670 (not accompanied by Dablon) at their village four leagues (about

fifteen miles) from the Mascouten village which was near the site of

the modern Berlin, on the upper Fox River. Thus it was impossible for

the Kickapoo village to have been at Milwaukee. It is quite probable

that Perrot and other traders may have been at Milwaukee and along the

shore of Lake Michigan before Jolliet and Marquette, but there is no

recorded voyage before theirs.

The Wisconsin Magazine of History, Volume 1, 1917-1918 · 第 93 / 189 题