THE CASE FOR PROFIT-SHARING

Many Liberals are, however, asking whether this is sufficient and

whether it is not possible for the State to intervene to alter the

distribution of the product of industry in favour of the wage-earner. In

particular, they are wondering whether it is possible to secure the

universal application of some system of profit-sharing. The underlying

principle of profit-sharing is indeed one which we must look to if the

whole-hearted assistance of labour is to be enlisted behind the

productive effort of the country. But the profit we have to consider is

the profit over which the worker has some influence. There is no merit

in inviting him to share in purely commercial profits or losses which

may be due to some one else's speculation or business foresight. It is

futile to imagine you can reverse the functions of labour and capital,

and say that capital should have a fixed wage, and that the employee

should bear all the risks of the industry.

Again, in some cases it is suitable that profits should be considered in

regard to a whole industry, but in others only in regard to a particular

firm or section; and finally the rate of profit suitable to various

trades varies between very wide limits. In short, there can be no

universal rule in this matter which can be enforced by Act of

Parliament.

Nevertheless, we must all desire to proceed along the lines of

associating the pecuniary interests of the worker in the success of the

enterprise, and if any one can suggest a way in which direct assistance

to that end can be given by political action, as distinct from

industrial, he will be doing a great service. I may add that there is an

argument in favour of profit-sharing which is of the utmost importance

and which was recently expressed by a prominent industrialist: who

declared to me that at long last and after much opposition he has come

round to believe in profit-sharing, _because it enables him to show his

men the balance sheet_. The solution adopted last year in the mining

industry contains the sort of elements we wish to see adopted in

principle. The men are given, through their officials, the results of

the industry. They see that they cannot get more than the industry can

pay, and though the present economic conditions are putting the men in a

desperate state to-day, the miners, who were often regarded before the

war as the most pugnacious in the country, are not burning their

employers' houses, but are studying how the economic conditions of the

industry can be improved for the benefit of themselves and their

employers.

Essays in Liberalism Being the Lectures and Papers Which Were Delivered at the Liberal Summer School at Oxford, 1922 · 第 90 / 127 题