LAND FOR PUBLIC PURPOSES

The Acquisition and Valuation of Land for the purpose of public

improvements is a branch of the question to which a great deal of

attention was drawn during and immediately after the war. The Government

appointed a Committee, of which the present Solicitor-General was

chairman, and which, in spite of a marked scarcity of advanced land

reformers amongst its members, produced a series of remarkably unanimous

and far-reaching recommendations. These recommendations dealt with four

main topics:--

(_a_) Improvements in the machinery by which powers may be obtained by

public and private bodies for the acquisition of land for improvements

of a public character;

(_b_) Valuation of land which it is proposed to acquire;

(_c_) Fair adjustment as between these bodies and the owners of other

land, both of claims by owners for damage done by the undertaking to

other lands, and of claims by the promoting bodies for increased value

given by their undertaking to other lands; and

(_d_) The application of these principles to the special subject of

mining.

The Government in the Acquisition of Land Act, 1919, has adopted a great

part of the Committee's recommendations under the second head, and this

Act has undoubtedly effected an enormous improvement in the prices paid

by public bodies for land which they require, although, most

unfortunately, the same immunity from the extortion of the land-owner

and the land speculator has not been extended to private bodies such as

railway companies who need land for the improvement of public services.

Moreover, it has not attempted to bring the purchase price of land into

any relation with its taxing valuation.

The whole of the rest of the Committee's recommendations dealing with

the other three points which I have mentioned, the Government has wholly

ignored. Powers for public development can still only be obtained by the

slow, costly and antiquated processes in vogue before the war; private

owners of lands adjoining works of a public character are still in a

position to put into their own pockets large increases in value due to

public improvements to which they have contributed nothing, and which

they may even have impeded; the development of minerals is still

hampered by the veto of unreasonable owners, by the necessity of leaving

unnecessary barriers between different properties, and by other

obstacles which were dealt with in detail in the Committee's report. An

illustration of the importance of this aspect of the question was put

before the Committee and has been emphasised by recent events. It was

stated on behalf of the railway companies that they were prepared with

schemes for the extension of their systems in various parts of the

country, which would not only provide temporary employment for a large

number of men on construction, and permanent employment to a smaller

number on the working of the lines, but would also open up new

residential and industrial districts, but that it was impossible for

them to find the necessary funds unless they could have some guarantee

that at least any loss upon the cost of construction would be charged

upon the increased value of land in the new districts which would be

created by the railway extensions. Remarkable instances were given of

the way in which the value of land had been multiplied many-fold by the

promotion of new railways, which, nevertheless, had never succeeded in

paying a dividend to their shareholders, and the capital cost of which

had been practically lost.

On the other hand, the Committee were assured that, given a charge on

the increased value of land likely to be created, there would be no

difficulty in obtaining the necessary funds without Government

assistance. When the pressure of the unemployment problem became acute,

and not before--and then it was, of course, too late--the Government

turned their attention to this problem, and have guaranteed the interest

upon new capital to be expended on a few of these railway extensions,

but instead of charging the guarantee upon the increased value of land,

they have charged it upon the pocket of the tax-payer. The most striking

instance is that of the tube railway from Charing Cross to Golders

Green, now being extended under Government guarantee to Edgware. Those

who provided the original capital have never received any return upon

their money, yet millions have been put into the pockets of the owners

of what was undeveloped land now served by the line, and now that the

extension is being carried out with the tax-payers' guarantee, the

land-owners will again reap the benefit untaxed.

The development of the natural resources of our country was one of the

promises held out by Mr. Lloyd George to the electors in 1918. Schemes

were ready, and are still in the official pigeon-holes, for the

production of electricity on a very large scale both from water power

and from coal, which would not only provide employment, but cheapen the

cost of production in all our industries. France, Italy, and other

countries are at this moment carrying out similar schemes whereby they

will relieve themselves to a large extent from dependence on British

coal. But here, four years of Coalition Government have left us

practically where we were. In France, although in many respects her

social system seems to me less enlightened than our own, the power of

the land-owner to obstruct enterprise and development is by no means so

great. Land Reform in this country is a necessary preliminary to the

fulfilment of Mr. Lloyd George's promises. Development at the public

expense without such reforms will result chiefly in further burdens upon

the tax-payer and further enrichment of the landowner.

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