Let me now turn to Afghanistan. Generally speaking, the story of our
dealings with that country has been a record of stupid, arrogant muddle.
From the days of the first Afghan war, when an ill-fated army was
despatched on its crazy mission to place a puppet king, Shah Shuja, on
the throne of Afghanistan, our statesmen have, with some notable
exceptions, mishandled the Afghan problem. And yet it is simple enough
in itself. For we want very little of Afghanistan, and she does
not really want much of us. All we want from the Amir is
good-neighbourliness; that he should not allow his country to become the
focus of intrigue or aggression against us by Powers hostile to us, and
that he should co-operate with us for the maintenance of peace on our
common border. All he wants of us is some assistance in money and
munitions for the internal and external safeguarding of his realm,
commercial and other facilities, and honourable recognition, for the
Afghan, like the Indian, has a craving for self-respect and the respect
of others.
Now, where our statesmen have failed is in regarding Afghanistan as a
petty little State to be browbeaten and ordered about at our pleasure,
without recognising the very valuable cards that the Amir holds against
us. He sees his hand and appraises it at its value. He knows, in the
first place, that nothing can be more embarrassing to us than the
necessity for another Afghan war, and the despatch of a large force to
the highlands of Kabul, to sit there possibly for years as an army of
occupation, in a desolate country, incapable of affording supplies for
the troops, at enormous cost which could never be recovered, and at the
expense of much health and life, with no clear-cut policy beyond. He
knows, in the second place, that such a war would be the signal for the
rising of practically every tribe along our frontier. The cry of _Jehad_
would go forth, as in the third Afghan war, and we should be confronted
sooner or later with an outburst from the Black Mountain to
Baluchistan--a formidable proposition in these days. He knows, in the
third place, that with Moslem feeling strained as it is to-day on the
subject of Turkey, there would be sympathy for him in India, and among
the Moslem troops of the Indian army. Now these are serious
considerations, but I do not suggest that they are so serious as to make
us tolerate for a moment an offensive or unreasonable attitude on the
part of the Amir. If the necessity should be forced on us, which God
forbid, we should face the position with promptitude and firmness and
hit at once; and apart from an advance into Afghanistan we have a
valuable card in the closing of the passes and the blockade of that
country.
All I suggest is that in negotiating with Afghanistan, we should
remember these things and should not attempt to browbeat a proud and
sensitive ruler, who, however inferior in the ordinary equipment for
regular war, holds such valuable assets on his side. And my own
experience is that the Afghans are not unreasonable. Like every one
else, they will "try it on," but if handled courteously, kindly, with
geniality, and, above all, with complete candour, they will generally
see reason. And remember one thing. In spite of all that has happened,
our mistakes, our bluster, our occasional lapses from complete
disingenuousness, the Afghans still like us. Moreover, their hereditary
mistrust of Russia still inclines them to lean on us. We have lately
concluded a treaty with Afghanistan--not by any means a perfect treaty,
but the best certainly that could be secured in the circumstances, and
we have sent a Minister to Kabul, Lt.-Colonel Humphrys, who was one of
my officers on the frontier. A better man for the post could not, I
believe, be found in the Empire. Unless unduly hampered by a hectoring
diplomacy from Whitehall, he will succeed in establishing that goodwill
and mutual confidence which between Governments is of more value than
all the paper engagements ever signed. One word more of the Afghans.
There is an idea that they are a treacherous and perfidious people.
This, I believe, is wicked slander, so far as the rulers are concerned.
In 1857, during the Indian Mutiny, the Amir Dost Muhammed was true to
his bond, when he might have been a thorn in our side; and during the
Great War the late Amir Halilullah, in the face of appalling
difficulties, maintained the neutrality of his country, as he promised,
and was eventually murdered, a martyr to his own good faith to us.