CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST “GERONIMO”—THE CROPS RAISED BY THE APACHES—THE

PURSUIT OF THE HOSTILES—THE HARD WORK OF THE TROOPS—EFFICIENT

AND FAITHFUL SERVICE OF THE CHIRICAHUA SCOUTS—WAR DANCES AND

SPIRIT DANCES—CAPTAIN CRAWFORD KILLED—A VISIT TO THE HOSTILE

STRONGHOLD—A “NERVY” PHOTOGRAPHER—A WHITE BOY CAPTIVE AMONG THE

APACHES—“ALCHISE’S” AND “KA-E-TEN-NA’S” GOOD WORK—“GERONIMO”

SURRENDERS TO CROOK.

To show that Apaches will work under anything like proper

encouragement, the reader has only to peruse these extracts from the

annual report of Captain F. E. Pierce, who succeeded Captain Emmet

Crawford:

“They have about eleven hundred acres under cultivation, and have

raised about 700,000 lbs. of barley and an equal amount of corn.

They have delivered to the Post Quartermaster here 60,000 lbs. of

barley and 60,000 lbs. to the agency, have hauled 66,000 lbs. to

Thomas and about 180,000 lbs. to Globe, and still have about

330,000 lbs. on hand. Since they have been hauling barley to

Thomas and Globe, however, where they receive fair prices, they

feel much better. It gives them an opportunity to get out and

mingle with people of the world, and get an idea of the manner of

transacting business and a chance to make purchases at

considerably less rates than if they bought of the Indian traders

at San Carlos. The people at Globe are particularly kind to them,

and, so far as I can learn, deal justly with them, and the more

respectable ones will not permit the unprincipled to impose upon

them or maltreat them in any way. The Indians also conduct

themselves properly, and all citizens with whom I have conversed

speak very highly of their conduct while in Globe. About a dozen

are now regularly employed there at various kinds of work; and

they are encouraged as much as possible to seek work with

citizens, as they thereby learn much that will be of benefit to

them in the future. Shortly after the Chiricahua outbreak, word

was sent to the head of each band that General Crook wanted two

hundred more scouts to take the field, and all who wished to go

were invited to appear here next morning. It is difficult to say

how many reported, but almost every able-bodied man came. It was

difficult to tell which ones to take when all were so eager to go.

But a body of as fine men was selected as could well be secured in

any country. They repeatedly told me they meant fight; that they

intended to do the best they could, and reports from the field

show that they have made good their promises. Sixteen hundred

White Mountain Indians have been entirely self-sustaining for

nearly three years.”

The Indians at the White Mountains, according to the official

reports, were doing remarkably well.

“At this date there have been 700,000 pounds of hay and 65,000

pounds of barley purchased by the Quartermaster. Of course, the

amount of hay which will yet be furnished by them will be

regulated by the amount required, which will be in all about

1,800,000 pounds. As near as I can judge, the total yield of

barley will be about 80,000 pounds, or about double the quantity

produced last year. If no misfortune happens the crops, the yield

of corn for this year should fully reach 3,500,000 pounds,

including that retained by the Indians for their own consumption

and for seed.

“Cantelopes, watermelons, muskmelons, beans, and pumpkins are

raised by them to a considerable extent, but only for their own

consumption, there being no market for this class of produce.

“A few of the Indians—principally Chiricahuas—are delivering wood

on the contract at the post of Fort Apache. I have no doubt that

more would engage in it if it were not for the fact that the White

Mountain Apaches have no wagons for hauling it.”

It would take many more pages than I care to devote to the subject

to properly describe the awful consequences of the official blunder,

which in this case was certainly worse than a crime, shown in the

bickerings and jealousies between the representatives of the War and

Interior Departments, which culminated in the “Geronimo” outbreak of

May, 1885. Those of my readers who have followed this recital need

no assurances that the country was as rough as rocks and ravines,

deep cañons and mountain streams, could make it; neither do they

need to be assured that the trail of the retreating Chiricahuas was

reddened with the blood of the innocent and unsuspecting settlers,

or that the pursuit made by the troops was energetic, untiring, and,

although often baffled, finally successful. No more arduous and

faithful work was ever done by any military commands than was

performed by those of Emmet Crawford, Lieutenant Britton Davis,

Frank L. Bennett, Lieutenant M. W. Day, Surgeon Bermingham, and

Major Wirt Davis in tracking the scattered fragments of the

“Geronimo” party over rocks and across country soaked with the heavy

rains of summer which obliterated trails as fast as made. The work

done by “Chato” and the Chiricahuas who had remained on the

reservation was of an inestimable value, and was fittingly

recognized by General Crook, Captain Crawford, and the other

officers in command of them.

Thirty-nine white people were killed in New Mexico and thirty four

in Arizona, as established in official reports; in addition to these

there were numbers of friendly Apaches killed by the renegades,

notably in the raid made by the latter during the month of November,

1885, to the villages near Camp Apache, when they killed twelve of

the friendlies and carried off six women and children captive. The

White Mountain Apaches killed one of the hostile Chiricahuas and cut

off his head. On the 23d of June, 1885, one of the hostile

Chiricahua women was killed and fifteen women and children captured

in an engagement in the Bavispe Mountains, northeast of Opata

(Sonora, Mexico), by Chiricahua Apache scouts under command of

Captain Crawford; these prisoners reported that one of their

warriors had been shot through the knee-joint in this affair, but

was carried off before the troops could seize him. July 29, 1885,

two of the hostile Chiricahua bucks were ambushed and killed in the

Hoya Mountains, Sonora, by the detachment of Apache scouts with

Major Wirt Davis’s command. August 7, 1885, five of the hostile

Chiricahuas were killed (three bucks, one squaw, and one boy fifteen

years old) by the Apache scouts of Wirt Davis’s command, who

likewise captured fifteen women and children in the same engagement

(northeast of the little town of Nacori, Sonora, Mexico). On the 22d

of September, 1885, the same scouts killed another Chiricahua in the

mountains near Bavispe.

An ex-army-officer, writing on this subject of scouting in the

southwestern country, to the _Republican_, of St. Louis, Mo.,

expressed his opinion in these words:

“It is laid down in our army tactics (Upton’s ‘Cavalry Tactics,’

p. 477), that twenty-five miles a day is the maximum that cavalry

can stand. Bear this in mind, and also that here is an enemy with

a thousand miles of hilly and sandy country to run over, and each

brave provided with from three to five ponies trained like dogs.

They carry almost nothing but arms and ammunition; they can live

on the cactus; they can go more than forty-eight hours without

water; they know every water-hole and every foot of ground in this

vast extent of country; they have incredible powers of endurance;

they run in small bands, scattering at the first indications of

pursuit. What can the United States soldier, mounted on his heavy

American horse, with the necessary forage, rations, and camp

equipage, do as against this supple, untiring foe? Nothing,

absolutely nothing. It is no exaggeration to say that these fiends

can travel, week in and week out, at the rate of seventy miles a

day, and this over the most barren and desolate country

imaginable. One week of such work will kill the average soldier

and his horse; the Apache thrives on it. The frontiersman, as he

now exists, is simply a fraud as an Indian-fighter. He may be good

for a dash, but he lacks endurance. General Crook has pursued the

only possible method of solving this problem. He has, to the

extent of his forces, guarded all available passes with regulars,

and he has sent Indian scouts on the trail after Indians. He has

fought the devil with fire. Never in the history of this country

has there been more gallant, more uncomplaining, and more

efficient service than that done by our little army in the attempt

to suppress this Geronimo outbreak.”...

In the month of November additional scouts were enlisted to take the

place of those whose term of six months was about to expire. It was

a great time at San Carlos, and the “medicine men” were in all their

glory; of course, it would never do for the scouts to start out

without the customary war dance, but besides that the “medicine men”

held one of their “spirit” dances to consult with the powers of the

other world and learn what success was to be expected. I have

several times had the good luck to be present at these “spirit

dances,” as well as to be with the “medicine men” while they were

delivering their predictions received from the spirits, but on the

present occasion there was an unusual vehemence in the singing, and

an unusual vim and energy in the dancing, which would betray the

interest felt in the outcome of the necromancy. A war dance,

attended by more than two hundred men and women, was in full swing

close to the agency buildings in the changing lights and shadows of

a great fire. This enabled the “medicine men” to secure all the more

privacy for their own peculiar work, of which I was an absorbed

spectator. There were about an even hundred of warriors and young

boys not yet full grown, who stood in a circle surrounding a huge

bonfire, kept constantly replenished with fresh fagots by assiduous

attendants. At one point of the circumference were planted four

bunches of green willow branches, square to the cardinal points.

Seated within this sacred grove, as I may venture to call it, as it

represented about all the trees they could get at the San Carlos,

were the members of an orchestra, the leader of which with a small

curved stick beat upon the drum improvised out of an iron

camp-kettle, covered with soaped calico, and partially filled with

water. The beat of this rounded stick was a peculiar rubbing thump,

the blows being sliding. Near this principal drummer was planted a

sprig of cedar. The other musicians beat with long switches upon a

thin raw-hide, lying on the ground, just as the Sioux did at their

sun dance. There were no women present at this time. I did see three

old hags on the ground, watching the whole proceedings with curious

eyes, but they kept at a respectful distance, and were Apache-Yumas

and not Apaches.

The orchestra thumped and drummed furiously, and the leader began to

intone, in a gradually increasing loudness of voice and with much

vehemence, a “medicine” song, of which I could distinguish enough to

satisfy me that part of it was words, which at times seemed to

rudely rhyme, and the rest of it the gibberish of “medicine”

incantation which I had heard so often while on the Sierra Madre

campaign in 1883. The chorus seconded this song with all their

powers, and whenever the refrain was chanted sang their parts with

violent gesticulations. Three dancers, in full disguise, jumped into

the centre of the great circle, running around the fire, shrieking

and muttering, encouraged by the shouts and singing of the

on-lookers, and by the drumming and incantation of the chorus which

now swelled forth at full lung-power. Each of these dancers was

beautifully decorated; they were naked to the waist, wore kilts of

fringed buckskin, bound on with sashes, and moccasins reaching to

the knees. Their identity was concealed by head-dresses, part of

which was a mask of buckskin, which enveloped the head as well as

the face, and was secured around the neck by a “draw-string” to

prevent its slipping out of place. Above this extended to a height

of two feet a framework of slats of the amole stalk, each differing

slightly from that of the others, but giving to the wearer an

imposing, although somewhat grotesque appearance. Each “medicine

man’s” back, arms, and shoulders were painted with emblems of the

lightning, arrow, snake, or other powers appealed to by the Apaches.

I succeeded in obtaining drawings of all these, and also secured one

of these head-dresses of the “Cha-ja-la,” as they are called, but a

more detailed description does not seem to be called for just now.

Each of the dancers was provided with two long wands or sticks, one

in each hand, with which they would point in every direction,

principally towards the cardinal points. When they danced, they

jumped, pranced, pirouetted, and at last circled rapidly, revolving

much as the dervishes are described as doing. This must have been

hard work, because their bodies were soon moist with perspiration,

which made them look as if they had been coated with oil.

“Klashidn,” the young man who had led me down, said that the

orchestra was now singing to the trees which had been planted in the

ground, and I then saw that a fourth “medicine man,” who acted with

the air of one in authority, had taken his station within. When the

dancers had become thoroughly exhausted, they would dart out of the

ring and disappear in the gloom to consult with the spirits; three

several times they appeared and disappeared, at each return dancing,

running, and whirling about with increased energy. Having attained

the degree of mental or spiritual exaltation necessary for

satisfactory communion with the denizens of the other world, they

remained absent for at least half an hour, the orchestra rendering a

monotonous refrain, mournful as a funeral dirge. At last a thrill of

expectancy ran through the throng, and I saw that they were looking

anxiously for the incoming of the “medicine men.” When they arrived

all the orchestra stood up, their leader slightly in advance,

holding a bunch of cedar in his left hand. The “medicine men”

advanced in single file, the leader bending low his head, and

placing both his arms about the neck of the chief in such a manner

that his wands crossed, he murmured some words in his ear which

seemed to be of pleasing import. Each of the others did the same

thing to the chief, who took his stand first on the east, then on

the south, then on the west, and lastly on the north of the little

grove through which the three pranced, muttering a jumble of sounds

which I cannot reproduce, but which sounded for all the world like

the chant of the “Hooter” of the Zunis at their Feast of Fire. This

terminated the great “medicine” ceremony of the night, and the glad

shouts of the Apaches testified that the incantations of their

spiritual advisers or their necromancy, whichever it was, promised a

successful campaign.

Captain Crawford, whose services, both in pursuit of hostile Apaches

and in efforts to benefit and civilize those who had submitted, had

won for him the respect and esteem of every manly man in the army or

out of it who had the honor of knowing him, met his death at or near

Nacori, Sonora, Mexico, January 11, 1886, under peculiarly sad and

distressing circumstances. These are narrated by General Crook in

the orders announcing Crawford’s death, of which the following is an

extract:

“Captain Crawford, with the zeal and gallantry which had always

distinguished him, volunteered for the arduous and thankless task

of pursuing the renegade Chiricahua Apaches to their stronghold in

the Sierra Madre, Mexico, and was assigned to the command of one

of the most important of the expeditions organized for this

purpose. In the face of the most discouraging obstacles, he had

bravely and patiently followed in the track of the renegades,

being constantly in the field from the date of the outbreak in May

last to the day of his death.

“After a march of eighteen hours without halt in the roughest

conceivable country, he had succeeded in discovering and

surprising their rancheria in the lofty ranges near the Jarras

River, Sonora. Everything belonging to the enemy fell into our

hands, and the Chiricahuas, during the fight, sent in a squaw to

beg for peace. All arrangements had been made for a conference

next morning. Unfortunately, a body of Mexican irregular troops

attacked Captain Crawford’s camp at daybreak, and it was while

endeavoring to save the lives of others that Crawford fell.

“His loss is irreparable. It is unnecessary to explain the

important nature of the services performed by this distinguished

soldier. His name has been prominently identified with most of the

severest campaigns, and with many of the severest engagements with

hostile Indians, since the close of the War of the Rebellion, in

which also, as a mere youth, he bore a gallant part.”

The irregular troops of the Mexicans were Tarahumari Indians, almost

as wild as the Apaches themselves, knowing as little of morality and

etiquette, the mortal enemies of the Apaches for two hundred years.

While it is probable that their statement may be true, and that the

killing of Crawford was unpremeditated, the indignities afterwards

heaped upon Lieutenant Maus, who succeeded Crawford in command, and

who went over to visit the Mexican commander, did not manifest a

very friendly spirit. The Government of Mexico was in as desperate

straits as our own in regard to the subjugation of the Chiricahua

Apaches, which could never have been effected without the employment

of just such wild forces as the Tarahumaris, who alone would stand

up and fight with the fierce Chiricahuas, or could trail them

through the mountains.

“Geronimo” sent word that he would come in and surrender at a spot

he would designate. This was the “Cañon de los Embudos,” in the

northeast corner of Sonora, on the Arizona line. From Fort Bowie,

Arizona, to the “Contrabandista” (Smuggler) Springs, in Sonora, is

eighty-four miles, following roads and trails; the lofty mountain

ranges are very much broken, and the country is decidedly rough

except along the road. There are a number of excellent ranchos—that

of the Chiricahua Cattle Company, twenty-five miles out from Bowie;

that of the same company on Whitewood Creek, where we saw droves of

fat beeves lazily browsing under the shady foliage of oak trees; and

Joyce’s, or Frank Leslie’s, where we found Lieutenant Taylor and a

small detachment of Indian scouts.

The next morning at an early hour we started and drove first to

the camp of Captain Allan Smith, Fourth Cavalry, with whom were

Lieutenant Erwin and Surgeon Fisher. Captain Smith was living in

an adobe hut, upon whose fireplace he had drawn and painted, with

no unskilled hand, pictures, grave and comic, which imparted an

air of civilization to his otherwise uncouth surrounding. Mr.

Thomas Moore had preceded General Crook with a pack-train, and

with him were “Alchise,” “Ka-e-ten-na,” a couple of old Chiricahua

squaws sent down with all the latest gossip from the women

prisoners at Bowie, Antonio Besias and Montoya (the interpreters),

and Mr. Strauss, Mayor of Tucson. All these moved forward towards

the “Contrabandista” Springs. At the last moment of our stay a

photographer, named Fly, from Tombstone, asked permission for

himself and his assistant—Mr. Chase—to follow along in the wake of

the column; and still another addition, and a very welcome one,

was made in the person of José Maria, another Spanish-Apache

interpreter, for whom General Crook had sent on account of his

perfect familiarity with the language of the Chiricahuas.

San Bernardino Springs lie twelve miles from Silver Springs, and had

been occupied by a cattleman named Slaughter, since General Crook

had made his expedition into the Sierra Madre. Here I saw a dozen or

more quite large mortars of granite, of aboriginal manufacture, used

for mashing acorns and other edible nuts; the same kind of household

implements are or were to be found in the Green Valley in the

northern part of Arizona, and were also used for this same purpose.

We left the wheeled conveyances and mounted mules saddled and in

waiting, and rode over to the “Contrabandista,” three miles across

the boundary. Before going to bed that night, General Crook showed

“Ka-e-ten-na” a letter which he had received from Lorenzo Bonito, an

Apache pupil in the Carlisle School. “Ka-e-ten-na” had received one

himself, and held it out in the light of the fire, mumbling

something which the other Apaches fancied was reading, and at which

they marvelled greatly; but not content with this proof of travelled

culture, “Ka-e-ten-na” took a piece of paper from me, wrote upon it

in carefully constructed school-boy capitals, and then handed it

back to me to read aloud. I repressed my hilarity and read slowly

and solemnly: “MY WIFE HIM NAME KOWTENNAYS WIFE.” “ONE YEAR HAB TREE

HUNNERD SIXY-FIBE DAY.” “Ka-e-ten-na” bore himself with the dignity

and complacency of a Boston Brahmin; the envy of his comrades was

ill-concealed and their surprise undisguised. It wasn’t in writing

alone that “Ka-e-ten-na” was changed, but in everything: he had

become a white man, and was an apostle of peace, and an imitation of

the methods which had made the whites own such a “rancheria” as San

Francisco.

The next morning we struck out southeast across a country full of

little hills of drift and conglomerate, passing the cañons of the

Guadalupe and the Bonito, the former dry, the latter flowing water.

A drove of the wild hogs (peccaries or musk hogs, called “jabali” by

the Mexicans) ran across our path; instantly the scouts took after

them at a full run, “Ka-e-ten-na” shooting one through the head

while his horse was going at full speed, and the others securing

four or five more; they were not eaten. Approaching the Cañon de los

Embudos, our scouts sent up a signal smoke to warn their comrades

that they were coming. The eyes of the Apaches are extremely sharp,

and “Alchise,” “Mike,” “Ka-e-ten-na,” and others had seen and

recognized a party of horsemen advancing towards us for a mile at

least before Strauss or I could detect anything coming out of the

hills: they were four of our people on horseback riding to meet us.

They conducted us to Maus’s camp in the Cañon de los Embudos, in a

strong position, on a low mesa overlooking the water, and with

plenty of fine grass and fuel at hand. The surrounding country was

volcanic, covered with boulders of basalt, and the vegetation was

the Spanish bayonet, yucca, and other thorny plants.

The rancheria of the hostile Chiricahuas was in a lava bed, on top

of a small conical hill surrounded by steep ravines, not five

hundred yards in direct line from Maus, but having between the two

positions two or three steep and rugged gulches which served as

scarps and counter-scarps. The whole ravine was romantically

beautiful: shading the rippling water were smooth, white-trunked,

long, and slender sycamores, dark gnarly ash, rough-barked

cottonwoods, pliant willows, briery buckthorn, and much of the more

tropical vegetation already enumerated. After General Crook had

lunched, “Geronimo” and most of the Chiricahua warriors approached

our camp; not all came in at once; only a few, and these not all

armed. The others were here, there, and everywhere, but all on the

_qui vive_, apprehensive of treachery, and ready to meet it. Not

more than half a dozen would enter camp at the same time. “Geronimo”

said that he was anxious for a talk, which soon took place in the

shade of large cottonwood and sycamore trees. Those present were

General Crook, Dr. Davis, Mr. Moore, Mr. Strauss, Lieutenants Maus,

Shipp, and Faison; Captain Roberts and his young son Charlie, a

bright lad of ten; Mr. Daily and Mr. Carlisle, of the pack-trains;

Mr. Fly, the photographer, and his assistant, Mr. Chase; packers

Shaw and Foster; a little boy, named Howell, who had followed us

over from the San Bernardino ranch, thirty miles; and “Antonio

Besias,” “Montoya,” “Concepcion,” “José Maria,” “Alchise,”

“Ka-e-ten-na,” “Mike,” and others as interpreters.

I made a verbatim record of the conference, but will condense it as

much as possible, there being the usual amount of repetition,

compliment, and talking at cross-purposes incident to all similar

meetings. “Geronimo” began a long disquisition upon the causes which

induced the outbreak from Camp Apache: he blamed “Chato,” “Mickey

Free,” and Lieutenant Britton Davis, who, he charged, were

unfriendly to him; he was told by an Indian named “Nodiskay” and by

the wife of “Mangas” that the white people were going to send for

him, arrest and kill him; he had been praying to the Dawn (Tapida)

and the Darkness, to the Sun (Chigo-na-ay) and the Sky (Yandestan),

and to Assunutlije to help him and put a stop to those bad stories

that people were telling about him and which they had put in the

papers. (The old chief was here apparently alluding to the demand

made by certain of the southwestern journals, at the time of his

surrender to Crook in 1883, that he should be hanged.) “I don’t want

that any more; when a man tries to do right, such stories ought not

to be put in the newspapers. What is the matter that you [General

Crook] don’t speak to me? It would be better if you would speak to

me and look with a pleasant face; it would make better feeling; I

would be glad if you did. I’d be better satisfied if you would talk

to me once in a while. Why don’t you look at me and smile at me? I

am the same man; I have the same feet, legs, and hands, and the Sun

looks down on me a complete man; I wish you would look and smile at

me. The Sun, the Darkness, the Winds, are all listening to what we

now say. To prove to you that I am now telling you the truth,

remember I sent you word that I would come from a place far away to

speak to you here, and you see me now. Some have come on horseback

and some on foot; if I were thinking bad or if I had done bad, I

would never have come here. If it had been my fault would I have

come so far to talk with you?” He then expressed his delight at

seeing “Ka-e-ten-na” once more: he had lost all hope of ever having

that pleasure; that was one reason why he had left Camp Apache.

GENERAL CROOK: “I have heard what you have said. It seems very

strange that more than forty men should be afraid of three; but if

you left the reservation for that reason, why did you kill innocent

people, sneaking all over the country to do it? What did those

innocent people do to you that you should kill them, steal their

horses, and slip around in the rocks like coyotes? What had that to

do with killing innocent people? There is not a week passes that you

don’t hear foolish stories in your own camp; but you are no

child—you don’t have to believe them. You promised me in the Sierra

Madre that _that_ peace should last, but you have lied about it.

When a man has lied to me once, I want some better proof than his

own word before I can believe him again. Your story about being

afraid of arrest is all bosh; there were no orders to arrest you.

You sent up some of your people to kill ‘Chato’ and Lieutenant

Davis, and then you started the story that they had killed them, and

thus you got a great many of your people to go out. Everything that

you did on the reservation is known; there is no use for you to try

to talk nonsense. I am no child. You must make up your minds whether

you will stay out on the war-path or surrender unconditionally. If

you stay out I’ll keep after you and kill the last one if it takes

fifty years. You are making a great fuss about seeing ‘Ka-e-ten-na’;

over a year ago, I asked you if you wanted me to bring ‘Ka-e-ten-na’

back, but you said ‘no.’ It’s a good thing for you, ‘Geronimo,’ that

we didn’t bring ‘Ka-e-ten-na’ back, because ‘Ka-e-ten-na’ has more

sense now than all the rest of the Chiricahuas put together. You

told me the same sort of a story in the Sierra Madre, but you lied.

What evidence have I of your sincerity? How do I know whether or not

you are lying to me? Have I ever lied to you? I have said all I have

to say; you had better think it over to-night and let me know in the

morning.”

During this conference “Geronimo” appeared nervous and agitated;

perspiration, in great beads, rolled down his temples and over his

hands; and he clutched from time to time at a buckskin thong which

he held tightly in one hand. Mr. Fly, the photographer, saw his

opportunity, and improved it fully: he took “shots” at “Geronimo”

and the rest of the group, and with a “nerve” that would have

reflected undying glory on a Chicago drummer, coolly asked

“Geronimo” and the warriors with him to change positions, and turn

their heads or faces, to improve the negative. None of them seemed

to mind him in the least except “Chihuahua,” who kept dodging behind

a tree, but was at last caught by the dropping of the slide.

Twenty-four warriors listened to the conference or loitered within

ear-shot; they were loaded down with metallic ammunition, some of it

reloading and some not. Every man and boy in the band wore two

cartridge-belts. The youngsters had on brand-new shirts, such as are

made and sold in Mexico, of German cotton, and nearly all—young or

old—wore new parti-colored blankets, of same manufacture, showing

that since the destruction of the village by Crawford, in January,

they had refitted themselves either by plunder or purchase.

Mr. Strauss, Mr. Carlisle, “José Maria,” and I were awakened at an

early hour in the morning (March 26, 1886), and walked over to the

rancheria of the Chiricahuas. “Geronimo” was already up and engaged

in an earnest conversation with “Ka-e-ten-na” and nearly all his

warriors. We moved from one “jacal” to another, all being

constructed alike of the stalks of the Spanish bayonet and mescal

and amole, covered with shreds of blanket, canvas, and other

textiles. The “daggers” of the Spanish bayonet and mescal were

arranged around each “jacal” to form an impregnable little citadel.

There were not more than twelve or fifteen of these in the

“rancheria,” which was situated upon the apex of an extinct crater,

the lava blocks being utilized as breastworks, while the deep seams

in the contour of the hill were so many fosses, to be crossed only

after rueful slaughter of assailants. A full brigade could not drive

out that little garrison, provided its ammunition and repeating

rifles held out. They were finely armed with Winchesters and

Springfield breech-loading carbines, with any quantity of metallic

cartridges.

Physically, the Chiricahuas were in magnificent condition: every

muscle was perfect in development and hard as adamant, and one of

the young men in a party playing monte was as finely muscled as a

Greek statue. A group of little boys were romping freely and

carelessly together; one of them seemed to be of Irish and Mexican

lineage. After some persuasion he told Strauss and myself that his

name was Santiago Mackin, captured at Mimbres, New Mexico; he seemed

to be kindly treated by his young companions, and there was no

interference with our talk, but he was disinclined to say much and

was no doubt thoroughly scared. Beyond showing by the intelligent

glance of his eyes that he fully comprehended all that was said to

him in both Spanish and English, he took no further notice of us. He

was about ten years old, slim, straight, and sinewy, blue-gray eyes,

badly freckled, light eyebrows and lashes, much tanned and blistered

by the sun, and wore an old and once-white handkerchief on his head

which covered it so tightly that the hair could not be seen. He was

afterwards returned to his relations in New Mexico.

One of the Chiricahuas had a silver watch which he called

“Chi-go-na-ay” (Sun), an evidence that he had a good idea of its

purpose. Nearly every one wore “medicine” of some kind: either

little buckskin bags of the Hoddentin of the Tule, the feathers

of the red-bird or of the woodpecker, the head of a quail, the

claws of a prairie dog, or silver crescents; “medicine”

cords—“Izze-kloth”—were also worn. I stopped alongside of a

young Tubal Cain and watched him hammering a Mexican dollar

between two stones, and when he had reduced it to the proper

fineness he began to stamp and incise ornamentation upon it with

a sharp-pointed knife and a stone for a hammer. Nearly all the

little girls advanced to the edge of our camp and gazed in mute

admiration upon Charlie Roberts, evincing their good opinion in

such an unmistakable manner that the young gentleman at once

became the guy of the packers. “Geronimo” and his warriors

remained up in their village all day, debating the idea of an

unconditional surrender.

The next morning (March 27th) “Chihuahua” sent a secret message to

General Crook, to say that he was certain all the Chiricahuas would

soon come in and surrender; but whether they did or not, he would

surrender his own band at noon and come down into our camp.

“Ka-e-ten-na” and “Alchise” had been busy at work among the

hostiles, dividing their councils, exciting their hopes, and

enhancing their fears; could General Crook have promised them

immunity for the past, they would have come down the previous

evening, when “Chihuahua” had first sent word of his intention to

give up without condition, but General Crook did not care to have

“Chihuahua” leave the hostiles at once; he thought he could be more

useful by remaining in the village for a day or two as a leaven to

foment distrust of “Geronimo” and start a disintegration and

demoralization of the band. “Ka-e-ten-na” told General Crook that

all the previous night “Geronimo” kept his warriors ready for any

act of treachery on our part, and that during the talk of the 25th

they were prepared to shoot the moment an attempt should be made to

seize their leaders. It was scarcely noon when “Geronimo,”

“Chihuahua,” “Nachita,” “Kutli,” and one other buck came in and said

they wanted to talk. “Nané” toddled after them, but he was so old

and feeble that we did not count him. Our people gathered under the

sycamores in the ravine, while “Geronimo” seated himself under a

mulberry, both he and “Kutli” having their faces blackened with

pounded galena. “Chihuahua” spoke as follows: “I am very glad to see

you, General Crook, and have this talk with you. It is as you say:

we are always in danger out here. I hope that from this on we may

live better with our families, and not do any more harm to anybody.

I am anxious to behave. I think that the Sun is looking down upon

me, and the Earth is listening. I am thinking better. It seems to me

that I have seen the one who makes the rain and sends the winds, or

he must have sent you to this place. I surrender myself to you,

because I believe in you and you do not deceive us. You must be our

God; I am satisfied with all that you do. You must be the one who

makes the green pastures, who sends the rain, who commands the

winds. You must be the one who sends the fresh fruits that come on

the trees every year. There are many men in the world who are big

chiefs and command many people, but you, I think, are the greatest

of them all. I want you to be a father to me and treat me as your

son. I want you to have pity on me. There is no doubt that all you

do is right, because all you say is true. I trust in all you say;

you do not deceive; all the things you tell us are facts. I am now

in your hands. I place myself at your disposition to dispose of as

you please. I shake your hand. I want to come right into your camp

with my family and stay with you. I don’t want to stay away at a

distance. I want to be right where you are. I have roamed these

mountains from water to water. Never have I found the place where I

could see my father or mother until to-day. I see you, my father. I

surrender to you now, and I don’t want any more bad feeling or bad

talk. I am going over to stay with you in your camp.

“Whenever a man raises anything, even a dog, he thinks well of it,

and tries to raise it up, and treats it well. So I want you to feel

towards me, and be good to me, and don’t let people say bad things

about me. Now I surrender to you and go with you. When we are

travelling together on the road or anywhere else, I hope you’ll talk

to me once in a while. I think a great deal of ‘Alchise’ and

‘Ka-e-ten-na’; they think a great deal of me. I hope some day to be

all the same as their brother. [Shakes hands.] How long will it be

before I can live with these friends?”

Despatches were sent ahead to Bowie to inform General Sheridan of

the conference and its results; the Chiricahuas had considered three

propositions: one, their own, that they be allowed to return to the

reservation unharmed; the second, from General Crook, that they be

placed in confinement for a term of years at a distance from the

Agency, and that, if their families so desired, they be permitted to

accompany them, leaving “Nané,” who was old and superannuated, at

Camp Apache; or, that they return to the war-path and fight it out.

“Mangas,” with thirteen of the Chiricahuas, six of them warriors,

was not with “Geronimo,” having left him some months previously and

never reunited with him. He (General Crook) asked that instructions

be sent him with as little delay as possible.

On the Border with Crook · 第 28 / 30 章