CHAPTER IV

THE ACROPOLIS OF ATHENS

“All this pursuit of the arts has this function, even a recall

of the noblest in the soul to a vision of the most excellent in

the ideal.”

PLATO, _Republic_.

To speak of the Acropolis of Athens with due Hellenic restraint is

difficult for any one who has lived long under its habitual sway. At the

first visit three sets of impressions break down the most obdurate

impassiveness. The associations acquired by a study of history engender

a vicarious but active sympathy with the Greeks themselves. There is an

immediate impact of beauty from marble gateway and temples and sculpture

which the procession of years has only incorporated more intimately with

the beauty of sea and land and circumambient air. And, finally, there is

the involuntary sense of coming back to one’s own—to an intellectual

birthright. Even the Turkish conquerors did not fail to recognize that

all western civilizations consider the Acropolis an integral part of

their joint heritage. Dr. Howe quotes from an intercepted letter of

Kiutahi Pashaw, the opponent of the Greek patriot, Karaiskakis, in 1826:

“The citadel of Athens, as is known to you, was built of old on a high

and inaccessible rock; not to be injured by a mine nor accessible to

assault.... From it went out of yore many famous philosophers; it has

many works of art very old, which make the learned men of Europe wonder;

and for this reason all the Europeans and the other nations of

unbelievers regard the citadel as their own house.”

[Illustration:

RENAN ON THE ACROPOLIS

From a French painting

]

The attitude of the ancient Greeks toward the Acropolis is only casually

expressed in their extant literature. No Greek Victor Hugo has given to

men distant in place and time as vivid a picture of the Parthenon as we

possess of Notre Dame. In trying to imagine what the Greeks saw, as they

came up to their citadel, we must first differentiate between the main

historical epochs. Of the Acropolis in the earliest age we can form a

partial conception. The impressive remains of polygonal masonry still

extant, in the massive citadel walls; the traces of the old “Kings’

City” around the Erechtheum, and even within the groundplan of the old

Athena temple; the remains of the ancient stairway, northeast of the

Erechtheum, leading to the postern gate—all fit in with and fill out a

reconstruction based on our conception of other ancient strongholds,

like Mycenæ or Tiryns.

When we think of the citadel in the age of Pisistratus and the time

previous to the Persian Wars we are fairly sure of the main

characteristics. We can picture the old Athena temple, simple yet

dignified, in the middle of the plateau, adorned with coloured

sculptures (some of which may be seen in the Museum to-day), sacred

shrines, precincts and altars with a wealth of dedicatory offerings, and

also the older Propylæa let in between the massive “Pelasgic” walls and

approached by a way that wound down through a complex of outworks to

meet the old Agora.

This Acropolis, far simpler than the Periclean citadel but beautiful and

adorned, was devastated by the Persians. Then for more than a quarter of

a century after Salamis we must imagine it as scarred and patched, with

perhaps only one temple, half restored, to house the sacred image within

its blackened walls.

In general, when we speak of the Acropolis, it is of the citadel as it

appeared towards the close of the fifth century to Sophocles and

Euripides and Aristophanes, to Thucydides and Xenophon, to Isocrates and

Lysias, to Socrates and Plato. This citadel we can restore to our

imagination from the descriptions of Pausanias (controlled by

information from other sources) who, in spite of erratic omissions,

fortunately describes many things with a fulness of detail quite foreign

to the writers of the classical period.

When Socrates, too robust at seventy to know the fatigue of the ascent,

climbed the approach to the hill he must often have been inspired by the

beauty of art, as he had been by the beauty of nature on the banks of

the Ilissus, to renew the prayer: “Dear Pan, and ye other gods, make me

beautiful in the inward man.” Born into a generation and among a people

where external and physical beauty was assumed as corollary to the

beauty of the ideal, there escapes him, thus incidentally, the echo of

his self-conquest over his own Silenus-like exterior, so out of keeping

with the charm of his environment. Perhaps he went up the hill the

evening before his trial to take a last look at what he had loved long

and well. He knew in advance that his “apology” to the court was to be a

reassertion of individual liberty of conscience that would most probably

result for him in the hemlock draught. The majestic columns of the great

gateways rose before him on either side, the wings extended like

welcoming arms. He would turn to the left and stand in the picture

gallery. Perhaps he would pause longest before Alcibiades, his

pernicious disciple, pictured in arrogant beauty as victor at the Nemean

games. Turning to the other side of the gateway, he would stand on the

bastion before the Nike temple and would look out over the familiar

city, the Attic plain and harbour-town. As he passed on now to enter the

gateway, and his eye fell upon the sculptured Hermes and the Graces,

little would he dream of the perplexed debate of modern critics as to a

possible connection of this group with the handiwork of a young sculptor

or stone-cutter, “Socrates the son of Sophroniscus.”

Under or just within the Propylæa he would note various familiar

objects, and when he had passed through he would see before him to the

right and left the Parthenon and the Erechtheum. The intervening space

would not be as it is now a floe of marble blocks. Two orderly avenues

of votive offerings traversed the plateau before him. Against a column

of the Propylæa still stands an inscribed basis of a statue dedicated to

Athena, the Giver of Health, set up by Pericles in gratitude for the

recovery of one of his injured workmen, one perhaps whose skill he could

ill spare in the completion of his large designs. Close by, a marble

boy, made by a son or disciple of the great Myron, held out a bowl of

holy water as at the entrance of a cathedral. Socrates, whose reverence

exceeded that of all his accusers, would not scorn this symbol of

purification, least of all when about to journey away, as he expressed

it, from Athens to another life. Before him towered up the bronze

Athena, the warrior goddess, whose gleaming helmet could be seen by

homeward voyagers as soon as they had passed the intercepting shoulder

and foot-hills of Hymettus. Near by was the Lemnian Athena, goddess of

the arts of peace, held by the Greeks themselves as more beautiful even

than the great gold-ivory statue within the Parthenon. The three

embodied the conceptions of Phidias, as in a trilogy. Near by was a

portrait-herm of Pericles himself. There, too, was the “wooden horse,” a

colossal bronze, with the Greeks (not forgetting the sons of Theseus)

peeping out from its side. And when, passing along this Panathenaic

road, lined with statues and votive offerings, he had threaded his way

around to the east front of the Parthenon, he would enter between the

columns, and in the cool twilight, lit by the gleam of gold and ivory,

he would look up to the Victory on the extended hand of Athena. Perhaps

for a moment the goddess may have lifted the veil of the future to

reveal that the defeat of the morrow would be a victory of far greater

import than even that of Marathon or Salamis.

To-day the visitor, as he goes up to the Acropolis, carries with him the

accumulated associations of centuries. On the bastion of the Temple of

Victory, unsurpassed in its miniature charm, he watches with Ægeus for

Theseus returning in triumph from slaying the Minotaur. At the sight of

the black sail, left unfurled by inadvertence, the old king plunged from

the rock to his death. Ægeus and the other kings passed away and other

men from this rock watched fleets hostile and friendly come and go in

yonder bay and enemies scour the surrounding plain of Attica. Byron,

finally, brooded here over a renascent Hellas.

If any work of man’s hands can purge the mind of the commonplace, it is

the Propylæa, imposing in its grand proportions, yet enticing by its

beauty. Through this the pilgrim now passes and is alone with Greek

life. Although the plateau is deserted, the temple in ruins, there is no

sense of death. There is rather a sudden sense of Beauty set free from

the trammels of daily life. The fortunate isolation of the hilltop

contributes to this effect. Byzantine makeshifts, Turkish hovels and

minarets, have all been swept away—even the intruding Roman is left

outside with the disfiguring pedestal of Agrippa’s statue. The

foreground of the modern city is sunk out of sight behind the rim of the

plateau. There is to be seen on all sides only the same Attic plain, the

same Ægean sea, and the same horizon of mountains, which the eyes of

kings and democrats, artists, orators and philosophers have looked upon

in days gone by.

In this harmony of surroundings, the eye and thought rest undisturbed

upon the Parthenon. The tributes of the centuries have probably left the

visitor unprepared for his own emotion. Like a wind on the mountain,

felling the strong oak trees, the heavenly Eros, Plato’s Love of Beauty,

descends upon him. Bayard Taylor’s first impressions, in spite of an

enthusiasm permissible fifty years ago but now well-nigh out of print,

are worth recalling for the sake of a figure evoked by the appalling

ruin of beauty. Beyond a sea “of hewn and sculptured marble, drums of

pillars, pedestals, capitals, cornices, friezes, triglyphs and sunken

panel-work,” he saw the Parthenon against the sky, and it seemed to him

as if it lay “broken down to the earth in the middle like a ship which

has struck and parted, with the roof, cornices and friezes mostly gone

and not a single column unmutilated, and yet with the tawny gold of two

thousand years staining its once spotless marble, sparkling with

snow-white marks of shot and shell, and with its soaring pillars

embedded in the dark blue ether.”

But since Morosini’s sacrilegious bomb did its work the generations have

refused to accept as the ultimate fact the shipwreck of this temple in

which culminated the plastic arts of ancient Greece and in which were

typified her loftiest ideas. Poet and philosopher have sat before it in

fruitful meditation, and commoners have paced its great colonnades,

unregardful of the ways and marts of men amid the austere majesty and

royal repose of the Doric pillars.

From the imperious beauty of the Parthenon the eye turns gratefully to

the lovely Erechtheum. Although this is but a torso of the architect’s

design and its complex structure defies preconceived conventions, its

Ionic charm satisfies in each detail. The eastern columns, the Porch of

the Maidens, the exquisite tracery of the doorway set within the

perfectly proportioned northern porch present a series rather than a

unity of graceful designs.

The other remnants—fragmentary and broken—of the vanished life upon this

hill must be identified with pious care. Then the thought turns to such

references in literature as have been transmitted to us. These also are

fragmentary, seeming sometimes like the patches of blue and red and gold

not yet wholly effaced from the marbles.

The Iliad, as we know it, preserves an Athenian tradition of the

prehistoric kingly Acropolis. Among the warriors bound for Troy are

listed:—

“They that had Athens, the citadel goodly, the holding of great-heart

Erechtheus to whom on a time, as fostering nurse, was Zeus’s daughter,

Athena (though the seed-land, giver of grain, was the mother who bore

him), and at Athens she made him to dwell, in her own habitation of

plenty. There the Athenian youths with bulls and with rams do him

honour, year after year in the seasons returning.”

And here under the Greek heaven, on this hill left lonely by men but

easily accessible to gods, it would hardly seem incredible if Athena

herself were suddenly to appear once more. In the Odyssey, when she had

ventured to leave Odysseus to his own cunning among the Phæacians, she

returned by a course, strangely devious for an air line, by way of

Marathon to Athens:—

“Then with these words the bright-eyed Athena departed over the

harvestless seas and behind her left Scheria lovely. She came unto

Marathon then and the wide-wayed Athenian city, and entered the

massive-built house of Erechtheus.”

As we look upon the meagre traces of the prehistoric city, we should

like to see the princess maidens appear in the simplicity of the kingly

times. Like the women described by Pherecrates, the comic poet, they had

no slaves:—

“No one then possessed a Sambo, no one had a maid-slave then,

Every bit of household labour must the girls themselves perform.”

Herodotus tells us how they used to go down and out from the protecting

gateways, to draw water at Callirrhoë beyond the Agora, and how the

rough Pelasgians, banished from this their ancient home, would now and

again rush down from Hymettus to carry them off.

The old Erechtheus worship, the snake, the ancient image of Athena, and

the allied precincts, lost none of their sanctity as time went on. From

Herodotus we learn that Themistocles was materially aided before

Salamis, in persuading the Athenians to abandon the city, by the sudden

disappearance of the sacred snake. “The Athenians,” he gravely reports,

“say that a large snake dwells in the sacred precinct as guardian of the

Acropolis. And they not only say this but they make offerings to him

month by month, setting them out for him as actually there. These

consist of a honey-cake. Now this honey-cake, although heretofore it had

always been consumed, remained at this time untasted, so the Athenians,

when the priestess reported the fact, made the more eager haste to leave

the city, on the ground that the goddess had abandoned her citadel.” The

sacred olive tree, however, which Xerxes had burned with the rest of the

precinct, put forth the very next day a new shoot one cubit long. By the

time of Pausanias the guide said “two” cubits. But the essential point

is the continued care of the goddess, and as for the snake, he soon

resumed his dwelling on the Acropolis. In the “Lysistrata” of

Aristophanes, the women who have seized and barricaded the Acropolis

make excuses for leaving, complaining that they cannot sleep, one on

account of the hooting of Athena’s owls, another by reason of her

terror:—

“Since I clapped eyes upon the snake that dwelleth there.”

When in the “Eumenides” of Æschylus the scene shifts from Delphi to the

Acropolis, we find Orestes seated as suppliant before Athena’s most

ancient image. This we may think of, in default of any other temple then

existing, as placed in the old Hecatompedon, whose foundations are seen

adjoining the Erechtheum on the south. This temple, burned by the

Persians, but partially restored, may have been in use even after the

Parthenon was dedicated in 438 B. C., twenty years after this play was

brought out, and perhaps until the completion many years later of the

Athena Polias chamber in the Erechtheum. An Athenian could not well

conceive of his city as safe without this ancient statue; even the birds

in their new Cloud-cuckoo-town must needs debate whether they shall not

keep Athena Polias as their protector.

No Roman Catholic ever accepted more loyally the established glory of

St. Peter’s and the Vatican than the Athenians accepted their citadel.

The new gateways were spoken of with undisguised pride. A comic poet,

Phœnicides of neighbouring Megara, when ridiculing Athens, incidentally

admits that the Athenians cared as much for their Propylæa as their

palates. He says:—

“Of myrtle berries and their honey, too, they talk,

And praise their Propylæa. Last, not least, dried figs.

I sailed and forthwith had a taste of all of these,

Including Propylæa! Not one single thing

Upon this bill of fare could ever match our grouse!”

In one of the anonymous fragments, those riderless Pegasi of Greek

literature, another comic poet combines the Piræus and the Parthenon in

an outburst of civic pride. Nor does he forget the olive groves and

radiant air:—

“Mistress of all, Queen City of Athenians,

How fair thy docks, how fair to view thy Parthenon!

And thy Piræus, too, is fair. And then again

What other city ever yet had groves like thine?

And, as they say, the very sky, thy sky, is fair.”

And Demosthenes, not deterred by any shrinking from hackneyed allusion,

refers expressly to the Propylæa and the Parthenon, when he speaks of

“those things upon which we all naturally pride ourselves.”

Aristophanes, seeking to recall his fellow-citizens to the ideals of

Marathon days, shows us in his “Knights” the Propylæa and the freshly

boiled-over and rejuvenated Demos,—the avatar of true Democracy,—seated

within the unclosing doors of the gateway, dressed in the brilliant garb

of a gentleman of the good old Marathon type: “Just such as he used to

be when he messed with Aristides and Miltiades,” his hair caught up with

the golden cicada pin, emblem of Attic autochthony.

In the “Lysistrata” the Athenian men, ignorant that at a future day

their Parliament was to be controlled by suffragettes, feel that the

limit of the legitimate boycott is over-passed when the women seize and

barricade their Acropolis. The old chorus leader says:—

“In life’s long stretch of time, are many things unlooked for—Woe is

me! For who had ever thought to hear that women whom we keep (a

mischief manifest) should get Athena’s sacred image in their hands;

should seize my citadel; the Propylæa barricade with bolts and bars?”

In this play, too, we catch a glimpse of the more intimate interweaving

of an Athenian maiden’s life with the Acropolis ritual. One of this same

_sans-culotte_ garrison looks about her and reviews her girlhood; how

she had been selected among the best-born girls to carry the mysterious

burden in the Arrephoria, had ground the meal for the sacred cakes for

Athena Archegetis; had impersonated a bear in the worship of Artemis;

and, finally, had gained the coveted privilege of being basket-bearer in

the Panathenaic procession. Explaining her personal gratitude to the

city, the woman says:—

“When seven years old an Arrephoros I;

And when I was ten

I ground the meal for our Lady-on-High;

In my next rôle then

I figured as Bear in Brauronian show,

And the saffron wore;

Then as full-grown maid—quite pretty you know—

The Basket I bore.”

The barren precinct of Artemis Brauronia adjoins the south corner of the

Propylæa, and a small dedicatory bear, found somewhere near, now sits in

the Acropolis Museum, brooding in stony silence over by-gone glories at

the Brauronia. But the maiden with the saffron robe and all her girl

companions have long since disappeared “down the back entry of time.”

If it could be granted us to have restored one portion of the Parthenon

or its appurtenances, our choice would probably fall, not upon the

famous gold-ivory statue of Athena, but first upon the pediment

sculptures; next, it may be, upon the great continuous frieze. If its

shattered fragments could be restored, and the slabs now in Paris and

London could be recalled from exile and united to those still in place,

it would be an easier task for the imagination to reconstruct from these

than from the piecemeal references in the literature an abridged

idealization of the glory of the actual Panathenaic procession. As it

is, from what is left still in place there emerges something far more

significant than the details of any cult or festival. The dismounted

youth adjusting his sandal; the horse with leisurely nose bent to his

fore-leg; the mounted horsemen; the rams and oxen led to the sacrifice,

remain, like Keats’s “heifer lowing at the skies,” to tell the hurrying

generations that once, at least, there has existed, and may exist again,

wherever men are strong to feel and know, the harmony between the

temporal and the eternal.

The Parthenon remained practically intact for centuries, lending its

inspiration both to the creative Greeks and to the imagination of the

Romans, the executors of the Hellenic realty. Even the chryselephantine

Athena seems to have held undisturbed possession of her temple for more

than eight centuries, from the dedication in 438 B. C. to about 430 A.

D., when it disappears from Athenian records.

Plutarch, a Greek gentleman of the first Christian century, speaks with

enthusiasm of the creations of Pericles. “There blooms upon them a

certain freshness untouched by time, as if there dwelt within them an

ever-animating spirit, a life that never grows old.” In the next

century, under the successors of Hadrian, who had inaugurated a new era

for Athens, Pausanias, a foreigner, came and saw and was conquered by

the wealth of detail on the Acropolis. At the same time, that generous

citizen from Marathon, Herodes Atticus, was building against the side of

the Acropolis his gorgeous Italian opera-house, while Lucian, the Syrian

Atticist, with a higher, if impossible, ideal, was striving to revive

the old Platonic grace by quarrying from the Pentelicus of classic

literature. When, in the rôle of a “Truthful James,” he is acquitted of

blasphemy against true philosophy, he enters the east door of the

Parthenon to make thanksgiving to the goddess, or, more specifically, to

the winged Victory, six feet high, upon her hand. His devotion takes the

form of the prayer appended to three of Euripides’s dramas:—

“O majestical Victory, shelter my life

Neath thy covert of wings.

Aye, cease not to grant me thy crowning.”

Thus, like many another later foreigner, he pays the time-honoured

tribute to the outward embodiment of the ideal.

[Illustration: S. COLONNADE OF THE PARTHENON]

The charm of the Acropolis changes with the changing light. See it, if

you will, at dawn from the opposite hillside, near the “Prison of

Socrates,” as the sun rises over Hymettus and the Pentelic columns of

the Parthenon change from the gray of unsympathetic silhouettes to the

luminous chromes of the irradiated marbles. See it at a later hour and

wonder that it does not fade into the light of common day. Or visit it

when the sunset light turns to burnished copper the unadorned hills in

the west, beyond Salamis, and on the choir of the encircling mountains

the supramundane charm of the violet atmosphere falls like a robe with

empurpling shadows in its folds. Go when the night has fallen, and sit

in the mysterious darkness, lit only by the marble columns white against

the dark outlines of Hymettus, until the full moon looks over the

mountain’s rim, tipping architrave and capital with silver, and then, as

it swings free from Hymettus, merging the wreck of the Parthenon in the

beauty of the landscape to which the scarred and yawning sides of the

temple seem to open with intent. Presently the whole hill-top with its

moraine of prostrate columns and marble fragments is lit up and the

pillars of the Propylæa flower into whiteness. Or finally, bizarre as it

may sound, see it when—artificially illuminated after the Olympic

Games—the ruined temple and the serrated contour of the plateau are

etched in mid-air by the white light against a gulf of darkness, a

veritable city of the skies.

The Acropolis, crowned with perfect art, crowded with the loftier

phantoms of our elder kin, is a light-house for all time. Liberty and

Law are its keepers. “Knowledge comes but Wisdom lingers,” and this

citadel is to every thoughtful man in some sense a symbol of his goal.

Its stately Propylæa welcomes all. No sincere pilgrim of Truth is an

alien in the long Pancosmic procession of statesman and scientist,

inventor and poet, artisan and artist that winds up the steep ascent to

lay an ever freshly woven peplus at the feet of Wisdom.

Greek Lands and Letters · 第 4 / 20 章