There is in Harvard College library a copy of the MS. journal of

Ebenezer Wild, beginning at Cambridge Sept. 13th, and ending at Quebec,

while he was a prisoner, June 6, 1776. It was printed by Justin Winsor

with a note on similar records, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April,

1886, and separately (75 copies).

Of Christian Febiger, the adjutant of the expedition, a Dane, but

resident in Massachusetts, there is an account and portrait in _Mag. of

Amer. Hist._, March, 1881.

An orderly-book of the expedition, Nov. 8, 1775, to Feb. 26, 1776,

is in the Pension bureau of the War Department at Washington. There

is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii. p. 25) a list of officers and

volunteers on the expedition and at Quebec, furnished to Sparks at New

York, Feb., 1831, by Col. Samuel Ward, of whom a letter describing his

experiences on the march is also preserved (_Sparks MSS._, no. xxv.).

There are in the _Mass. Archives: Revolutionary Rolls_, vol. xxviii.,

lists of officers of the reinforcements for Ticonderoga and Canada,

and in a separate volume a list of soldiers under Colonel Arnold, and

of the killed, wounded, and prisoners at Quebec, Dec. 31, 1775. (Cf.

list in _Ware's Journal_.) The N. Y. Continental line (four regiments

and one artillery company) was organized, under a vote of the N. Y.

provincial congress, June 28, 1775, and served on this campaign. Capt.

John Lamb's artillery company left New York with seventy enlisted men,

and (March 30, 1776) were reduced to thirty-one rank and file. The term

of service of the N. Y. line expired in April, 1776; but a large part

reënlisted (Asa Bird Gardiner in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1881).

The service of New Hampshire is shown in the _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. pp.

209, 311, 339, etc. Cf. _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1871-73,

1876-77; _Potter's Amer. Monthly_, Dec., 1875.

[645] Wooster's share in the campaign was not a happy one. "His defect

was his age", says C. F. Adams. "Few of the brave officers in the

French war sustained their reputation in the revolutionary struggle"

(_Life and Works of John Adams_, iii. 44). Lossing's _Schuyler_ and

Hollister's _Connecticut_ have somewhat opposing sympathies respecting

Wooster's character. Cf. much in _4 Force's Archives_, iv., v., vi.,

and _5 Ibid._, i. The opinion upon Wooster of the Commissioners to

Congress is shown in their letter of May 27th (_Force's Archives_,

vi. 589). There is a letter of Wooster from Montreal, Feb. 11, 1776,

addressed to Roger Sherman, in _Letters and Papers_, 1761-1776 (MSS. in

Mass. Hist. Soc., p. 167). In this he speaks of his disagreements with

Schuyler, and says that his persuasion had prevented Montgomery from

resigning.

[646] Sparks's _Corresp., etc._, vol. i. 116, 154, and App. (Dec. 31,

1775; Jan. [1776] 2, 11, 12, 24; Feb. 1, 27; April 20, 30; May 8, 15;

June, etc.). Arnold's letter of Dec. 31 in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_,

vii. 719. Cf. Lossing on Arnold in _Harper's Monthly_, xxiii. 721.

[647] AMERICAN.—Report, Jan. 24th, to Congress, in _Secret Journal_,

i. 38.

Letters from Point-aux-Trembles in App. of Henry's _Journal_ (ed. of

1877).

Donald Campbell's despatch to Wooster, Dec. 31, 1775, in Dawson, i.

116; and in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii. 718.

Letters of Wooster to Schuyler and Warner (Jan. 5th and 6th), and

Schuyler to Washington (Jan. 13th), in _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vii.

720-22. Cf. _Sparks MSS._, lviii. 12.

Lieut. Eben Elmer's diary of the Canada expedition in _N. Jersey Hist.

Soc. Proc._, ii. and iii.

General Irvine's diary, beginning May, 1775, in _Hist. Mag._, April,

1862.

The journal of Col. Rudolphus Ritzema, first N. Y. regiment, Aug. 8,

1775, to March 30, 1776, now in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., and printed in

_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Feb., 1877), i. p. 98. Under date (Montreal)

of Jan. 3, 1776, he gives an account of the failure at Quebec, news

of which had just reached there by Mr. Antell, an express (from N. Y.

Archives in _Sparks MSS._, xxix.).

_Journal of the Rev. Ammi Ruhamah Robbins, chaplain in the American

army, in the northern campaign of 1776_ (New Haven, 1850).

_The Shurtleff manuscript, No. 153. Being a narrative of certain events

in Canada during the invasion by the American army, in 1775, by Mrs.

Thomas Walker, with notes and introd. by Silas Ketchum_ (Contoocook,

1876), making part no. 2 of the _Collections of the N. H. Antiquarian

Soc._

Some of the diaries noted under the Kennebec expedition cover the

attack on Quebec. Cf. Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, i. 185. A letter

of Samuel Ward, Philad., Jan. 21, 1776, gives the news as it reached

Congress (_Sparks MSS._, xxv.; cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, viii. 49).

A letter of Samuel Hodgkinson, before Quebec (April 27, 1776), is in

the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, July, 1886, p. 158.

Wilkinson joined the army in May, 1776, and his _Memoirs_ (i. p. 39)

has accordingly a personal interest.

The _Memoirs of Charles Dennis Rusoe d'Eres, a native of Canada_

(Exeter, 1800), begins with the attack on Quebec.

More or less of reference to original sources is made in the lives of

Washington by Marshall (i. 329) and Irving (ii. ch. 4, 5, 8, 12, 13,

15, 20, 22, 23); Lossing's _Schuyler_ (i. ch. 28, 29); Leake's _Lamb_

(ch. 7 and 8); Read's _Geo. Read_ (i. 141); and the lives of Montgomery

and Arnold already referred to. Intercepted letters from Arnold to

Montgomery and Washington are in the _Haldimand Papers_.

Daniel Morgan, the commander of the Virginia riflemen, was a

conspicuous actor in the attack. Rebecca McConkey, in her _Hero of

Cowpens_ (New York, 1881), claims that Morgan deserves the credit which

Arnold usually receives. A description by Morgan of his part in the

attack is among some papers gathered by Sparks for a life of Morgan

(_Sparks MSS._, lii. vol. ii. p. 99), and this same autobiographic

letter is printed at greater length in the _Hist. Mag._, xix. 379, as

from the _Pittsburgh Gazette_ of July 10, 1818, where it is said to

have been found among some papers once belonging to Gen. Henry Lee, and

is supposed to have been addressed to Lee by Morgan about 1800, two

years before Morgan died. The copy made by Sparks is given as from a

paper then (1831) in the possession of General Armstrong. Cf. Graham's

_Life of Morgan_ (ch. 5); Dennie's _Portfolio_, viii. p. 101; _Southern

Lit. Messenger_, xx. p. 559.

The principal general accounts on the American side are in Bancroft

(viii. ch. 52-54, or final revision, iv. ch. 19 and 24); Ramsay's

_Amer. Rev._; Hollister's _Connecticut_ (ii. ch. 9); Dawson's _Battles_

(ch. 7); Carrington's _Battles_ (ch. 20, 21); Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._,

ix. 133; Dennie's _Portfolio_, ix. 133.

Sullivan rehearses the news as it reached the Cambridge camp (_N. H.

Prov. Papers_, viii. 36). There are in the _Aspinwall Papers_ (ii. 772)

various items of intelligence respecting "the defeat of the rebels" in

Canada, gathered in New York in Feb., 1776.

BRITISH.—Carleton's despatch to Howe (Dawson, 118; also see _Gent.

Mag._, June, 1776). The letters which passed from Dartmouth to

Carleton, Dec. 10, 1774 to Sept. 9, 1777, are noted in the Chalmers

MSS. (Thorpe's _Supplement_, 1843, no. 622). Other papers are in the

Haldimand Papers (Brit. Mus.), of which a calendar has been printed (p.

207) by the Dominion archivist at Ottawa. The volumes in the Public

Record Office, London, marked "Quebec, xiv., xv., vols. 348, 349",

cover this period.

Journal of the siege of Quebec, by Hugh Finlay, in _Quebec Lit. and

Hist. Soc. Docs._, 4th series. (The bibliography of this society is

given in Sabin, xvi. no. 67,015, etc.)

Account of the siege, beginning Nov., 1775, dated on board sloop-of-war

"Hunter", June 15, 1776, addressed by Col. Henry Caldwell to Gen. Jas.

Murray, has been printed in the _Transactions_ of the Quebec Lit. and

Hist. Soc., and in _Hist. Mag._, xii. 97 (1867).

A _Journal of the Siege_, Dec. 1, 1775, to May 7, 1776, is noted in the

Chalmers MSS. (Thorpe's _Supplement_, 1843, no. 623). This MS. is now

in the _Sparks MSS._ (xlii. no. 1). Its earliest entry is really Dec.

5th. It gives a particular account of the share taken by the journalist

in the defence of Dec. 31st, calling it "a glorious day for us, and as

complete a little victory as was ever gained." The last entry is, in

fact, May 9, 1776.

In Thorpe's _Supplement_ (no. 624) there is also noted a _Journal of

the Siege, by Capt. Thomas Ainslee, written on the spot, Sept., 1775,

to May 6, 1776_. This is also now in the _Sparks MSS._, i.

_Journal of the Siege of Quebec in 1775-76, collected from some old

manuscripts originally written by an officer, to which are added a

preface and illustrative notes by W. T. P. Short_ (London, 1824). It

begins Dec. 1, 1775, and ends May 6, 1776; but the editor continues the

narrative, briefly, through the campaign (_Menzie's Catal._, no. 1,107).

_Journal of the most remarkable occurrences in Quebec, from the 14th

of Nov., 1775, to the 7th of May 1776, by an officer of the garrison._

It is printed in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1880, p. 175. Of

the British general accounts, mention may be made of the _Annual

Register_, xix. ch. 1, 5; xx. ch. 1; Andrew's _Late War_ (ch. 19, 20);

Stedman's _Amer. War_ (ch. 2, 10); Adolphus's _England_ (ii. 237);

Bisset's _George the Third_ (i. ch. 15); Mahon's _England_ (vi. 76);

W. Lindsay's _Invasion of Canada by the American provincials_ (1826).

Sir James Carmichael-Smythe's _Précis of the War in Canada_ criticises

the plan of Montgomery's attack. Cf. _Canadian Antiquarian_, v. 145;

Lemoine's _Maple Leaves_, pp. 84, 95; his _Picturesque Quebec_, pp.

120, 231; J. Lesperance's _Bastonnais: tale of the American invasion of

Canada in 1775-76_ (Toronto, 1877).

Lossing has a paper on the local associations of Quebec in _Harper's

Monthly_, xviii. 176; and similar detail is also given in his

_Field-Book of the Am. Rev._

FRENCH.—There are three records in the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec:

1. _Le témoin oculaire de la guerre des Bastonnais durant les années

1775 et 1776 par M. Simon Sanguinet_.

2. _Journal contenant le récit de l'invasion du Canada en 1775-1776,

redigé par M. Jean B. Badeaux_, printed in their Hist. Documents, 3d

series. For Nos. 1 and 2 see Verreau's _Invasion du Canada_ (Montreal,

1873).

3. _Journal tenu pendant le Siège du fort St. Jean en 1776 par M.

Antoine Foucher._

The principal general French history on the subject is Garneau's

_Histoire du Canada_.

Cf. _Centenaire de l'assaut de Québec par les Américains 31 Décembre,

1775. Compte-rendu de la Séance solennelle donnée par l'Institut

Canadien, 30 Déc., 1875._ Quebec, 1876 (Sabin, xvi. 66,997).

[648] A letter of Samuel Hodgkinson, April 27th, is in the _Penna. Mag.

of Hist._, July, 1886, p. 162.

[649] Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 185, 189, 196; Force's

_Archives_, 4th, v., vi.; 5th, i. Among the General Thomas papers,

beside drafts of his own letters at this time, there are letters to him

from Arnold (May 1, 11, 14); from Schuyler (May 17); and from Baron de

Woedtke (May 11, 12, 18, 19). Some memoranda from Thomas's letters are

in a collection of _Letters and Papers, 1761-1776_ (p. 165), in the

Mass. Hist. Soc. cabinet. Cf. also Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 1, 2);

I. N. Arnold's _Arnold_ (ch. 5); Read's _Geo. Read_, 150; Bancroft's

_United States_ (orig. ed., viii. ch. 67); Irving's _Washington_ (ii.

ch. 20; 22); Stone's _Brant_, i. 154.

[650] See the general narratives, and specially Sparks's _Washington_

(iv. 56), for the capitulation; Resolutions of Congress, July 10,

1776, in Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 258); S. E. Dawson in

_Canadian Monthly_, v. 305; and _Authentic narrative of facts relating

to the exchange of prisoners taken at the Cedars, with original papers_

(London, 1777—_Brinley Catal._, ii. no. 3,967). Cf. _John Adams's

Life and Writings_, ix. 407; _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, i. 477; and Force's

_Archives_, 4th, vi. (p. 598), and 5th, i. The Agreement (May 27, 1776)

of Arnold and Foster about the prisoners is in _Sparks MSS._, xiii.

and xlv. Jones recounts the disputes arising over the fulfilment of

Arnold's agreement for an exchange of the prisoners. _N. Y. during

the Revolution_, i. 93. There is a French edition of the _Authentic

Narrative_, by Marcel Ethier (Montreal, 1873).

[651] Sparks's _Corresp. of Rev._, i. 525, 531; Force's _Archives_,

4th, vi.; Colonel Irvine's account in _Hist. Mag._; vi. 115; _Life

of George Read_ (ch. 3, with memoir of Thompson at end of ch. 2);

Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 85); Marshall's _Washington_ (ii. 362);

Amory's _John Sullivan_; Bancroft's _United States_, original edition,

viii. p. 415, etc.

[652] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 423; _Corresp. of the Rev._, 211,

216, 231, 237, 239, 241; _John Adams's Life and Writings_, ix. 43.

Letters of Sullivan, with some from Arnold during the retreat from

Canada, are among the Sullivan papers (_Sparks MSS._, xx.). A letter

from Arnold to Gates, Chamblée, May 31, 1776, is among the Gates Papers

(copies in _Sparks MSS._, xx.). A letter of Thompson to St. Clair from

Sorel, June 2, 1776, is in the _St. Clair Papers_ (i. 367), with notes

on the retreat.

[653] The are several personal records and diaries of these final

months of the campaign. Dr. S. J. Meyrick, a surgeon of a Massachusetts

regiment, wrote, June 1, 1836, to J. Trumbull, his recollections of the

retreat, drawn up from contemporary minutes, beginning May 21, 1776

(Trumbull's _Autobiography_, 299).

Diary of Joshua Pell, Jr., beginning at Quebec, May 29, 1776, giving an

account of Three Rivers defeat, ending Nov. 22d, is printed in _Mag. of

Am. Hist._, ii. 43.

Letters of Colonel Bond (July, Aug., 1776) in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal.

Reg._, iv. 71.

In the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii. p. 69, etc.) are copies of papers

belonging to the Amer. Philosophical Society (Feb., 1831), which

contain a journal of Jacob Shallus, beginning in the camp before

Quebec, May 6, 1776, and ending at Crown Point, July 1st. A journal of

Lieut. Jona. Burton, Aug. 1 to Nov. 29, 1776, is in the _N. H. State

Papers_, vol. xiv.

There are local aspects and connections of the campaign to be got from

Watson's _Essex County_ (ch. 10); Dunlap's _New York_ (ii. ch. 1, 4);

Mrs. Bonney's _Hist. Gleanings_, i.; Smith's _Pittsfield, Mass._ (ch.

15); Temple and Sheldon's _Northfield_, etc.

[654] Sedgwick's _Livingston_. There is also a copy in the _Langdon

Papers_, and a copy from that in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). A

letter of Paine is in _Ibid._ (xlix. ii.).

[655] A letter of John Carroll, describing his journey, and written

from Montreal, May 1, 1776, is in Force's _Archives_, v. 1,158.

[656] _Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, 418. Lives of Franklin by Sparks,

Parton, and Bigelow.

[657] _Journal of Charles Carroll to Canada, with notes by B. Mayer_

(Baltimore, 1845). _Journal of Charles Carroll of Carrollton during a

visit to Canada in 1776, as one of the Commissioners from Congress_

(Baltimore, 1876—the Centennial volume of the Maryland Hist. Soc.).

On Carroll, see Boyle's _Marylanders; Annals of Annapolis_; Niles's

_Register_, xxx. 79; J. C. Carpenter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii.

101; J. M. Finotti in _Cath. World_, xxiii. 537; S. Jordan in Potter's

_Amer. Monthly_, vii. 401. Poole's _Index_ gives other references upon

John Carroll. The Commissioner Charles Carroll was reputed to be the

wealthiest man in America. Views of his mansion are in _Mag. of Amer.

Hist._, ii. 101; Lamb's _Homes of America_; Brotherhead's _Signers_

(1861, p. 81); and in _Appleton's Journal_, xii. p. 321. For a Carroll

medal, see _Amer. Journal of Numismatics_, v. 8, xv. 45; _Cath. World_,

July, 1876, p. 537.

[Illustration]

The best known portrait of Carroll is that painted by Chester Harding,

which for a while was deposited in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc.

(_Proc._, i. 500). It has been engraved by A. B. Durand (_National

Portrait Gallery_, N. Y., 1834), H. B. Hall (in Carroll's Journal,

1876), and J. B. Longacre. A portrait by Thomas Lally, formerly

belonging to Governor Swann, of Maryland, is now in the Mass. Hist.

Soc. Gallery (_Proc._, 2d ser., ii. 261). Cf. McSherry's _Maryland_.

[658] A letter of Chase and Carroll from Montreal, May 26, 1776, to

General Thomas, is in the _Mass. Archives_, and is copied in the

_Sparks MSS_ (lii. vol. iii.).

[659] Their letters, written in May, are in _Force's Archives_, and

the originals are preserved in the Archives at Washington; but Brantz

Mayer says (_Carroll's Journal_, 1876, p. 37) that their report of June

12, 1776, could not be found. Their last letter, however, of May 27th,

which Mayer prints (p. 38), gives their results. It is also in Force

(vi. 589). The papers of General Thomas show their letters addressed to

him of May 6, 12, and 15.

[660] Maj.-Gen. Robert Howe's report on the defences of Charlestown,

some months later (Oct. 9th), is in the _Amer. Archives_, iii. 49.

[661] _An Introduction to the History of the Revolt of the American

Colonies, being a comprehensive view of its origin derived from the

State Papers contained in the public offices of Great Britain_ (Boston,

1845).

[662] It is to be remembered that these positive statements as to

the spirit of independence latent in the colonies were written after

the achievement of the fact. It is but fair to say that it has been

objected against the positiveness of Chalmers's statements that he

presents no specific evidence of their truth from written authorities.

(See Sparks's _Washington_, vol. ii. Appendix x., and his Preface to

the American edition of Chalmers.) Viscount Bury, in his _Exodus of

the Western Nations_ (i. 395, 412), repeats the opinion of Chalmers

as positively, yet also without authorities. On the other side, as

illustrating how general statements may be affirmed, as if not to be

qualified or challenged, we read in Governor Hutchinson's volume of

his _History_ written during his exile in England this sentence (vol.

iii. p. 69), as of date 1758: "An empire, separate or distinct from

Britain, no man then alive expected or desired to see",—an assertion

more rhetorical than true. In the debate in the Commons on the Boston

Port Bill and the infraction of the charter of Massachusetts, Sir

Richard Sutton said "that even in the most quiet times the disposition

to oppose the laws of this country was strongly ingrafted in the

Americans, and all their actions conveyed a spirit and wish for

independence. If you ask an American who is his master, he will tell

you he has none, nor any governor, but Jesus Christ" (Adolphus, ii.

108).

[663] This last word recognized the jealousy and apprehension felt in

Massachusetts about the sending over of bishops to the province.

[664] _Examination before Committee of Parliament._

[665] See _ante_, chapter i.

[666] This Congress issued a very strong declaration "of the causes

and necessity of taking up arms." It sought by clear statements "to

quiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects. We do not mean to

dissolve the union. Necessity has not driven us into that desperate

measure. We have not raised armies with the ambitious designs of

separation from Great Britain, and establishing independent states."

This hesitating and vacillating course of the first two congresses

would naturally encourage the British ministry in the belief, first,

that the colonists were by no means of one mind as to valid reasons for

a united opposition to government; and second, that the strength of

the existing feelings of loyalty and attachment, backed by efficient

policy, would withstand any looking towards independence.

[667] For an explanation of the reasons why R. H. Lee, the mover, was

not made chairman of this committee, see Randall's _Life of Jefferson_,

vol. i. 144-159.

[668] There is a slight conflict of testimony in private records—for

we have none that are official—as to some of the details in the

preparation of the Declaration. John Adams, trusting to his memory,

wrote in his _Autobiography_ (cf. _Works_, ii. 512), twenty-eight years

after the transaction, and again in a letter to Timothy Pickering,

forty-seven years after it (cf. _Life of Pickering,_ iv. 463), and

when he was in his eighty-eighth year, substantially to the same

effect, namely, that Jefferson and himself were appointed by their

associates a sub-committee to make the draft. Jefferson (_Mem. and

Corresp._, iv. 375), on reading this letter, published in 1823, wrote

to Madison denying this statement, and making another, relying on notes

which he had made at the time. He says there was no sub-committee,

and that when he himself had prepared the draft he submitted it for

perusal and judgment separately to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, each

of whom made a few verbal alterations in it. These he adopted in a

fair copy which he reported to the committee, and on June 28th to

Congress, where, after the reading, it was laid on the table. On July

1st Congress took up for debate Mr. Lee's resolution for independence.

Nine colonies—New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,

New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia—voted

for the resolution. The two delegates of Delaware were divided. South

Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against it. The New York delegates

affirmed that they approved it, but that their instructions at present

did not warrant their voting for it; but on July 9th a New York

convention ratified it. Rutledge moved for a day's delay, which being

granted, South Carolina accorded. A third delegate coming by post

from Delaware turned that colony to the affirmative. Two substituted

delegates from Pennsylvania carried that province. The roll of the

thirteen colonies was now in union. On the same day, July 2d, and the

two days following, Jefferson's draft was under debate, and was amended

in committee of the whole. The author of the instrument leaves us to

infer that he sat in an impatient and annoyed silence through the

ordeal of criticism and objection passed upon it. The two principal

amendments were the striking out a severe censure on "the people of

England", lest "it might offend some of our friends there." and the

omission of a reprobation of slavery, in deference to South Carolina

and Georgia. When the committee reported to Congress, such notes of the

debates as we have inform us, that, with much vehemence, discordance,

remonstrance, and pleadings for delay, with doubts as to whether the

people were ready for and would ratify the Declaration, it secured a

majority of one in the count of the delegates. Jefferson said that John

Adams was "the colossus" in that stirring debate.

There is no occasion here for a critical study or estimate of the

Declaration, either as a political manifesto or as a literary

production. Its rhetoric, as we know, was at the first reading of it

regarded as excessive,—needlessly, perhaps harmfully, severe. That has

ever since been the judgment of some. But Jefferson, Franklin, and John

Adams, men of three very different types of mental energy and styles

of expressing themselves, accorded in offering the document. The best

that can be said of it is, that it answered its purpose, was fitted

to meet a crisis and to serve the uses desired of it. Its terse and

pointed directness of statement, its brief and nervous sentences, its

cumulating gathering of grievances, its concentration of censure, and

its resolute avowal of a decided purpose, not admitting of temporizing

or reconsideration, were its effective points. Dating from its passage

by the Congress, and its confidently assured ratification by the

people, it was to announce a changed relation and new conditions for

future intercourse between a now independent nation and a repudiated

mother country. The resolve was sustained. Henceforward, whatever

proffers, threats, appeals of amity, for readjustment of quarrels,

or for harmony, might come from king or Parliament, or through

commissioners, must proceed after the diplomatic fashion, on the

admission that the negotiation was no longer between a government and

its revolted subjects, but between two distinct sovereignties.

[669] It might be regarded as a matter of course that no parliamentary

or other official proceeding or document of the British government

would recognize, by way of examination or controversy, the crowning

state paper of the American Congress. Chagrin, contempt, vengeful

feelings, or a simple regard for its own dignity, may have induced the

government to assume indifference. As yet the Declaration was a paper

assertion of what was not then secured. But the English press was

neither silent nor respectful about the Declaration. An able pamphlet

appeared as _An Answer to the Declaration of the American Congress_

(London, 1776). Another pamphlet, at first privately circulated,

afterwards published, was written by Governor Hutchinson, then in

England, entitled _Strictures on the late Declaration of Congress_. It

is reprinted anonymously in Almon's _Remembrancer_, iv. 25. The writer

says that the reasons given in the Declaration to justify it are "false

and frivolous." He sent a copy of this pamphlet to the king, with an

obsequious letter. Adolphus, after saying "that at no preceding period

of history was so important a transaction vindicated by so shallow and

feeble a composition", adds that "some passages are remarkable for low

and intemperate scurrility", (vol. ii. 405, 406).

[670] A shining exception to the sweep of Judge Jones's assertion is

found in the case of that gifted and eminent man, Dr. William Samuel

Johnson, first Senator in the Constitutional Congress from Connecticut,

and president of Columbia College. Though not a clergyman, he had

been a lay reader in the Episcopal Church, as inheriting from his

distinguished father, and accepting through his own convictions, its

doctrine and discipline. Strongly conservative, with many fond ties

to England and Englishmen from long residence abroad as an agent of

his colony, he might naturally have espoused the side of the mother

country. Indeed, rather from a suspicion that he would do so than

from any overt act of his, he was arrested on an occasion of popular

excitement, in 1779. But he proved to be among the wisest and firmest

of patriots. See his _Life, by Dr. E. E. Beardsley_, 2d edition,

Boston, 1886.

[671] _Reflections_, etc., p. 115.

[672] _The History of the American Episcopal Church, 1587-1883_, by

Bishop W. S. Perry, Boston, 1885, vol. i. chap. xxiv., "The Position of

the Clergy at the Opening of the War for Independence."

[673] On the records of the New York Provincial Congress, or

Convention, is a letter dated July 11, 1776, drafted by Gouverneur

Morris, and addressed to Hancock, president of the Continental

Congress, which contains the following remarkable proposition: "We take

the liberty of suggesting to your consideration the propriety of taking

some measures for expunging from the Book of Common Prayer such parts,

and discontinuing in the congregations of all other denominations all

such prayers, as interfere with the interests of the American cause.

It is a subject we are afraid to meddle with. The enemies of America

have taken great pains to insinuate into the minds of the Episcopalians

that the church is in danger. We could wish that the Congress would

pass some resolve to quiet their fears, and we are confident it would

do essential service to the cause of America at least in this State."

Happily Hancock did not act on this suggestion. Congress might indeed

have issued a revised edition of the English Liturgy; but a censorship

of the utterances of extemporaneous prayers would have been beyond

its range. These extemporaneous devotions were doubtless at the time

sufficiently patriotic.

[674] See _ante_, chapter i.

[675] The writings of Samuel Adams abound in the expression of

opinions similar to the following from the pen of his cousin, John

Adams: "If Parliament could tax us, they could establish the Church of

England, with all its creeds, articles, tests, ceremonies, and titles,

and prohibit all other churches, as conventicles and schism-shops"

(_Works_, x. 287, 288).

[676] See _The Pulpit of the American Revolution: or, the Political

Sermons of the Period of 1776_. _With a Historical Introduction,

Notes, and Illustrations. By John Wingate Thornton._ (Boston, 1860.)

It contains Election and Thanksgiving sermons by Dr. Mayhew, Dr.

Chauncy, Mr. Cook, Mr. Gordon, Dr. Langdon, Mr. West, Mr. Payson, Mr.

Howard, and President Stiles, all of them eminent and able divines of

Massachusetts and Connecticut, fearlessly bold, yet guided by wisdom.

In the French Archives, among the papers of Choiseul, prime minister

of France before our Revolutionary period, there are curious evidences

of the intelligent and keenly inquisitive method which that astute

statesman employed to acquaint himself thoroughly with the relations

of the religious teaching and belief of the people of New England and

the spirit of liberty aroused among them. He sent here a messenger to

gather information especially upon those as upon many other subjects.

He was to collect newspapers, advertisements, and extracts from

sermons. It was inferences from such communicative papers, with other

interpretations of omens and signs of the times, that helped prepare

the government for the alliance of 1778. The French minister sent two

emissaries, M. de Fontleroy in 1764 and the Baron De Kalb in 1768.

(See Kapp's _Life of John Kalb_.) The latter's letters are copied

in the _Sparks MSS._ Cf. the Vicomte de Colleville's _Les missions

secrètes du général-major baron de Kalb, et son rôle dans la guerre de

l'indépendance américaine_ (Paris, 1885). Franklin was in Paris at this

time. Cf. E. E. Hale's _Franklin in France_, p. 2.

[677] _American Presbyterianism, its Origin and Early History_, etc. By

Charles Augustus Briggs, D. D. (New York, 1885, ch. ix.)

[678] All that can be said in justification of George III. is said

by Mahon (vi. 100). The fact is, that, with the exception of a few

like Dean Tucker and John Cartwright, the king's subjects were, like

himself, deceived for a long time into believing that the loss of

England's colonies would cause her sun to set. It was the king's

obstinacy or "steadfastness", as you choose to call it, which kept him

longer of that opinion than almost all of his subjects.—ED.

[679] Well might Washington, writing to Dr. Franklin in France,

October, 1782, and referring to the delay of the negotiations for

peace, emphasize "the persevering obstinacy of the king, the wickedness

of his ministry, and the haughty pride of the nation" (Sparks's

Franklin, ix. 422).

[680] Lord Mahon's _History_, vol. vi. Appen. lviii.

[681] _Ibid._, vii. Appen. xxix.

[682] An emphatic sentence from the pen of the able and candid

historian Lecky may be quoted here. Referring to "the sullen and

rancorous nature of an intensity of hatred" towards Chatham, which led

the king, against all advice and urgency, to refuse any aid from that

noble statesman, Lecky writes "This episode appears to me the most

criminal in the whole reign of George III., and in my own judgment

it is as criminal as any of those acts which led Charles I. to the

scaffold" (_Hist. of Eng. in the XVIIIth Cent._, iv. 83).

[683] The Massachusetts refugee, Judge Curwen, thus writes, in London,

in 1780: "In this baneful, woful quarrel, such a continued, unbroken

series of disappointments, disasters, and mortifying events have taken

place, that it seems to me to be morally impossible but the eyes of all

thoughtful, prudent, knowing men must open and discern the impolicy

and impracticability of accomplishing the great end for which this war

was undertaken,—the reduction of the colonies to the obedience of the

British Parliament" (Curwen, p. 311).

[684] Wells's _Adams_, i. p. 164.

[685] There is something very significant as well as comical in the

following entry in John Adams's Diary in Congress, in 1775, when he

had made his way to a full deliverance: "When these people began to

see that independence was approaching, they started back. In some

of my public harangues, in which I had freely and explicitly laid

open my thoughts, on looking round the assembly, I have seen horror,

terror, and detestation strongly marked on the countenances of some

of the members, whose names I could readily recollect; but as some of

them have been good citizens since, and others went over afterwards

to the English, I think it unnecessary to record them here" (_Works

of John Adams_, ii. p. 407). Mr. Sparks has gathered (_Washington_,

Appendix x. vol. ii.) the expressed opinions of such typical patriots

as Washington, Franklin, Henry, Madison, Jay, etc., utterly and

emphatically disavowing all thoughts or purposes of independence till

the crisis made it a matter of necessity, not of choice. It is but

candid, however, to note an anticipation of that acute observer Joseph

Galloway, whether it was but a surmise or a reasonable inference. In

a letter addressed by him, Jan. 13, 1766, to Dr. Franklin, in London,

he writes: "A certain sect of people, if I may judge from all their

late conduct, seem to look on this as a favorable opportunity of

establishing their republican principles, and of throwing off all

connection with their mother country. I have reasons to think that

they are forming a private union among themselves from one end of the

continent to the other" (Sparks's _Franklin_, vii. 305). The assertion

of John Jay is most explicit and emphatic: "During the course of my

life, and until the second petition of Congress, in 1775, I never did

hear any American of any class, or any description, express a wish for

the independence of the colonies" (_Life and Writings of John Jay_, ii.

p. 410). Mr. Jay probably referred to the contemptuous treatment of

that second petition, "Dickinson's Letter", not to its transmission.

[686] _Works_, vii. 391.

[687] _Reflections_, etc., p. 102.

[688] Before this decision was reached, however, Congress, in 1774,

made this tentative effort to recognize the unity of the empire in

the extending through it of some sovereign power while holding to a

local independence, in this form: "From the necessity of the case and

a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully

consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are

_bonâ fide_ restricted to the regulation of our external commerce, for

the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire

to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective

members, excluding every idea of taxation, internal and external, for

raising a revenue, on the subjects in America, without their consent."

This was a seemingly candid and sincere suggestion to harmonize the

positions taken by the respective parties in the controversy. Britain,

the mistress of the seas, protected the great highways of commerce, and

so might regulate the trade of her colonies by the ocean, as she did

her own. But these colonies had constitutional charter assemblies with

exclusive powers for raising and disposing of their own revenues.

[689] A very admirable and faithful digest of the proceedings of

Congress, the materials and incidents being gathered by wide and

diligent research, may be found in the ninth chapter of _The Rise of

the Republic of the United States_, by Richard Frothingham (Boston,

1872).

[690] _History of England in the XVIIIth Century_, iii. p. 377.

[691] A very significant reference to the mixed qualities recognized

in Paine by his contemporaries is found in _Men and Times of the

Revolution; or Memoirs of Elkanah Watson_, etc. (New York, 1856). Mr.

Watson, a native of Plymouth, was patriotic in his sentiments, and

was on mercantile business in Europe during the war, honored with the

friendship of Dr. Franklin and John Adams in Paris. His brother, Benj.

Marston Watson, of Marblehead, was a noted loyalist. (See a "Memoir" of

him in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1873.) When Elkanah was at

Nantes in 1781, Paine arrived there as secretary of Colonel Laurens,

"and took up his quarters at my boarding-place. He was coarse and

uncouth in his manners, loathsome in his appearance, and a disgusting

egotist. Yet I could not repress the deepest emotions of gratitude

towards him, as the instrument of Providence in accelerating the

declaration of our independence. He certainly was a prominent agent in

preparing the public sentiment of America for that glorious event."

A very fair estimate of the qualities in Paine's pamphlet which adapted

it for popular effect is the following, by the English historian

Adolphus: "His pamphlet was replete with rough, sarcastic wit, and he

took, with great judgment, a correct aim at the feelings and prejudices

of those whom he intended to influence. Writing to fanatics, he

drew his arguments and illustrations from the holy Scriptures; his

readers, having no predilection for hereditary titles, distinctions

to them unknown, received with applause his invectives and sneers

at hereditary monarchy; a notion of increasing opulence, and false

calculations on their population and means of prosperity, had rendered

them arrogant and self-sufficient, and consequently disposed them to

relish the arguments he employed to prove the absurdity of subjugating

a large continent to a small island on the other side of the globe.

To inflame the resentment of the Americans, every act of the British

government towards them was represented in the most ungracious light",

etc. (Adolphus, ii. 400). A most thoroughly candid and discriminating

estimate of the character and abilities, the good and the bad elements

in Paine, may be found in a letter, not for publication, by Joel Barlow

to Cheetham, Paine's biographer (_Life and Letters of J. Barlow_, by

Charles Burr. Todd, 1886, pp. 236-239). Cheetham meanly published this

letter.

[692] Dr. Josiah Tucker, Dean of Gloucester, sought to be an oracle

alike on its commercial and political bearings. He had well informed

himself about the history and condition of the colonies. He thought

it a mistake that Britain had broken the power of the French, and, by

withdrawing the threat of their presence over the English colonists,

had left them to set up for independence. The idea that their

disaffection began with the Stamp Act he repudiated, as disproved

by their restiveness and truculency from their first settlements,

and from the occasion there had always been for the interposition of

sharp measures of government for restraining them. His opinion of

their general character was highly unfavorable, but he was thoroughly

satisfied with the impossibility of subduing them, and even of the

inexpediency of retaining a forced relation to them. His advice was

that Britain should at once give over its attempts at subjugation, and

even acquiesce in leaving them to take care and govern themselves, at

least till they should repent of their folly. He anticipated, as the

solution of wisdom, the complete abandonment of any interference with

the recusant Americans, maintaining that the methods of profitable

commerce, which would secure English interests and supremacy,

would be more effective than a fretting interference with them.

His views—which, looked at in the retrospect, appear thoroughly

sagacious—were, to most of his contemporaries, either visionary or

exasperating. Tucker set forth the positive facts, that while war was

most ruinous to the interests of commerce, those interests ought to

serve to the security of peace. The war of England against the Spanish

right of search had won no benefit, but had added sixty millions

sterling to the debt of the realm. The late French war had cost ninety

millions more, and by relieving the colonists of all dread of the

French had encouraged them to set up for independence.

[693] For further account of Galloway as a controversialist, see

_post_, the section on the Loyalists.

[694] _Introduction to the Hist. of the Revolt_, and in his preface

to his _Opinions of eminent lawyers_. Cf. J. R. Seeley on the

accountability of the old colonial system for the revolt of the

American colonies. _Expansion of England_, lecture iv. Cf. W. T.

Davis's _Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth_, p. 75. On religious causes,

see B. Adams's _Emancipation of Mass._ (last chap.).

[695] _Works_, ii. 411, 413, iii. 45, ix. 591, 596, x. 284, 359, 394;

_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,_ xliv. 300, 465; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal.

Reg._, July, 1876.

[696] There is help in tracing the sporadic instances of the

independent spirit to be found in Sparks's App. to his _Washington_

(ii. 496), in Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_ (pp. 154, 245,

291, 315, 364, 428, 438, 449, 452, 469, 483, 489, 499, 506, 509);

in Hutchinson's _Massachusetts_ (iii. 134, 264, 265,—cf. _Mass.

Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 135); in Jefferson's _Notes on Virginia_; in

Galloway's _Examination_; in Force's _American Archives_, 4th ser.,

ii. 696, and vi., index, under "Independence;" in Bancroft, vii. 301,

viii. ch. 64, 65, 68; in Grahame, iv. 315; in J. C. Hamilton's _Repub.

of the U. S._, i. 110; Palfrey's _New England_, i. 308, ii. 266; _Mem.

of Josiah Quincy, Jr._, p. 228; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 242, 352;

Greene's _Nath. Greene_, i. 122; Austin's _Gerry_, ch. 13; Rives's

_Madison_, i. 108, 124.

The position of parties in Congress can be traced in Randall's

_Jefferson_, i. 153; Read's _Geo. Read_; _John Adams's Works_, i. 220,

517, ii. 31-75, 93; Pitkin's _United States_, i. 362.

[697] _Boston Gazette_, April 15th and 29th; _Penna. Evening Post_,

April 20th, etc. Several of these are quoted in Moore's _Diary_.

[698] _Declaration of Independence by the Colony of Massachusetts Bay,

May 1, 1776, by H. B. Dawson_, N. Y., 1862; or _Hist. Mag._, May, 1862.

[699] _Adams's Works_, iv. 201; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, p.

369; Bancroft, viii. ch. 64; Force, 4th ser., vi. 1524.

[700] _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1872, p. 26; and on the timidity of Penna.,

Reed's _Reed_, i. 199-202.

[701] _Works_, ii. 489, 510; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 466;

_Jameson's Constitutional Conventions_, pp. 115, 116.

[702] _No. Amer. Rev._, by L. Sabine, April, 1848.

[703] Passed May 15th, and written by Edmund Pendleton,—Rives's

_Madison_, i. 123, 130. For R. H. Lee see _Life_ by R. H. Lee, Jr.;

Sanderson's _Signers_; Brotherhead's _Book of Signers_, etc.

[704] The record is scant in the one called "Secret Domestic Journal."

These are described in M. Chamberlain's _Authentication_, etc., p. 17.

[705] In Jefferson's _Writings_, i. 10, 96; _Madison Papers_ (1841), i.

9; Elliot's _Debates_, vol. i. 60; Read's _George Read_, 226. There are

other accounts in _John Adams's Works_ (i. 227, iii. 30, 55, ix. 418).

John Adams's letter to Mercy Warren (1807) is in Frothingham's _Rise of

the Republic_ (App.) and in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 465.

[706] Works, i. 229, and Mellen Chamberlain's _John Adams, the

Statesman of the Revolution_ (Boston, 1884).

[707] Bancroft, viii. ch. 65; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. ch. 41, 42;

Rives's _Madison_, i. 125; C. F. Adams's _John Adams's Works_, i. 227;

and a brief but clear exposition in Lecky (iii. 498). The reasons for

and against the Declaration are summarized in Read's _George Read_,

226, 247; and Smyth (_Lectures_, ii. 370) gives from an English

point of view the reasons which rendered separation and independence

inevitable. The lives of the leading participants—Jefferson, the two

Adamses, R. H. Lee, Franklin—necessarily include accounts.

[708] Pitkin's _U. S._, vi. 263; _Penna. Journal_, June 19, 1776;

Read's _Geo. Read_, 164; _John Adams_, ix. 398.

[709] Niles's _Weekly Register_, xii. 305, etc.; _Mass. Hist. Soc.

Coll._, xliv. 507; his letter of June 16, 1817, in App. of Christopher

Marshall's _Diary_, and one of Aug. 22, 1813, in _Harper's Mag._, 1883,

p. 211.

[710] This being sent to a friend in England, thirty copies of the

paper were printed under the title of _The Declaration of independence,

or notes on Lord Mahon's history of the American declaration of

independence_ (London, 1855). The criticism was also printed in

_Littell's Living Age_ (xliv. 387).

[711] A copy of it with notes by John Home, the author of Douglas, is

in the Philadelphia library.

[712] Cf. Morley, in his _Edmund Burke_, p. 125. Lord John Russell

(_Mem. and Corresp. of Fox_, i. 152) thinks the truth was warped in

charging all upon the king, while in fact "the sovereign and his people

were alike prejudiced, angry, and wilful."

[713] Cf. Franklin's _Works_ (Sparks), x. 293; Wells's _S. Adams_, ii.

340, 360; _John Adams's Works_, i. 204, ix. 627, and his _Familiar

Letters_, 134, 137, 146; Moore's _Diary_, i. 208; Jones's _N. Y. during

the Amer. Rev._, i. 63; Force's, _Amer. Archives_, indexes. A letter

from Charleston, S. C., March 17, 1776, says, "Common Sense hath made

independents of the majority of the country, and [Christopher] Gadsden

is as mad with it as ever he was without it" (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._,

xi. 254). On Paine, see Duyckinck, Allibone, Poole's _Index_, W. B.

Reed in _No. Amer. Rev._, vol. lvii.; J. W. Francis' _Old New York_,

2d ed., p. 137; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 19, 108; _N. E. Hist. and

Geneal. Reg._, October, 1879. See further, on his influence at this

time, Frothingham's _Rise_, etc., 476, 479; Barry's _Mass._, iii.

89; Randall's _Jefferson_, i. 137; Bancroft, orig. ed., ch. 56. On

the English side, Smyth's _Lectures_, ii. 430, 446; Mahon, vi. 93;

Ryerson, ii. ch. 32. For the Rousseauishness of the sentiments, see

Lecky, iv. 51. Louis Rosenthal (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1884, p.

46) thinks we need not go beyond English precedents for any of the

sentiments of the day. For the bibliography of _Common Sense_, See

Hildeburn's _Issues of the Press in Penna._ (1886), nos. 3,433, etc.;

Sabin, xiv. p. 124; _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,536; Brinley, ii. p. 166.

It was printed and reprinted in Philadelphia, in English and once in

German, and in the same year (1776) reprinted in Salem, Newburyport,

Providence, Boston, Norwich, Newport, New York, Charleston, and also in

London and Edinburgh, and is included in Paine's _Writings_ (Albany,

1791-92; Charlestown, Mass., 1824; New York, 1835, etc.) A volume of

_Large Additions to Common Sense_ (Philad. and London, 1776, etc.) was

got up by Robert Bell to extend his edition over that of Paine's then

publisher (Hildeburn, no. 3,439; Brinley, ii. no. 4,100). Frothingham

(p.476) has a bibliographical note. It is included in a French _Recueil

des divers écrits_ of Paine (Paris, 1793).

There is a portrait of Thomas Paine by Peale, engraved by J. Watson

(cf. J. C. Smith's _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iv. 1529). A likeness by

Romney, engraved by William Sharp, in two sizes. There is a portrait in

Independence Hall, Philadelphia.

The chief answer was _Plain Truth, written by Candidus_ (Philad. and

London, 1776). In the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, 4to ed., iii. 642, its

authorship by Charles Inglis is thought to be established; but see

Franklin Burdge in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 59. Sabin (xv. p. 176)

says it was probably by Jos. Galloway; but there is no evidence of

it. Hildeburn (no. 3,345) gives reasons for assigning it to George

Chalmers. It passed to a second edition.

[714] Bancroft (_United States_, orig. ed., ix. ch. 15; final ed., v.

ch. 9), and G. W. Greene (_Hist. View_, p. 104) groups the several

records.

[715] Rives's _Madison_, i. ch. 5; Madison's _Writings_, i. 21; Niles's

_Principles and Acts_, 1876, p. 301; J. E. Cooke in _Mag. of Amer.

Hist._, May, 1884; Preston's _Docs. illus. Amer. Hist._, p. 206, and

_Bill of Rights passed June 12, 1776, adopted without alteration by the

Convention of 1829-30, and readopted with amendments by the Convention

of 1850-51, and now readopted as passed June 12, 1776_ (Richmond, 1861;

also _Journal of the Convention of 1861_). On George Mason see R.

Taylor in _No. Amer. Rev._, cxxviii. 148; _Southern Bivouac_, April,

1886. A portrait is owned by the Penna. Hist. Soc.

[716] Randall's _Jefferson_, i. ch. 6; Grigsby's discourse on the

Convention in 1855.

[717] Cf. the account of its centennial celebration, July 30, 1877,

with a view of the old senate house at Kingston, in the _Centennial

Celebrations of N. Y._ (Albany, 1879), and J. A. Stevens's "Birth of

the Empire State" in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. p. 1. Also see

_Ibid._, April, 1887, p. 310, and Dawson's _West Chester County_, pp.

182, 206.

Congress, July 1, 1782, passed votes for perpetuating the observance

of the day (_Journals_, iv. 43). A famous letter of John Adams to his

wife, dated July 3d, and predicting that the future observance would

be of July 2d as the essential day, was so far altered as to be dated

July 5th when first printed, in order to keep the prophecy true to the

custom, which by that time had designated July 4th as the day to be

observed (_Familiar Letters_, p. 190; _Works_, ix. 420). A letter of

Adams to Judge Dawes on this point is in Niles's _Principles_, etc.

(1876), p. 328. Cf. _Potter's American Monthly_, Dec., 1875.

[718] _The Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the

Commonwealth of Massachusetts: agreed upon by the Committee—to be laid

before the Convention of Delegates, assembled at Cambridge, on the

First Day of September, A. D. 1779, and continued by adjournment to

the Twenty-eighth Day of October following_ (Boston, 1779). Cf. also

_A Constitution or Frame of Government agreed upon by the Delegates

of the People of the State of Massachusetts Bay, in Convention begun

and held at Cambridge on the First of September, 1779, and continued

by adjournment to the Second of March, 1780_. _To be submitted to the

Revision of their Constituents &c._ (Boston, 1779), and _An Address of

the Convention for Framing a new Constitution of Government for the

State of Massachusetts Bay, to their Constituents_ (Boston, 1780). Cf.

also Parsons's _Life of Theophilus Parsons_, p. 46; Brooks Adams's

_Emancipation of Massachusetts_, p. 307.

[719] Cf. Dr. Charles Deane's report on this document in _Mass. Hist.

Soc. Proc._, v. 88. The Hon. Alexander H. Bullock read a paper before

the Amer. Antiq. Society in April, 1881, which was printed as _The

Centennial of the Mass. Constitution_ (Worcester, 1881), and the

_Proceedings of the N. E. Hist. Geneal. Society_ in commemoration were

also printed, and embodied a report of the proceedings of the State

authorities.

[720] The Articles of Confederation can be found in Elliot's _Debates_,

i. 79; Ramsay's _Rev. in So. Carolina_, i. 437; Hinman's _Conn. in

the Rev._, 103; George Tucker's _United States_, i. App., p. 636; L.

H. Porter's _Outlines of the Constitutional Hist. of the U. S._, p.

48; Walker's _Statesman's Manual_ (New York, 1849), i. p. 1; _New

Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 747; N. C. Towle's _Hist. and Analysis

of the Constitution of the U. S._ (Boston, 1871), p. 328; Lossing's

_Field-Book_, ii. 859; H. W. Preston's _Documents illustrating Amer.

Hist._ (1886), p. 218, etc. For the debates and contemporary and later

views, see John Adams's _Works_, i. 268, ii. 492, ix. 467; _Mass.

Hist. Soc. Coll._, xliv. 315; Wells's _Sam. Adams_, ii. 473, 480;

Bancroft, ix. 436; Hildreth, iii. 266; Parton's _Franklin_, ii. 125;

Frothingham's _Rise of the Republic_, 569; Pitkin's _United States_;

Story (i. 209) and Curtis (i. 114) on the _Constitution_; Elliot's

_Debates_, i. 70; Von Holst's _Constitutional Hist. of the U. S._, ch.

1; Rives's _Madison_, i. ch. 10; Greene's _Hist. View_, 14; Draper's

_Civil War_, i. 265, etc.

[721] Mother of Lindley Murray, the grammarian.

[722] ... "On the 2^{nd} of November 1776 I sacrificed", says he,

"all I was worth in the world to the service of my King & country,

and joined the then Lord Percy, brought in with me the Plans of Fort

Washington, by which Plans that Fortress was taken by his Majesty's

Troops the 16 instant, together with 2700 Prisoners and Stores &

Ammunition to the amount of 1800 Pounds. At the same time, I may with

Justice affirm, from my knowledge of the Works, I saved the Lives of

many of his Majesty's subjects. These, Sir, are facts well known to

every General officer which was there." . . . . . . . . .

[723] For this New Jersey campaign see chapter v.—ED.

[724] Every true American should be most profoundly grateful that this

incompetent general was placed at the head of the British army, not for

his own merits, but because of his connection with royalty through his

grandmother's frailty. His mother was the issue of George I. and Sophia

Kilmansegge.

[725] After Germain had written out Howe's orders, he left them to

be "fair copied", and went to Kent on a visit, forgetting on his

return to sign them; consequently they were pigeon-holed till May

18th, and did not reach Howe till August 16th, after he had left New

York upon his expedition to the Chesapeake, and when it was too late

to effect a junction with Burgoyne. Cf. Fitzmaurice's _Shelburne_,

i. 358; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 233); Jones's _N. Y. during the

Revolution_, i. App. p. 696.—ED.

[726] In ridicule of this appeal, Burke indulged in an illustration

which delighted the House of Commons. "Suppose", he exclaimed, "there

was a riot on Tower Hill. What would the keeper of his Majesty's lions

do? Would he not fling open the dens of the wild beasts, and then

address them thus: 'My gentle lions—my humane bears—my tender-hearted

hyenas, go forth! But I exhort you, as you are Christians and members

of civil society, to take care not to hurt any man, woman, or child.'"

[727] The familiar portrait of Schuyler is one by Trumbull, both in

civil and military dress, in engravings by Thomas Kelly, H. B. Hall,

and others. Cf. Lossing's _Life of Schuyler_, vol. i.; Irving's

_Washington_, vol. ii. 40; Stone's _Campaigns of Burgoyne_, p. 38;

_Centennial Celebrations of N. Y._ (Albany, 1878); C. H. Jones's

_Campaign for the Conquest of Canada in 1776_; _The Amer. Portrait

Gallery_, etc.

G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial New York_, ii. 253), in his account of

General Philip Schuyler, points out some errors of a personal nature,

into which Lossing and Judge Jones have fallen, respecting Schuyler's

private history. For the Schuyler family, see _N. Y. Geneal. and Biog.

Record_, April, 1874.

Schuyler's house in Albany, at which he entertained Burgoyne after his

surrender, is shown in Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 304; his _Hudson

River_, p. 129; _Mag. of Amer. History_, July, 1884. Cf. _Hours at

Home_, ix. 464. Of Mrs. Schuyler, the hostess, see account in S. B.

Wister and Agnes Irwin's _Worthy Women of our First Century_ (Philad.,

1877). The mansion was sold in October, 1884, to be removed. A plan of

Albany during this period (dated 1770) is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._,

iii. 697.—ED.

[728] The total losses in this campaign of the Anglo-British army were:

British prisoners, 2,442; foreign prisoners, 2,198; General Burgoyne

and staff officers (including six members of Parliament), 12; sent to

Canada, 1,100; sick and wounded, 598; making the total surrendered,

October 17, 1777, to be 6,350. Then there were taken prisoners before

the surrender, 400; deserters, 300; lost at Bennington, 1,220; killed

between September 17 and October 17, 1777, 600; taken at Ticonderoga,

413; killed at Oriskany, 300; giving an entire loss of 3,233,—which,

with those surrendered, make a total loss of 9,583.

Besides the _personnel_, there were lost in the campaign, 6 pieces of

cannon at Bennington; 2 pieces and 4 royals at Fort Stanwix; 400 set

of harness; a number of ammunition wagons and horses; 5,000 stand of

arms; 37 pieces of brass cannon, implements and stores complete, camp

equipage, etc., etc.

[729] Captain John Montressor, a British "Chief Engineer of America"

in the Revolution, who was with Putnam under Colonel Bradstreet in

1764, goes so far as to intimate (very likely without warrant) a still

stronger reason for the general's inefficiency at Long Island and in

the Hudson Highlands. In his journal (page 136), published by the New

York Historical Society, 1882, speaking of the venality of the American

"Rebel Generals", he says "Even Israel Putnam, of Connecticut, might

have been bought, to my certain knowledge, for _one dollar per day_."

[730] _Life and Times of General Philip Schuyler, by Benson J.

Lossing_, N. Y., 1872; _Battles of the American Revolution, by

General Henry B. Carrington_, N. Y., 1876; _Life and Correspondence

of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne, by Edward B. de Fonblanque_,

London, 1876; _Burgoyne and the Northern Campaign, by Ellen Hardin

Walworth_, 1877; _The Campaign of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne and

the Expedition of Lieut.-Col. Barry St. Leger, by William L. Stone_,

1877; Addresses and Papers upon Major-General Philip Schuyler and the

Burgoyne Campaign, by General J. Watts de Peyster, published variously,

1877-83; _Centennial Celebration of the State of New York_, 1879;

_Life of Major-General Benedict Arnold—his Patriotism and Treason, by

Isaac N. Arnold_, 1880; _Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, annotated by

William L. Stone, with an introduction on his Life by General J. Watts

de Peyster, and Sketch of the Tories or Loyalists by Colonel T. Bailey

Myers_, 1882; _Hadden's Journal and Orderly Book, annotated by General

Horatio Rogers_, Providence, 1881; _The Hessians in the Revolution, by

Edward J. Lowell_, 1884.

[731] _Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's History of the

Northern Campaign of 1777, and the Character of Major-General Philip

Schuyler, by George L. Schuyler_; _The Life and Times of Major-General

Philip Schuyler, by Benson J. Lossing, LL. D._

[732] The ARTICLES of Oct. 16, 1777, were as follows, viz.:—

"I. The troops, under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to march out

of their camp with the honors of war and the artillery of the

intrenchments, to the verge of the river where the old fort stood,

where the arms and artillery are to be left; the arms to be piled by

word of command from their own officers.

"II. A free passage to be granted to the army, under Lieutenant-General

Burgoyne, to Great Britain, on condition of not serving again in North

America during the present contest; and the port of Boston is assigned

for the entry of transports to receive the troops whenever General Howe

shall so order.

"III. Should any cartel take place, by which the army under General

Burgoyne, or any part of it, may be exchanged, the foregoing article to

be void as far as such exchange shall be made.

"IV. The army under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne to march to

Massachusetts Bay, by the easiest, most expeditious, and convenient

route; and to be quartered in, near, or as convenient as possible to

Boston, that the march of the troops may not be delayed when transports

arrive to receive them.

"V. The troops to be supplied on their march, and during their being

in quarters, with provisions by General Gates's orders, at the same

rate of rations as the troops of his own army; and if possible, the

officers' horses and cattle are to be supplied with forage at the usual

rates.

"VI. All officers to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and other

cattle, and no baggage to be molested or searched; Lieutenant-General

Burgoyne giving his honor that there are no public stores secreted

therein. Major-General Gates will of course take the necessary measures

for the due performance of this article. Should any carriages be wanted

during the march, for the transportation of officers' baggage, they

are, if possible, to be supplied by the country at the usual rates.

"VII. Upon the march, and during the time the army shall remain

in quarters in Massachusetts Bay, the officers are not, as far as

circumstances will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers

are to be quartered according to rank, and are not to be hindered from

assembling their men for roll-call and other necessary purposes of

regularity.

"VIII. All corps whatever of General Burgoyne's army, whether composed

of sailors, bateau-men, artificers, drivers, independent companies, and

followers of the army, of whatever country, shall be included in the

fullest sense and utmost extent of the above articles, and comprehended

in every respect as British subjects.

"IX. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian

establishment, consisting of sailors, bateau-men, artificers, drivers,

independent companies, and many other followers of the army, who come

under no particular description, are to be permitted to return there;

they are to be conducted immediately by the shortest route to the first

British port on Lake George, are to be supplied with provisions in

the same manner as the other troops, and are to be bound by the same

condition of not serving during the present contest in North America.

"X. Passports to be immediately granted for three officers,

not exceeding the rank of captains, who shall be appointed by

Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, to carry despatches to Sir William

Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great Britain by way of New York; and

Major-General Gates engages the public faith that these despatches

shall not be opened. These officers are to set out immediately after

receiving their despatches, and are to travel the shortest routes and

in the most expeditious manner.

"XI. During the stay of the troops in Massachusetts Bay, the officers

are to be admitted on parole, and are to be allowed to wear their side

arms.

"XII. Should the army under Lieutenant-General Burgoyne find it

necessary to send for their clothing and other baggage to Canada, they

are to be permitted to do it in the most convenient manner, and the

necessary passports granted for that purpose.

"XIII. These Articles are to be mutually signed, and exchanged

to-morrow morning at nine o'clock, and the troops under

Lieutenant-General Burgoyne are to march out of their intrenchments at

three o'clock in the afternoon.

(Signed) HORATIO GATES, _Major-General_. (Signed) J. BURGOYNE,

_Lieutenant-General_.

"SARATOGA, October 16th, 1777."

[733] A letter of Glover about the march, dated Cambridge, Jan. 27,

1778, is in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. iii.). The line of their march

is shown in Anburey's _Travels_. Mrs. Hannah Winthrop's letter, Nov.

11, 1777, describing the entry of Burgoyne's army into Cambridge, is

cited in Mrs. Ellet's _Women of the Revolution_, i. 96. A journal of

the Northern campaign of 1777 (Oct. 6th to Nov. 9th), at which last

date the writer "attended Mr. Burgoyne to Boston", is among the Langdon

Papers, copied in the _Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). The commander of

the Eastern department at this time was Gen. Heath (Heath's _Memoirs_,

p. 134; _Hist. Mag._, iii. 170; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 183). Letters

of Burgoyne to Heath are in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 482,

etc. A letter of Burgoyne (copy) to the president of Congress, dated

at Cambridge, Feb. 11, 1778, is in _Letters and Papers, 1777-1780_

(MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc.). Burgoyne preferred charges against Capt.

David Henley, an officer of the guard, for cruel behavior towards the

prisoners. He was tried and acquitted. _An Account of the Proceedings

of a Court Martial held at Cambridge by order of Maj. General Heath

for the trial of Col. David Henley, taken in short hand by an officer

who was present_, was published in London, 1778. The trial lasted from

Jan. 20 to Feb. 25, 1778. The proceedings were also printed in Boston

(_Brinley Catal._, nos. 4,024-25). The trial is epitomized in P. W.

Chandler's _Amer. Criminal Trials_ (ii. 59). There are jottings about

the influence of the prisoners in Boston at the time in Ezekiel Price's

diary in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, October, 1865. The orders

of Burgoyne issued in Cambridge are given in _Hadden's Journal_. Gen.

Phillips commanded the convention troops after Burgoyne's departure.

There are letters of Phillips in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1885,

p. 91. The parole which the English and German officers signed, to keep

within certain limits of territory, is in the Boston Public Library

(Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 878, and _Burgoyne's Orderly-Book_). There

are details of their life in Cambridge in Schlözer's _Briefwechsel_

(iv. 341); the memoirs of Riedesel and Madame Riedesel; and in

Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_. Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_; Drake's

_Landmarks of Middlesex_; and Mrs. Ellet's _Domestic Hist. of the Amer.

Rev._ (N. Y., 1850), p. 85. A MS. copy of Nathan Bowen's _Book of

General Orders_ is in the Boston Public Library.—ED.

[734] Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 466, x. 126. Cf. Lafayette's _Mémoires_,

i. 21; Hildreth's _United States_, iii. 237, 255; Lowell's _Hessians_,

ch. 12.—ED.

[735] Cf. also Geo. W. Greene in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 231;

De Lancey in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 698.—ED.

[736] _Hadden's Journal_, p. 397.

[737] Sparks, _Washington_, v. 144.

[738] _Journals of Congress_, ii. p. 18. Cf. Jones, _N. Y. during the

Rev. War_, App. p. 699. Cf. further in _Journals of Congress_, ii. 343,

397; _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 162.—ED.

[739] Lafayette told Sparks that there was the strongest circumstantial

evidence that the British intended to take the troops, not to England,

but to New York, the vessels not being provisioned for an Atlantic

voyage, and that they claimed justification in this purpose because the

Americans had themselves broken the convention. He also added that the

British government would not ratify the convention, because they could

not keep faith with rebels.

Much of the correspondence about the detention is copied in the _Sparks

MSS._, no. lviii., part 2. The English files are in the War Office,

London, in the collection "Quebec and Canada, 1776-1780;" and other

papers are in the Headquarters or Carleton Papers.—ED.

[740] There is a map of their route and a view of their encampment

at this place in Anburey's _Travels_, which last is reproduced in

Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 552. Cf. also the print as published by

Wm. Lane, London, Jan. 1, 1789 (_Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, p. 89,

no. 612). The command of the encampment in Virginia was given to Col.

Theodorick Bland, Jr., and copies of some of his papers are in the

_Sparks MSS._ (no. xli.). The _Bland Papers_, edited by Chas. Campbell,

were published at Petersburg, 1840-43. Accounts of the troops' sojourn

in Virginia are given by Anburey, Riedesel, and Eelking. Cf. also

Jefferson's _Writings_ (i. 212); lives of Jefferson, by Tucker (i. ch.

5), Randall (i. 232, 285), and Parton (p. 222); Howison's _Virginia_

(ii. 250); Lowell's _Hessians_. On October 26, Jefferson had urged upon

Washington the removal of the convention troops, as it might not be

possible to protect them in case of an invasion of Virginia (_Sparks

MSS._, lxvi.). In November the English troops were removed to Fort

Frederick. Large numbers deserted (Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, ii.

324).—ED.

[741] By this exercise of sovereignty, the government of the United

States unhesitatingly repudiated Major-General W. T. Sherman's

agreement with Lieutenant-General Joseph E. Johnston, for the surrender

of the Confederate Army, April 13, 1865, at Durham Station, North

Carolina.

[742] "It matters little what terms are granted, if it be not intended

to fulfil them." Mahon, vi. 278. Cf. Lecky, iv. 96.—ED.

[743] 4 Force's _Amer. Archives_, vol. iii., iv., v., and vi.; Sparks's

_Washington_ (iv. 416); his _Correspondence of the Rev._ (i. 377);

Heath's _Memoirs_, 47; Boynton's _West Point_; Duer's _Stirling_;

Lossing's _Schuyler_, and _Field-Book_ (ii. 135); and particularly

Edward Manning Ruttenber's _Obstructions to the navigation of Hudson's

River; embracing the minutes of the secret committee, appointed by the

Provincial convention of New York, July 16, 1776, and other original

documents relating to the subject_. _Together with papers relating

to the beacons_ (Albany, 1860), being no. 5 of _Munsell's Historical

Series_.

[744] Among the Sparks maps at Cornell University are two sheets

showing the Hudson River with soundings, in part at high tide and in

part at half tide. They are each thirty inches long, and appear to be

by the same draftsman. One of them is indorsed: "Drawn by the request

and under the inspection of the Commissioners of Fortifications in the

Highlands, Province of New York, by JOHN GRENELL." One shows Haverstraw

Bay and Tappan Bay to a point above Dobbs Ferry, and indicates the

site of Tarrytown. The other extends from Stony Point to "Polyphemes

Island", below Newburgh. Constitution Island is called "Martler's

Rock;" and beside Bunn's house, there is indicated at that point

the block house, a "curtain fronting the river, mounting fourteen

cannon", the wharf, barracks, storehouse, and commissioner's room, and

landing place. West Point is opposite, unoccupied, and Moore's house

is above. Fort Montgomery and a higher battery is delineated at "Poop

Lopes Kill", and from it along the river towards West Point is the

inscription: "By good information there is a waggon road from Poop

Lopes Kill to West Point."

Another sheet contains "a plan of a fort proposed on the east of Fort

Constitution, laid down by scale of twenty feet to an inch per Isaac

Nicoll", and indorsed "Received May 10, 1776." Another has a distant

view of fortifications, topping a range of hills, and is marked "Fort

Montgomery." It is not clear what is meant by it.

There is in the same collection "A rough map of Fort Montgomery,

showing the situation on Puplopes [_sic_] Point; ground plot of the

buildings, etc., etc., Pr. T. P. No. 2", which is indorsed also "Plan

of the works at Fort Montgomery, May 31, 1776, no. 2." Mr. Sparks has

written upon the original draft, "For an explanation see Ld. Stirling's

letter to Washington, dated June 1, 1776."

There are likewise two plans in colors among the Sparks maps at

Cornell University, marked "No. 1" and "No. 3", which seem to have

been made in 1776. The first shows the Hudson River from Stony Point

to Constitution Island. West Point, which is opposite, is not named.

It bears no indorsement and no names, but in one corner is a profile

view of the bank in the neighborhood apparently of Peekskill. The works

on Constitution Island are indicated, and Sparks has noted on it, "See

Ld. Stirling's letter to Washington, June 1, 1776." The other plan

shows the neighborhood of Fort Constitution (opposite West Point) on a

larger scale, a sketch of which, reduced, is given herewith and marked

"Constitution Island, 1776." Cf. the map from the _American Archives_

in Boynton's _West Point_, p. 26.

[745] For this period see 4 Force, vol. v.; Heath's _Memoirs_;

Sparks's _Gouverneur Morris_ (i. ch. 5); lives of Putnam; Almon's

_Remembrancer_; histories of New York, city and province. There is much

of detail with references in Dawson's _Westchester County, during the

American Revolution_ (Morrisania, 1886), p. 159, etc., particularly as

respects the political influence of the provincial congress and the

treatment of suspected persons. This book, for the period covered by

it, is one of the thoroughest pieces of work respecting the history

of the Revolution; but it is unfortunately marred by a captious and

carping spirit, so characteristic of Dawson's historical work. This

monograph is a separate issue of a portion of a _History of Westchester

County_, by several hands.

[746] Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, p. 91. This lighthouse was built

in 1762. There is a view of it in the _N. Y. Mag._, Aug., 1790.

[747] Persifer Frazer to his wife, May 23-June 29, 1776, in _Sparks

MSS._ (no. xxi.). General Glover's letters in Upham's _Glover_. Others

in 5 Force, ii. Colonel Joseph Hodgkin's in _Ipswich Antiquarian

Papers_, vols. ii. and iii. Letter of Samuel Kennedy in June, in

_Penna. Mag. of Hist._ (1884, p. 111). Cf. Diary of the Moravian Ewald

Gustav Schaukirk, 1775-1783, in _Ibid._, x. 418. In July, the statue of

George III. in Bowling Green was pulled down. P. O. Hutchinson's _Gov.

Hutchinson_, ii. 167. George Gibbs's account of the statue in _N. Y.

Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1844, p. 168.

[748] Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. ch. 6. Some of the British

frigates ascending the Hudson in July, an attempt was made to destroy

them. _Worcester Mag._, i. 353; _Hist. Mag._, May, 1866, Suppl., p. 84.

Dawson (_Westchester County_, 192, 207, 213, 214, 215, 216) goes into

detail, faithfully citing all the authorities.

[749] Cf. Bellin's _Petit Atlas Maritime_ (1764), vol. i.

[750] Cf. a MS. map by John Montresor, surveyed by order of General

Gage, and dated Sept. 18, 1766, which is among the Faden maps (no. 96)

in the library of Congress. A plan by Montresor in 1775 of _New York

et Environs_, with the harbor in the corner in much detail, measuring

about 48 inches wide by 22 high, is among the Rochambeau maps (no. 23)

in the same library.

[751] _A Draught of New York harbor from the Hook to New York town,

by Mark Tiddeman_, was issued by Mount and Page in London, and is

reproduced in Valentine's _New York City Manual_, 1855. (Cf. also

_Ibid._, 1861, p. 628.) There is another (1776) in the _North American

Pilot_, no. 24, which was published separately as _A Chart of the

Entrance of Hudson's River from Sandy Hook to New York, with the

banks, etc._ (London, Sayer and Bennett, June 1, 1776). One was made

in 1779 by Robert Erskine; and another is contained in the _Neptune

Americo-septentrional_, no. 19.

A map of New York and Staten Island, with intervening waters, made by

order of General Clinton in 1781, is noted in the _King's Maps_ (Brit.

Mus.), ii. 355. Cf. _N. Y. City Manual_, 1870, p. 845. A MS. draft of

Long Island Sound and the entrance of New York harbor is among the

Faden maps (no. 54) in the library of Congress.

[752] Known as the Hickey Plot. It is detailed in the _Minutes of the

trial and examination of certain persons in the Province of New York,

charged with being engaged in a conspiracy against the authority of

the Congress and the liberties of America_ (London, 1786,—Menzies,

no. 1,400), which was reprinted (100 copies) as _Minutes of Conspiracy

against the liberties of America_, at Philadelphia in 1865. The

ringleader was one of Washington's life guard, Thomas Hickey, who

was hanged in June, 1776. David Matthews, the mayor of New York, was

implicated, and Governor Tryon was charged with a knowledge of the

plot. Matthews was arrested and confined in Connecticut (_Orderly-book

of Sir John Johnson_, 214, 215). Cf. _N. Y. in the Rev._ (papers in N.

Y. Merc. Library), p. 66; Irving's _Washington_, ii. 232; _N. E. Hist.

and Geneal. Reg._, xxiii. 205; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, Doc. 129.

[753] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1866, p. 69.

[754] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 451; _Journals of Congress_, June

3 and July 19, 1776; Journal of Algernon Roberts on an expedition to

Paulus Hook, in _Sparks_ MSS., no. xlviii.; Johnston's _Campaign of

1776_, p. 113. The New Jersey militia were acting in concert under

Livingston. There is a journal of a Lieut. Bangs among them, from April

to July. _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii.

[755] Cf. letter, Aug. 4, from Staten Island, in Lady Georgiana

Cavendish's _Mem. of Admiral Gambier_, copied in _Hist. Mag._, v. 68.

[756] _Naval Chronicle_, xxxii.

[757] Greene's _Greene_, i. 158.

[758] Col. Moses Little's, beginning April 30, 1776, belonging to Benj.

Hale, of Newburyport, Mass., including orders of Greene and Sullivan;

the latter's orders of Aug. 25 are in _Hist. Mag._, ii. 354, and Col.

Wm. Douglas's, belonging to Benj. Douglas of Middletown, Conn. That of

Capt. Samuel Sawyer, Aug. 22-Nov. 27, is in the Mass. Archives. Cf.

_Journals_ of the New York provincial congress. Greene's apprehensions

as to the situation on Long Island in the early summer of 1776 can be

got from his letters in Greene's _Life of Greene_, ii. 420, etc.

[759] 5 Force, i. 1244, ii. 196; Sparks, iv. 59; Field, 383; Johnston,

Docs., p. 32.

[760] Sparks, iv. 513; Dawson, i. 150.

[761] Field, 369; Dawson, i. 156; _Penna. Hist. Soc. Bull._, i. no. 8;

Sparks, iv. 517.

[762] Gen. Parsons to John Adams, Aug. 29 and Oct. 8, in Johnston.

Smallwood's, Oct. 12, in 5 Force, ii. 1011; Field, 386; Dawson, i.

152; Ridgeley's _Annals of Annapolis_, App. Stirling to Washington

in Dawson, i. 151; Duer's _Stirling_, 163; Sparks, iv. 515. Col.

Haslet's in Sparks, iv. 516; Dawson, i. 152. Col. Chambers's, Sept. 3,

in _Chambersburg in the Colony and the Revolution_; Field, 399. Col.

Gunning Bedford's and Cæsar Rodney's in Read's _George Read_, 170.

Letters of Pennsylvania soldiers in 2 _Penna. Archives_, x. 305.

[763] Col. Samuel J. Atlee's in 2 _Penna. Archives_, i. 509; 5 Force,

i. 1251; Field, 352; _Life of Joseph Reed_, i. 413. Samuel Miles's, in

2 _Penna. Archives_, i. 517.

[764] Graydon's _Memoirs_, ch. 6; _Mem. of Col. Benj. Talmadge_ (N. Y.,

1858), cited in Johnston. James Sullivan Martin's _Narrative of some of

the adventures of a revolutionary soldier_ (Hallowell, 1830, p. 219),

cited in Field, 507. Brodhead in 1 _Penna. Archives_, v. 21, cited by

Johnston. Hezekiah Munsell's account in Stiles's _Ancient Windsor,

Conn._, 714. Cf. further, _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1875, p. 439;

Onderdonk's _Rev. Incidents in Queens County_; S. Barclay's _Personal

Recollections of the American Revolution_ (? fiction).

[765] _Freeman's Journal_ and _Penna. Journal_, quoted in Moore's

_Diary_, i. 295-297. Dr. Stiles's diary, giving the news as it reached

him, is cited by Field and Johnston.

[766] _Gazette Extraordinary_, Oct. 10, also in 5 Force, i. 1255-56;

_Naval Chronicle_ (1841); Field, 378; Moore's _Diary_, 300; Dawson, i.

154. Howe's letters during this campaign are in the _Sparks MSS._, no.

lviii.

[767] Israel Mauduit's _Remarks upon Gen. Howe's account of his

proceedings on Long Island_ (London, 1778). Howe defended himself in

his _Narrative of his Conduct in America_. Field (p. 460) gives the

parliamentary testimony, and the examination of Howe's statements (p.

471) from the _Detail and Conduct of the Amer. War_ (3d ed., 1780,

p. 17). There were mutual criminations by Howe and the war minister,

Lord George Germain. Cf. Stedman, i. 193; Smyth's _Lectures on Modern

Hist._ (Bohn ed., ii. 463-65); _Parliamentary Reg._, xi. 340; Almon's

_Debates_, xii.; Almon's _Remembrancer_, iii. A loyalist's view of the

opportunity lost in not forcing the American lines is in Jones's _N. Y.

during the Rev._, i. 112. Johnston (p. 185) points out how the English

did the real fighting, while the Hessians joined in the pursuit. Major

James Wemys, an officer of the British army serving in America, dying

in New York in 1834-35, left papers, which were copied by Sparks while

in the hands of Rev. Wm. Ware (_Sparks MSS._, xx.). They include his

estimates of various generals of the British army; strictures on the

peculations of some of them; including criticisms of Howe's conduct in

the fights at Long Island, Whiteplains, and Trenton.

[768] _Naval Chronicle_, xxxii., 271. Field (p. 407) gives G. S.

Rainer's account from the journals of Collier. Cf. Ithiel Town's

_Particular Services_ (N. Y., 1835).

[769] _Evelyns in America_, pp. 266, 325. Lushington's _Lord Harris_,

cited by Field (p. 405). A letter of Earl Percy, Newtown, on Long

Island, Sept. 1, in which he says that the English loss was 300, the

American 3,000, with 1,500 privates, beside officers, taken prisoners,

and "he flatters himself that this campaign will put a total end to the

war" (MSS. in Boston Pub. Library). The _Hist. MSS. Com._, 2d _Report_,

p. 48, shows a letter of Sir John Wrottesley to his wife, dated Long

Island, Sept. 3.

[770] Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_, ch. 1; Lowell's _Hessians_, p.

58; and the appendix of Field. There is a French view in Hilliard

d'Auberteuil's _Essais_, vol. ii.

[771] Bancroft made some adverse criticisms of Greene in his orig.

ed., ix. ch. 4. George W. Greene replied in a pamphlet, which he has

reprinted in his _Life of Greene_, vol. ii., in which (book ii. ch.

7) he gives his own version of the battle. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, Feb. and

Aug., 1867.

[772] Respecting the retreat, Washington had ordered Heath (5 Force,

i. 1211) to send down boats from up the Hudson, which he did (Heath,

_Memoirs_, 57). Washington's reasons for a retreat are told in a letter

of Joseph Reed, Aug. 30th, to Wm. Livingston, given in Sedgwick's

_Livingston_, 201. (Cf. Sparks, _Washington_, iv. 81.) Johnston

collates the authorities upon the reasons (p. 215), and thinks Gordon's

account the most probable, that the American lines were unfit to stand

siege operations, which Howe had begun. The proceedings of the council

of war (Aug. 29th) which decided upon the retreat are in 5 Force, i.

1246, and in Onderdonk's _Rev. incidents in Suffolk County_, p. 161.

Bancroft (final revision, v. 38) and Wm. B. Reed (_Life of Jos. Reed_,

i. 121-126) are at issue upon the point whether the lifting of the

fog, which revealed the purpose of the English ships to get between

Brooklyn and New York, took place before the retreat was ordered, or

after it was nearly over. Bancroft's witnesses seem conclusive against

the claim of W. B. Reed that such a revelation induced Joseph Reed to

urge the retreat upon Washington (note in Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 106;

final revision, v. 38). Joseph Reed's own account is in Sedgwick's

_Livingston_, 203. Cf. Johnston, ch. 5. Col. Tallmadge (_Memoirs_, p.

11) says that Washington never received the credit which was due to him

for his wise and fortunate retreat from Long Island.

[773] Dawson (_Westchester Co._, 224) puts the British army at over

forty thousand men when the campaign opened. Beatson's _Naval and Mil.

Memoirs_, vi.; 5 Force, i.; Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. 85-90; final

revision, v. 28; Johnston, 195-201, and Docs., p. 167, 176, 180; De

Lancey in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, 600. There is a MS. on the

prisoners taken noted in the _Bushnell Catal._ (1883), no. 791. Lecky

(_England in the XVIIIth Century_, iv. 2, N. Y. ed.) says: "The English

and American authorities are hopelessly disagreed about the exact

numbers engaged, and among the Americans themselves there are very

great differences. Compare Ramsay, Bancroft, Stedman, and Stanhope,

[Mahon]."

There has been a controversy over the death of Gen. Woodhull, who was

captured a few days later, and killed, as was alleged, while trying to

escape. Cf. 5 Force, ii., iii. (index); De Lancey in Jones, ii. chap.

20, and p. 593; Johnston's _Observations on Jones_, p. 73; Luther R.

Marsh's _Gen. Woodhull and his Monument_ (N. Y., 1848); _Hist. Mag._,

v. 140, 172, 204, 229; Henry Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Narrative of Woodhull's

Capture and death_ (1848).

[774] Mercy Warren's _Amer. Revolution_; Bancroft, ix. ch. 4 and 5;

final revision, v. ch. 2; Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii.; Gay's _Pop.

Hist. U. S._, iii. ch. 20, etc.

[775] Lives of Washington by Marshall, ii. ch. 7; by Sparks, i. 190;

by Irving, ii. ch. 31, 32; of Sullivan by Amory, p. 25; of Stirling by

Duer; of Olney by Williams; of Burr by Parton, i. ch. 8, etc.

[776] Most elaborate of such is R. H. Stiles's _Hist. of Brooklyn_

(p. 242). Cf. Thompson's _Long Island_; Strong's _Flatbush_; Henry

Onderdonk, Jr.'s _Kings County_. Letters of Onderdonk to Sparks in

1844, on the battle, are in the _Sparks MSS._, no. xlviii. There is

a paper by the Rev. J. W. Chadwick, of Brooklyn, in _Harper's Mag._,

liii. p. 333. Cf. Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 11. A personal

narrative of Thomas Richards, a Connecticut soldier, is in _United

Service_ (Aug., 1884), xii. 216.

[777] The earliest special treatment is Samuel Ward in _Battle of Long

Island_ (1839; also see _Knickerbocker Mag._, xiii. 279). Field's

monograph makes vol. ii. of the _Memoirs of the Long Island Hist.

Soc._, and nearly half the volume is an appendix of documents. _The

Campaign of 1776 round New York and Brooklyn_ (Brooklyn, 1878), by

Henry P. Johnston, makes vol. iii. of the same series, and chapter

4 is given to the subject, and his narrative is well fortified by

documentary proofs. In placing the responsibility of the defeat, he

takes issue (p. 192) with Bancroft, Field, and Dawson, who charge it

upon Putnam. Dawson (_Battles_, i. 143) gives numerous references.

Carrington's _Battles of the Amer. Rev._ (ch. 31 and 32).

[778] _Annual Reg._, xix. ch. 5; _Parliamentary Reg._, xiii.; _The

Impartial Hist. of the late War_; Andrews's _Late War_, ch. 21;

Stedman's _Amer. War_, ch. 6; Bissett's _Reign of George III._, i.

401, also speaks of the retreat as "masterly;" Knight's _Pop. Hist.

England_, cited in Field, 447, and Mahon's.

[779] John Adams's _Works_, ix. 438; letters of Franklin and Morris

to Silas Deane, Oct. 1, 1776, noted in _Calendar of Lee MSS._, p. 7;

Stuart's _Jona. Trumbull_; Sedgwick's _Wm. Livingston_, 201; Donne's

_Corresp. of George III. and Lord North_, vol. ii.; _Rockingham and

his Contemp._, ii. 297; Russell's _Life of Fox_, and _Memorials and

Corresp. of Fox_, i. 145; Walpole's _Last Journals_, ii. 70.

[780] This map of Hill's is reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_, 1857,

and in Dunlap's _New York_ (vol. ii.).

[781] _Campaign of 1776_, p. 84.

[782] _Letters from America_, p. 429.

[783] Smith tells us that in 1766 a line of palisades, with

block-houses, still stretched across New York Island, near the line of

the present Chambers St., which had been built in the French war, at

a cost of about £8,000. Crèvecœur described the town in 1772, and his

description is translated in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 748. Cf.

Dawson's account in his _New York during the Revolution_. There are

various views of the town during the revolutionary period. One from

the southeast and another from the southwest, by P. Canot, 1768, are

reëngraved in Hough's translation of Pouchot (ii. 85, 88). Cf. _Doc.

Hist. N. Y._, octavo, ii. 43. There are others in the travels of Sandby

and Kalm. See Moore's _Diary of the Amer. Rev._, p. 311; Valentine's

_Manual_, 1852, p. 176; Appleton's _Journal_, xii. 464. A view of New

York as seen from the bay, found among Lord Rawdon's papers, is given

in _Harper's Mag._, xlvii. p. 23. Gaine's _N. Y. Pocket Almanac_, 1772,

has "Prospect of the City of N. Y." A bird's-eye view of the island, as

seen from above Fort Washington in 1781, is in Valentine's _Manual_,

1854. This last publication contains various views of revolutionary

landmarks, a of Hellgate (1850,—cf. _London Mag._, April, 1778);

the Battery and Bowling Green (1858, p. 633); the City Hall (1856,

p. 32; 1866, p. 547); the Beekman house, headquarters of Sir William

Howe in Sept., 1776 (1861, p. 496,—see also Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._,

iii. 503); the Rutgers mansion (1858, p. 607); Lord Stirling's house

(1854, p. 410); Alexander Hamilton's house (1858, p. 468). Knyphausen's

quarters in Wall St. are shown in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June,

1883, p. 409.

[784] Gordon shows this. Cf. Putnam's letter to Trumbull, Sept. 12,

1776.

[785] _Correspondence of the Provincial Congress of N. Y._; Sparks's

_Washington_, iv.; _Memoirs of Chas. Lee_; Dawson's _N. Y. during the

Rev._, p. 82; Booth's _New York_, p. 493; Irving's _Washington_, ii.

ch. 33; Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_, ch. 5; Carrington's _Battles_,

ch. 33, and his paper in _Bay State Monthly_, March, 1884. An American

orderly-book, Sept. 1-13, is among the Northumberland Papers, Alnwick

Castle (_Third Rept. Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 124). A copy of

George Clinton's reasons against evacuating is in the _Sparks MSS._,

no. xlix., vol. i. p. 10. Bancroft (ix. 175; final revision, v. 69)

shows how Stedman and W. B. Reed are in error in supposing that Lee's

counsels prevailed in ordering a retreat.

[786] Cf. Washington's views, 5 Force, ii. 495, and Niles's _Principles

and Acts_, etc. (1876 ed.), p. 464. "As the army now stands", said Knox

in 1776, "it is only a receptacle for ragamuffins" (Drake's _Knox_,

32). Cf. Greene's _Life of Greene_, i. ch. 6. The British army was

perhaps nearly double in numbers. On the extent of the opposing armies,

see 5 Force, i. and ii.; Carrington's _Battles_, p. 224; Johnston's

_Campaign of 1776_, ch. 3; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, i. App.

599. On Oct. 3d a committee of Congress reported on the condition of

the army around New York (5 Force, ii. 1385), and _Ibid._ (iii. 449)

there is a return of the entire army made Nov. 3d.

[787] Original sources: Evidence of the Court of Inquiry in 5 Force,

ii, 1251; Washington to Congress in Sparks, iv. 94; Greene to Cooke,

Sept. 17th, in 5 Force, ii. 370 (cf. Green's _Greene_, i. 216); Cæsar

Rodney to Read, Sept. 18th, in _Life of George Read_, 191; Smallwood,

Oct. 12th, in 5 Force, ii. 1013; letter of Nicholas Fish, Sept. 19th,

in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 33; letter, Sept. 24th, in _Evelyns in America_;

Major Baurmeister's account, Sept. 24th, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

Jan., 1877, p. 33 (Johnston, p. 95),—a MS. owned by Bancroft; Rufus

Putnam's _Memoirs_ (Johnston, p. 136); Heath's _Memoirs_, p. 60; Jas.

S. Martin's _Narrative_ (Johnston, Doc., p. 81). Cf. note on the

authorities in Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. p. 122; also Gordon, ii. 327.

Later accounts: Johnston, pp. 92, 232; De Lancey in Jones, App. p. 604;

Irving's _Washington_, ii. 333.

Captain Nathan Hale, of the Connecticut troops, had been sent over

to Long Island to discover the intentions of the enemy; but, being

apprehended, was hanged as a spy, Sept. 22, 1776. Cf. Hinman's

_Connecticut during the Rev._, 82, and other histories of Connecticut;

I. W. Stuart's _Life of N. Hale_, Hartford, 1856, and New York, 1874;

_Memoir of N. Hale_, New Haven, 1844; Lossing's _Two Spies_ (N. Y.,

1886); Moore's _Diary of the Rev._, p. 314; _Songs and Ballads of the

Rev._, 130; _Worcester Soc. of Antiquity Proc._, 1879; H. P. Johnston

in _Harper's Monthly_, June, 1880 (vol. lxi. p. 53); Greene's _Hist.

View_, 338; and references in _Poole's Index_, p. 566. Congress voted

him a monument. Poore's _Descriptive Catal._, etc., index, p. 1294.

[788] See the plan in Johnston's _Campaign of 1776_ (ch. vi. p. 259),

with topography based on Randall's map and old surveys.

[789] There is in the N. Y. Hist. Soc. a contemporary view of Harlem

from Morrisania (1765), drawn from an original in the British Museum,

and this is reproduced in Valentine's _Manual_, 1863, p. 611. (Cf.

_King's Maps_, Brit. Mus., i. 476.)

[790] Original sources: Washington's letter to Congress, in Dawson,

i. 163, and Sparks, iv. 97; Geo. Clinton's letter in Dawson, i. 164,

and in Dawson's _N. Y. City during the Rev._ (1861), 108; General

Silliman's in App. of Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev. War_, p. 606; John

Gooch's in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1876, p. 334; original

documents in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iv. 375; viii. 39, 627; and in 5

Force, ii.

On the British side, Gen. Howe's letter is in Dawson, i. 165; a letter

(Sept. 22d) in the Lord Wrottesley MSS., noted in _Hist. MSS. Com.

Second Rept._, p. 48; and Lushington's _Lord Harris_, p. 79. Later

accounts: Johnston, _Campaign of 1776_; Dawson's _Battles_, i. 160,

and his account in the _N. Y. City Manual_, 1868, p. 804; Carrington's

_Battles_, ch. 34; Lossing's _Field-Book_; Gay, iii. 509; J. A. Stevens

in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iv. 351, vi. 260,—also see vii., viii. 39;

E. C. Benedicts _Battle of Harlem Heights_ (N. Y., 1881), read before

the N. Y. Hist. Soc., 1878; John Jay's _Centennial Discourse_, 1876,

with App. of documents, including extracts from Stiles's diary; Smyth

(_Lect. Mod. Hist._, Bohn's ed., ii. 459) on Washington's proposed

Fabian policy. Cf. also Greene's _Greene_, Reed's _Joseph Reed_, i.

237; Colonel Humphrey's _Life of Putnam_; _Memoirs of Col. Tench

Tilghman_ (Albany, 1876). Letters of Tilghman and others at this time,

copied from the papers in the N. Y. Hist. Soc., are in the _Sparks

MSS._, no. xxxix. Cf. histories of New York city. The amplest details

of the movements which led to the actions at Harlem, of the various

changes thereabouts, and of the later retreat to White Plains will be

found in Dawson's _Westchester County_, p. 229 _et seq._, abundantly

fortified with references.

[791] Cf. current accounts from the newspapers in Moore's _Diary_, p.

311. A popular colored print published in Paris not long afterwards

assigned the cause to American incendiaries (Dufossé's _Americana_,

1879, no. 5,480). There is in Valentine's _Manual_, 1866, p. 766, a

diagram marking the spread of the fire in 1776 compared with that of

1778. A view of Trinity Church, in New York, as ruined by the fire, is

given in _Harper's Mag._, xlvii. p. 24; Valentine's _Manual_, 1861, p.

654; and Gay, iii. 510.

[792] There were reports at the time that the British troops had set

the fire. Read's _George Read_, p. 196. De Lancey (Jones, i. p. 611)

collates the accounts, both British and American, citing that of Henry,

who had just been brought by water from Quebec, and who saw it from the

transport, as one of the best descriptions (Henry's _Campaign against

Quebec_). Sparks (iv. 100, 101) gives a note to Washington's account.

Howe's account is in 5 Force, ii., with other documents. Cf. J. C.

Hamilton's _Republic_, i. 127; Reed's _Joseph Reed_, 1, 213. Mahon

(_Hist. England_, vi. 116) believes it was not set. Lecky (_England in

Eighteenth Century_, iv. p. 5, with references), who is usually very

considerate in his criticisms, cites Washington's desire to burn New

York as a sort of justification of the British burning of Falmouth and

Norfolk; but he fails to distinguish between such wanton, isolated

destruction and one of strategical use.

[793] The original map is entitled _A Plan of the Operations of the

king's army under the command of General Sir William Howe, K. B., in

New York and East New Jersey against the American forces commanded by

General Washington from the 12th of October to the 28th of Nov., 1776,

wherein is particularly distinguished the engagement on the White

Plains, the 28th of October, by Claude Joseph Sauthier_. _Engraved

by Wm. Faden, 1777. Published Feb. 25, 1777._ The original MS. draft

is among the Faden maps (library of Congress), no. 58. The engraved

map is given in fac-simile in Dawson's _Westchester County_, p. 227.

The direction of the American movements is indicated by arrows on the

broken line (— — — —), and triple lines ≡ mark camps and positions.

The British marches are shown by line and dot (—·—·—·) and their

camps by □.

The American army extended from Fort Washington to Kingsbridge, when

Howe began a movement to threaten their communications with the upper

country. Leaving Percy to cover New York at McGowan's Pass, near

Bloomingdale (A), the British embarked at Turtle Bay, Harlem, and

Long Island (B) in detachments which landed at Frog's Neck (D, under

cover of the "Carysfoot", man-of-war, C) on Oct. 12, 16, and 17, when

the Americans (at E) on the 12th broke down the bridge in their front

across the marsh, and retired part towards Kingsbridge and part towards

New Rochelle. A MS. "Survey of Frog's Neck and the route of the British

army to the 24th of Oct., 1776, by Charles Blaskowitz", on a scale of

2,000 feet to an inch, is among the Faden maps (no. 57) in the library

of Congress. The British now proceeded farther by water to Pell's Point

(F), where they landed Oct. 18, and pushing forward had the same day

a skirmish with the retiring Americans (H), and still farther pursued

them and occupied the lower bank at Mamaroneck (M) while the Americans

held the opposite bank, Oct. 22. That same day, Knyphausen with his

Germans landed at Myer's Point (G), and moving forward took ground (at

K), and remained there from Oct. 22 to 28, while close by (at J) the

main body from Pell's Point were already in camp (Oct. 18-21), when, on

the 21st, they moved forward and encamped under Heister and Clinton (at

L), where they remained till Oct. 25, and then proceeded to N, where

they stayed till Oct. 28.

Meanwhile, the Americans (at Z) had passed Kingsbridge, breaking it

down after their passage, and then dividing into two detachments. One

of these proceeded and occupied the ridge of land from X to the White

Plains, intrenching at intervals along the summit running parallel to

Bronx River. The other division proceeded north through Wepperham,

and both reunited Oct. 25 within the lines at White Plains (Q). The

British (at N) advanced on the same day, and formed, Oct. 28, opposite

the American lines (at O), while on the same day Leslie attacked the

American corps of Spencer (at P), and Oct. 29 the Americans occupied

the lines at R, and Nov. 1 fell back across the Croton River. During

Oct. 30, a part of Percy's force from Bloomingdale had come up,

leaving the road as they came north at N, and joining the left of

the British line, in place of the troops which after the fight of

the 28th had encamped at S. The British now marched, part direct and

part by Tarrytown, to Dobbs Ferry (T), where they were in camp Nov.

6, and proceeding south they were at U, Nov. 13. Dawson, _Westchester

County_, 239, points out some errors in the names in this map, which

were allowed to stand in Stedman's map, and in the first edition of

Lossing's _Field-Book_. On the American side there is a _Plan of the

Country from Frog's Point to Croton River, showing the positions of

the American and British armies from the 12th of Oct., 1776, until the

engagement on the White Plains on the 28th_, drawn by S. Lewis from the

original surveys made by order of Washington, and published in 1807. It

has been reproduced in Dawson's _Westchester County_, from the original

edition of Marshall's _Washington_. Later eclectic plans can be found

in the _Life of Washington_, by Sparks; in Hamilton's _Republic of the

United States_, i. 132; and in Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 820-826.

For Washington's headquarters (Miller house) see _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

vii. 108; and for a view of Chatterton's Hill, Gay, iii. 514.

[794] Documents in 5 Force, ii. (statement of the regiments, 1,319) and

iii.; Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 524-526, including Harrison's letter,

which is also in Dawson, i. 183, as well as a letter of Col. Haslett to

Gen. Rodney (i. 183). A letter in Johnson, Docs. p. 135. A letter of

James Tilton (Brunswick, N. J., Nov. 20, 1776) to Cæsar Rodney, among

the Pettit papers in the Amer. Philosophical Society, and a copy in the

_Sparks MSS._ (lii. vol. ii.). Allen's diary in Smith's _Pittsfield,

Mass._, i. 252. _Memoirs_ of Heath, and the _Rev. Services_ of Gen.

Hull, ch. 4. Newspaper accounts in Moore's _Diary_, 335; and the

statements of De Lancey in Jones, i. App. 621.

On the English side Howe's despatch (Nov. 30), which appeared in a

_Gazette_ of Dec. 30, is reprinted in Dawson, i. 184. This gave rise to

_Observations upon the Conduct of Sir Wm. Howe at the White Plains_,

London, 1779, known to be the work of Israel Mauduit, though published

anonymously. It included Howe's despatch. In this he criticises Howe

severely, as well as in his _Three Letters to Lt.-Gen. Sir William

Howe_ (London, 1781), with an appendix and map. When the brothers

Howe, general and admiral, were appointed, it was Hutchinson's opinion

(_Diary_, ii. 40) that "no choice could have been more generally

satisfactory to the kingdom." Hutchinson (_Ibid._, ii. 121) at this

time speaks of a letter from Major Dilkes (Nov. 3) describing the

series of actions, in which he calls White Plains the principal one,

and adds, "Though the king's troops had the advantaged pursuing them,

it does not appear that the loss was much different." Stedman's account

is in his ch. 7, and Eelking's in ch. 2 of his _Hülfstruppen_. Lowell

in his _Hessians_ uses several German accounts.

[795] Johnston, p. 262. Carrington, ch. 35. Bancroft, ix. ch. 10; final

revision, v. ch. 3 and 5. Dawson, ch. 14. Lossing's _Field-Book_,

vol. ii. For biographies: Washington, by Marshall, ii. ch. 8, and by

Irving, ii. ch. 37. J. C. Hamilton's _Republic_, i. 132. Reed's _Jos.

Reed_, i. ch. 12. Read's _George Read_, 210. _Memoirs_ of Col. Benj.

Tallmadge (N. Y., 1858). Dawson is still the amplest in detail. His

list of authorities on the action at White Plains is one of his longest

(_Westchester County_, 256, 271).

[796] JOHNSTON'S MAP.—Percy advancing from McGowan's Pass (T),

the several American outposts withdrew from Snake Hill (V), Harlem

Plains (D D), and across the hollow way (U), and under Cadwallader

resisted for a while the attack of Percy at W, till Lt.-Col. Stirling,

dispatched from the redoubt at F F, and landing at X, threatened to

intercept Cadwallader, when the Americans fell back to the lines above

Fort Washington. Meanwhile, two columns of attack approached the fort

from the other side. Cornwallis, embarking at Kingsbridge (B B), went

down Harlem River and landed at A A, under cover of batteries at F F,

and there attacked Col. Baxter at the redoubts, who retreated to the

fort. Knyphausen and Rall, advancing also from Kingsbridge (B B) to

Z, attacked Col. Rawling at Y, who also retreated to the fort. The

immediate outworks being carried on all sides, the fort surrendered

Nov. 16, 1776.

SAUTHIER-FADEN PLAN.—On the day of the fight at White Plains, Oct.

28, Knyphausen had left his camp (at K), and marching west had crossed

above Kingsbridge; and had encamped, Nov. 2, at W. The Waldeck regiment

stationed at New Rochelle had also marched, and Nov. 4 were at V, and

then proceeded towards Wepperham. The same day a portion of the British

under Grant, coming south from Dobbs Ferry, had left the main line at

4 and proceeded to 5 and 6, continuing their march next day to 7. The

American outposts on Tetard's Hill withdrew to the works about Fort

Washington, when Knyphausen threatened to cut them off. The siege and

capture of Fort Washington now followed. This accomplished, Cornwallis

embarked a part of his force at "Spiting Devil Creek" and part at 8,

united them on landing, Nov. 18, at 1, and encamped that night at

2, the garrison of Fort Lee having already fled towards 3, whither

Cornwallis followed them.

NOTE TO THE OPPOSITE MAP.—This sketch follows _A topographical map

of the north part of New York Island, exhibiting the plan of Fort

Washington, now Fort Knyphausen, with the rebel lines to the southward,

which were forced by the troops under the command of the Rt. Hon^{ble}

Earl Percy the 16th Nov. 1776, and surveyed immediately after by order

of his lordship by Claude Joseph Sauthier, to which is added the attack

made to the north by the Hessians, surveyed by order of Lieut.-Gen.

Knyphausen_. London, Wm. Faden, March 1, 1777.

The broken lines (— — —) represent roads. The Hessians advanced from

Westchester County by Kingsbridge, under Knyphausen, with detachments

of his corps, the brigade of "Raille", and the regiment of Waldeck.

They crossed the little stream L in two columns. That of Raille's

[Rall, Rahl] mounted the hill, forced the battery of twelve-pounders

and howitzers at H, and was joined before G by Knyphausen's column,

which had followed up the stream. Both pushed on and carried the works

at A. The British light infantry under Brig.-Gen. Matthews, to be

supported by the grenadiers and 33d regiment under Cornwallis, landed

at B under cover of batteries at E, whereupon the Americans on the

hill at J retired to the main works. The 42d regiment under Lt.-Col.

Stirling, with two battalions of the second brigade, crossed the river

by the dot and dash line (·—·—) and landed at C as a feint, and

advanced by the battery M. Earl Percy with a brigade of English and

another of Hessians left the advanced posts of the British at McGowan's

Pass, and following the main road (— — —) forced the successive

American lines through their abatis (× × × ×) and attacked at D.

Philip's or Dightman's bridge is at F. The British vessel "Pearl" at

K assisted the attack at A. The buildings marked _a_ were barracks

erected for winter-quarters by the Americans, but burned by them when

the British landed at Frog's Neck.

Sauthier's plan is included in _The American Atlas_, no. 23, and in

Stedman (i. 210). Three MS. plans of the attack on Fort Washington,

one of them surveyed by Sauthier on the day of the attack by order of

Lord Percy, are among the Faden maps (nos. 59, 60, 61) in the library

of Congress. The engraved map is reproduced in _The Evelyns in America_

(p. 318), in Valentine's _Manual_, 1859, p. 120 (see 1861, p. 429), and

in the _Calendar of Hist. MSS. relative to the War of the Revolution_

(Albany, 1868), i. 532.

There is in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser Europa_,

Nuremberg, 1777, _Sechster Theil_, a folding plan of the operations

on New York Island in the autumn of 1776, showing the attack on Fort

Washington, "nun das Fort Knyphausen genannt" (see also "Achter

Theil"). A German plan belonging to Mr. J. C. Brevoort, after an

original preserved in Cassel, is given in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

Feb., 1877.

The leading American later accounts give eclectic plans,—Sparks's

_Washington_, iv. 96, 160; Guizot's _Washington_; Carrington's

_Battles_, p. 254,—but they include all the movements in the north

part of the island. Cf. also Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 816, and

Grant's _British Battles_, ii. 147.

A drawing found among Lord Rawdon's papers, representing the landing of

the British forces under Cornwallis, Nov. 20, 1776, on the Jersey side

of the Hudson, after the fall of Fort Washington, is given in _Harper's

Mag._, xlvii. p. 25.

[797] Original sources: Documents in 5 Force, iii.; Washington to

Congress in Sparks, iv. 178, and Dawson, i. 193; letters of Samuel

Chase, Nov. 21-23, in the _Sparks MSS._, ix.; letter in _Hist. Mag._,

March, 1874, p. 180; newspaper accounts in Moore's _Diary_, 345, 348;

Graydon's _Memoirs_, 197; Heath's _Memoirs_, 86; Gordon's _Amer.

Rev._, ii. 350; _N. Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 408. On the British

side, Howe's despatch to Germain is in Dawson, i. 194; Lowell, in his

_Hessians_, p. 80, uses German diaries (cf. Eelking's _Hülfstruppen_,

i. 84).

Later accounts: Bancroft, orig. ed., ix. ch. 11; final revision, v.

ch. 5; Johnston, 276; Carrington, ch. 37; Dawson, i. 188; Lossing's

_Field-Book_, ii.; Gay, iii. 517.

G. W. Greene, in his _Life of Gen. Greene_, as it was the first

military mistake of that officer, is at pains to treat the history of

the siege at considerable length, enlarging upon antecedent events

(i. ch. 10 and 11). Greene had urgently claimed that it was advisable

to attempt to hold the fort, and letters giving his reasons are in

Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 297, and Drake's _Knox_, 33. G. W.

Greene holds that Gen. Greene had a right to expect a better defence,

and championed his ancestor in a tract against the criticisms of

Bancroft (Greene's _Greene_, ii. 431, 470), who put the responsibility

of the disaster upon Green's persistent refusal to evacuate the fort.

This Bancroft maintains in his original edition, and in his final

revision, where, however, he recognizes, but does not deem essential

to the British success, the treachery of Magaw's adjutant, William

Demont. There had been an intimation in Graydon's _Memoirs_ that Howe

had been helped by some kind of faithlessness in the American ranks.

In February, 1877, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (i. 65, 756), Mr. E.

F. De Lancey first made public a letter of Demont written in 1792, in

which he acknowledged having carried the plans of the fort to Percy,

"by which the fortress was taken", and this information is thought to

have induced Howe to make his sudden withdrawal from Washington's front

at White Plains. De Lancey's paper was published separately as _Capture

of Mount Washington, 1776, the result of treason_ (New York, 1777),

and he repeated the story in the notes (i. p. 626) to Jones's _N. Y.

during the Rev. War._ Johnston (p. 283) doubts if this treachery was

decisive of the result. Cf. further in lives of Washington by Marshall

and Irving (ii. ch. 38, 40); Reed's _Joseph Reed_ (i. ch. 13); and a

paper by W. H. Rawle on the part taken by Col. Lambert Cadwalader, in

the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, April, 1886, p. 11. There is a portrait of

Cadwalader in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. x. A letter (Dec. 23, 1778)

of Robert Magaw on the surrender of Fort Washington is in the _Sparks

MSS._, no. xlix. vol. iii. Cf. the account of Magaw in the _Mag. of

Western History_, September, 1886, p. 678.

[798] Sparks, iv. 186; Greene's _Greene_, ch. 12. Cf. on Fort Lee

_Appleton's Journal_, vi. 645, 660, 673, 688. Cf. the present volume,

ch. v.

[799] There is a fac-simile of it in Valentine's _Manual_, 1864, p.

668. A German map is given in the _Geschichte der Kriege in und ausser

Europa_ (Nuremberg, 1776).

[800] A map was annexed to Israel Mauduit's criticism on Howe's

conduct of this campaign, _Three letters to Lt.-Gen. Sir Wm. Howe_

(London, 1781). Marshall gives maps in both the large and small atlases

accompanying his _Life of Washington_. A MS. plan is in the Heath

Papers (i. 224) in Mass. Hist. Soc. library.

[801] The _Calendar of the Lee MSS._, p. 8, shows a letter, Dec. 20, of

Robert Morris, on the campaign's misfortunes, which is printed in the

_Diplomatic Corresp._, i. 225.

[802] The _Journal of Samuel Nash_, Jan. 1, 1776, to Jan. 9, 1777;

diary in _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1863, covering Aug.-Dec., 1776; N. Fish's

account in _Ibid._, Jan., 1869 (iii. 33). Rufus Putnam's journal in

Mary Cone's _Life of Rufus Putnam_ (Cleveland, 1886); Moravian Journals

in N. Y. City, in _The Moravian_, 1876; _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 133,

250; Johnston, p. 101. There is in _The Evelyns in America_ (p. 319) a

"Journal of the operations of the American army under Gen. Sir William

Howe from the Evacuation of Boston to the end of the Campaign of 1776",

by a British officer. Cf. _Gent. Mag._, Nov. and Dec., 1776. The

letters of Maj. Francis Hutcheson are in the _Haldimand Papers_ (Brit.

Museum). Howe's letters to Germain are in the _Sparks MSS._, lviii.,

part 2. The military movements near New York are chronicled in papers

in the London War-Office, "North America, 1773-1776."

Respecting New York city during this period, there are data in _New

York City during the American Revolution_, being a _Collection of

original papers, now first published from MSS. in the possession of

the Mercantile Library_, with an introduction by H. B. Dawson (N. Y.,

privately printed, 1861), which includes an account by William Butler;

and in papers in Valentine's _Manual_ (1862, p. 652). Cf. _Harper's

Mag._, xxxvii. 180, and _Scribner's Monthly_, Jan., 1876.

[803] Sparks's _Washington_, iii. 433; _Corresp. of the Rev._, i. 225;

Wilkinson's _Memoirs_, i. ch. 2.

[804] 4 _Force's Archives_, vi., and 5, vols. i., ii., and iii.;

Lossing's _Schuyler_, ii. 92; John Adams's _Works_, iii. 47.

[805] Various letters of this period about the army are in the Persifer

Frazer Papers (_Sparks MSS._, xxi., from July 9 to Nov. 18, 1776); in

the Gates Papers (copies in part among the _Sparks MSS._, xxii.); in

the Schuyler Papers as used in Lossing's _Schuyler_, and as existing

in the N. Y. Archives (copies in part in the _Sparks MSS._, xxix.). A

letter of Thomas Hartley (Ticonderoga, July 19, 1776) in _Mag. West.

Hist._, Sept., 1886, p. 677; one of Wayne (July 31) to Franklin in

_Sparks MSS._, no. lvii. The _N. H. State Papers_, viii., 311, 315,

325-6, 329, throw light on the feelings of the adjacent country,—Col.

Asa Potter seeking to throw the people upon Burgoyne's protection

against the Indians. The _N. H. Rev. Rolls_, ii. 2, 22, show how troops

were sent to Ticonderoga as the spring opened.

Orderly-books and army diaries of the period have been noted as

follows: Col. J. Bagley's, Lake George (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new

ser., i. 134). Col. Ruggles Woodbridge, Ticonderoga, Aug. 25 to Oct.

27, 1776 (_Sparks MSS._, lx. p. 317). Col. Wheelock's, Aug.-Nov., 1776

(in _Mass. Archives_). Anthony Wayne's _Orderly book of the northern

army, at Ticonderoga and Mt. Independence, from October 17th, 1776,

to January 8th, 1777, with biographical and explanatory notes, and an

appendix_ (Albany, 1859, being no. 3 of Munsell's historical series).

It gives the daily orders issued by General Gates and himself. Letters

of Wayne from Feb. to April, 1777 are in the _St. Clair Papers_, i.

384, etc. Moses Greenleaf, Ticonderoga, March 23 to April 4, 1777

(among the _Greenleaf MSS._, in Mass. Hist. Soc.).

_Journal of Rev. Ammi R. Robbins_ [a chaplain in the American army] _in

the northern campaign of 1776_ (New Haven, 1850). It extends from March

18 to Oct. 29, and covers a part of the retreat from Canada. Diary of

Lieutenant Jonathan Burton, Aug. 1 to Nov. 29, 1776 (_New Hampshire

State Papers_, xiv.).

[806] The original is among the Gates Papers (cf. _Sparks MSS._, xxii.

and xxxix.). They are printed in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (i. 83) and

Sparks's _Corresp. of the Rev._ (i. 537).

[807] They are printed in 5 _Force's Amer. Archives_ (ii. 1102); Dawson

(i. 171, 172); Arnold's _Arnold_ (p. 118). See also Sparks's _Corresp.

of the Rev._ (i. App.), and 5 _Force_ (vols. i., ii., iii.).

[808] Other contemporary American accounts are in Wilkinson's _Memoirs_

(ch. 2); Trumbull's _Autobiography_ (p. 34); Marshall's _Washington_

(iii. ch. 1).

[809] Later accounts are in Cooper's _Naval Hist._; Bancroft's final

revision (v. ch. 4); Irving's _Washington_ (ii. ch. 39); Lossing's

_Schuyler_ (ii. 116, 137), his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.), and a paper

in _Harper's Monthly_ (xxiii. 726); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. ch. 13);

Arnold's _Arnold_ (ch. 6); W. C. Watson in _Amer. Hist. Record_,

iii. 438, 501 (Oct., Nov., 1774); Palmer's _Lake Champlain_ (ch.

7); _Wayne's Orderly-Book_, where Arnold's tactics are particularly

examined; a pamphlet, _Battle of Valcour_ (Plattsburg, 1876); and

Osler's _Life of Viscount Exmouth_. W. L. Stone in his notes to Pausch

(p. 85) thinks the account by that German artillerist and that in

_Hadden's Journal_ as edited by Gen. Rogers are the best ones.

[810] A MS. draft of Brassier's survey (1762) is in the Faden

collection, no. 20-1/2 in the library of Congress.

[811] Vol. i. p. 163; and for a view of the spot, p. 162.

[812] The catalogue of the _Brit. Mus. additional MSS._ (no. 31,537)

refers to a similar map. See the map in _The North American Atlas_

(1777). The original MS. draft of the map engraved by Faden is in the

library of Congress (Faden collection, no. 21). There are maps of the

lake in _Wayne's Orderly-Book_, and in Palmer's _Lake Champlain_. An

elaborate survey of Lake Champlain, made in 1778-1779, one inch to the

mile, is also among the Faden maps (no. 64,—the library of Congress).

[813] It was printed in the _Gent. Mag._, April, 1778. In the appendix

of Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ it has the king's comments on it, and it was

given in this way from a manuscript in the royal hand in Albemarle's

_Rockingham and his Contemporaries_ (ii. 330). Lord Geo. Germain's

instructions to Carleton relative to the campaign are in the _Gent.

Mag._, Feb., 1778. The _Gent. Mag._ (Oct., 1777, p. 472) warned the

public of the difficulties which Burgoyne must expect to encounter.

[814] Comment from a British officer is in Anburey's _Travels_. Lecky

(iv. 31) shows the way in which the army was raised. The organization

of the army is explained in a chapter in _Hadden's Journal_. The

details of the dispatching of troops are embraced in the volume

"Secretary of State, 1776", War Office, London. The letter of Carleton

to Germain, Quebec, May 20, 1777, expressing his chagrin at not being

appointed to lead the expedition, but promising aid to Burgoyne, is

printed in Brymner's _Report on the Canadian Archives_ (1885, p.

cxxxii.) with Germain's answer. Howe in New York had notified Carleton

at Quebec, April 5, that he should not be able to communicate with

Burgoyne. Walpole records in his _Last Journals_ (ii. 160), "Lord

George Germain owned that General Howe had defeated all his views

by going to Maryland instead of waiting to join Burgoyne." There

may have been a purpose to help create the impression of Burgoyne's

destination, which that officer tried to spread, in professing to aim

at Connecticut, when Howe in April sent an expedition, under Tryon,

to Danbury, in Connecticut, to destroy stores. This was accomplished,

but Wooster and Arnold pressed the returning party with vigor and

inflicted a considerable loss. Wooster was killed. Congress ordered a

monument to his memory (_Journals_, ii. 168. Cf. Deming's oration at

the dedication of a monument in 1854, and Hinman's _Connecticut during

the Rev._, 155). The contemporary accounts are Howe's despatch to

Germain, and the narrative in the _Connecticut Journal_, April 30 (both

given in Dawson's _Battles_, i. 217, 219); current reports in Moore's

_Diary_, 423, 441; Trumbull's and Sullivan's letters in _N. Hampshire

State Papers_, viii. 547, 549, 556; a letter of James Wadsworth, dated

at Durham, May 1, 1777, in _Trumbull MSS._, vi. 94; with accounts in

Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 178, and Stedman's _Amer. War_,

ch. 14. Marshall's account in his _Washington_ was controverted by E.

D. Whittlesey (_N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 2d ser., ii. 227). Cf. Sparks's

_Washington_, iv. 404; Leake's _Lamb_, ch. xi., with a map; Stuart's

_Gov. Trumbull_, ch. 27; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 47; I. N. Arnold's

_Gen. Arnold_, ch. 7; Bancroft, ix. 346; Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii.

543; Hollister's _Connecticut_, ii. ch. 12. For local associations

see Dwight's _Travels_, iii.; Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 407-416

(with views); Teller's _Ridgefield_, p. 69 (1878), with a view of the

battlefield, April 27, 1777; C. B. Todd's _Redding_ (1880, p. 47).

[815] These include the Riedesel Memoirs, Schlözer's _Briefwechsel_

(iii. 27, 321, iv. 288), Eelking's, _Deutsche Hülfstruppen_ (ch. 4).

There is a letter from a Brunswick officer in Canada in J. H. Hering's

_Weeklijksche Berichten_ (Amsterdam,—noted in Muller's _Books on

America_, 1877, no. 1,410).

[816] There is a contemporary broadside of it in the Mass. Hist. Soc.

library, and it was printed for the English public in the _Gentleman's

Mag._ in August. Walpole, in London, in August, records his opinion of

it, "penned with such threats as would expose him to derision if he

failed, and would diminish the lustre of his success if he obtained

any" (_Last Journals_, ii. 130). The dates given to it vary from

June 29th to July 4th. It will also be found in Anburey's _Travels_;

Thacher's _Military Journal_; Moore's _Diary_ (p. 454), from the

_Penna. Evening Post_, Aug. 21; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (App. F);

Riedesel's _Memoirs_; _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 59); _Proceedings_ of the

Mass. Hist. Soc. (xii. 189) and N. Y. Hist. Soc. (Jan., 1872); _Vermont

Hist. Soc. Collections_ (i. 163); _Niles's Register_ (1876 ed., p.

179); _N. Hampshire State Papers_, viii. 660. It instigated various

burlesques (Moore's _Diary_, 459; his _Songs and Ballads of the Rev._,

167).

[817] A map by Montresor, made in 1775, showing the antecedent

knowledge of the country, is given in the _American Atlas_.

_A topographical Map of Hudson's River, ... also the Communication with

Canada by Lake George and Lake Champlain, as high as Fort Chambly, by

Claude Joseph Sauthier. Engraved by Wm. Faden, published (London) Oct.

1, 1776._

_A map of the inhabited parts of Canada, from the French surveys, with

the frontiers of New York and New England, from the large survey by

Claude Joseph Sauthier, engraved by Wm. Faden_ (London), 1777. It is

dedicated to Burgoyne, and in the margin is a table showing the various

winter-quarters of the king's army in Canada in 1776. In 1777, Le

Rouge, in Paris, reproduced Sauthier's drafts as _Cours de la rivière

d'Hudson et la Communication avec le Canada par le lac Champlain

jusqu'au Fort Chambly_. (Cf. the map in the _Atlas Amériquain_, no.

23.) Sauthier's surveys were also used in a map of New York and

adjacent provinces, published at Augsburg in 1777, which is reproduced

in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._ (vol. i.). The _Gentleman's Mag._,

Jan., 1778, had a map of the Hudson River and the adjacent country. The

_London Mag._, 1778, had a map showing the country between Albany and

Ticonderoga. It was drawn by Thomas Kitchin, who in the same year made

a map of the Hudson and adjacent parts from Albany to New York.

In 1780 (Feb. 1st) Faden published a more detailed map as drawn by Mr.

Medcalfe, and called _A map of the Country in which the army under

Lieutenant-General Burgoyne acted in the Campaign of 1777, shewing the

marches of the army and the places of the principal actions_. (Cf. map

in Stedman, reproduced in illus. ed. of Irving's _Washington_, iii. 93.)

The maps as given in Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition from Canada_

(London, 1780) are those usually followed. The original MS. drafts of

these, used for engraving them, are among the Faden maps (nos. 66-69)

in the library of Congress. A general map of the campaign is given in

Hilliard d'Auberteuil's _Essais_ (i. 205).

There is in _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 90) a drawn map of the campaign

between Crown Point and Stillwater, showing the marches of the British

army and the points of conflict. Among the Faden maps (nos. 62, 63)

in the library of Congress is a MS. map of "Lake Champlain and Lake

George, and the country between the Hudson and the lakes on the west

and the Connecticut on the east." There are later and eclectic maps

given in Gordon's _American Revolution_; Anburey's _Travels_; Neilson's

_Burgoyne's Campaign_, used and corrected by Stone in his _Campaign of

Burgoyne_; Carrington's _Battles_ (312); Burgoyne's _Orderly-Book_;

_Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, 1877).

[818] Thomson, _Ohio Bibliog._, no. 1,011; _Brinley Catal._, no. 4,135

($50); Menzies, no. 1,741 ($65).

[819] Cf. also _Ibid._, ii., App. pp. 510, 513.

[820] _The life and Public services of Arthur St. Clair, with his

correspondence and other papers arranged and annotated by Wm. Henry

Smith._ The correspondence begins in 1771. H. P. Johnston thinks Smith

too sweeping and injudicial in his editing (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

Aug., 1882). St. Clair took command at Ticonderoga June 12th. Smith

includes in his book the proceedings of the councils of war (pp. 404,

420), and the various letters of St. Clair, respecting his retreat,

to Bowdoin (also in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 356), Hancock, Jay,

Washington, and others (pp. 396, 414, 423, 425, 426, 429, 433). Cf.

Dawson's _Battles_. St. Clair's letter, July 7th, at Otter Creek, to

the president of the Convention of Vermont, is in _N. H. State Papers_,

viii. 618.

[821] _Sparks MSS._, no. xxix. The papers of the trial of St. Clair

are in _Ibid._, xlix., vol. ii. Congress ordered the inquiry (_N. H.

State Papers_, viii. 649). There are other contemporary accounts of the

evacuation in Moore's _Diary of the Revolution_ (p. 470); Wilkinson's

_Memoirs_ (ch. 4 and 5); original documents in _5 Force's Archives_,

vols. i., ii., and iii., and in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Aug., 1882);

letter of Asa Fitch, _Hist. Mag._ (iii. 7); a diary among the _Moses

Greenleaf's MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Society), beginning April 23, 1777, and

ending Nov. 22d, near Philadelphia; a diary of Samuel Sweat (June 18,

1777, etc.) in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (vol. xvii. 287). A letter of

one Cogan complains of the unnecessary retreat (_N. H. State Papers_,

viii. 640), and other accounts and comment of that day, in Sparks's

_Washington_, vol. v.; _Heath Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), p.

65. Cf. further, Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 10, etc.); _General

Hull's Revolutionary Services_ (ch. 7); Dawson's _Battles_ (ch. 20);

Van Rensselaer's _Essays_; Jay's _Life of Jay_ (i. 74); Sparks's

_Gouverneur Morris_ (i. ch. 8); J. C. Hamilton's _Life of Hamilton_ (i.

79, 91); Hamilton's _Works_ (i. 31); Sedgwick's _Livingston_ (p. 233);

Watson's _Essex County, N. Y._ (ch. 11); De Costa's _Fort George_;

Smith's _Pittsfield, Mass._ (i. 282); _Hist. Mag._, Dec., 1862, July,

1867 (p. 303), Aug., 1869 (p. 84, by Hiland Hall); Lewis Kellogg's

_Hist. Discourse_ (Whitehall, 1847).

[822] Cf. Palmer's _Lake Champlain_ and Watson's _Essex County, N. Y._

[823] It is also in the _St. Clair Papers_, i. 76. See _post_, p. 352.

[824] Cf. further, Wilkinson's _Memoir_ (ch. 5); Lossing's _Schuyler_

(ii. 223), and his _Field-Book_ (i. 145); Carrington's _Battles_

(ch. 45); Henry Clark's _Hist. Address_, July 7, 1859 (Rutland,

1859); Stone's _Beverley, Mass._ (p. 75); Amos Churchill's _Hist. of

Hubbardton_ (1855); _Hadden's Journal_ (App. no. 15); W. C. Watson in

_Amer. Hist. Record_ (ii. 455); beside such personal narratives as Enos

Stone's Journal in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (1861, p. 299,—he

was made a prisoner), and the _Narrative of the captivity & sufferings

of Ebenezer Fletcher, of New Ipswich, who was severely wounded and

taken prisoner at the battle of Hubbardston, Vt., in 1777, by the

British and Indians_ (New Ipswich, N. H., 1813?).

There are letters of Stephen Peabody and Col. Bellows in _N. H. State

Papers_, viii. 625. There is a British diary by Joshua Pell, Jr.,

published in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 107).

[825] There is a composite map in Carrington's _Battles_ (p. 322),

and another in Lossing's _Field-Book_ (i. 145), with a view of the

battlefield (p. 146).

[826] Cf. _Vermont Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 181, 182, where much will be

found from the Council of Safety's records and in letters from Schuyler

and Warner. Cf. also _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 658.

[827] An earlier letter of Willet, July 28th, warning the people at

German Flats, is in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (1884), p. 285. Cf. also

Wm. M. Willet's _Narrative of the Military actions of Col. Marinus

Willet_ (N. Y., 1831), for Willet's hasty and his more leisurely

accounts, which differ somewhat in minor details.

[828] This orderly-book was originally printed in the _Mag. of Amer.

Hist._ (March and April, 1881). The appended essays are incisive

expressions of individual views at variance with general beliefs (cf.

_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, March, 1883, p. 219), De Peyster defending

Johnson, who was his great-uncle, from the charge of violating his

parole, and Myers agreeing with him.

[829] It is reprinted in the _Cent. Celebrations of N. Y._ (1879, p.

55), where will be found other addresses and engraved views of the

present aspect of the scene of the conflict (pp. 91, 127). These local

associations are also traced in S. W. D. North's "Story of a Monument"

in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (xii. 97,—Aug., 1884; cf. also vol. i. p.

641), giving views of the monuments, a suspicious portrait of Herkimer

(p. 103), and a view of Herkimer's house (p. 111,—cf. Lossing, i.

260). On the various spellings of Herkimer's name, see _Mag. of Amer.

Hist._, Aug., 1884, p. 283. Measures for erecting a monument to him

are recorded in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1845, p. 172. The later

writers are H. R. Schoolcraft in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1845, p.

132); Bancroft (ix. 378); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 15, 16, 17);

Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 273), and his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.); I. N.

Arnold's _Benedict Arnold_ (ch. 8); J. W. De Peyster in _Hist. Mag._

(xv. 38) and _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (ii. 22); T. D. English in _Harper's

Monthly_ (xxiii. 327); H. C. Goodwin's _Pioneer History of Cortland

County_; Benton's _Herkimer County_ (ch. 5); Campbell's _Tryon County_

(ch. 4); Pomroy Jones's _Annals of Oneida County_, with some local

touches; Ketchum's _Buffalo_; S. W. D. North's "Historical Significance

of the Battle" in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (i. 641); the appendix of

_Hadden's Journal_ (no. 17) for La Corne St. Luc; Hull's _Revolutionary

Services_ (ch. 8); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. ch. 21); Carrington's

_Battles_ (ch. 45). The German accounts are given in Eelking's _Die

Deutschen Hülfstruppen_, with more prominence naturally from the

Hessian participants than the English or American narratives afford;

and in Frederick Kapp's _Die Deutschen im Staate New York_ (N. Y.,

1884), equally glowing for his countrymen under Herkimer, on the other

side. Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_. The story of Hanyost Schuyler's carrying

a deceitful message from Arnold, which Dr. Belknap in 1796 picked up on

the spot (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 408), and as told in Dwight's

_Travels_ (iii. 183), in Benton's _Herkimer County_ (p. 82), and other

later books, is denied by Dawson (i. 247).

[830] _Gent. Mag._, Mar., 1778; Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_;

App. to Roberts's _Address_; Dawson, i. 250; _Cent. Celebrations of N.

Y._, p. 131, and the letter of Col. Daniel Claus, dated at Montreal,

Oct. 16, 1777, (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, viii. 718; _Cent. Celebrations

of N. Y._, p. 141; Roberts's _Address_, App.) The Tory account is

in Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._ (i. 216, with App., p. 700). St.

Leger's retreat is described in a letter, Montreal, Sept. 4, 1777,

in the Stopford Sackville Papers, printed in _Ninth Report of the

Hist. Mss. Commission_ (London, 1883, App. p. 87). The account of the

_Annual Register_, 1777, is copied in the _Cent. Celebrations of the

State of N. Y._ (p. 137), and is the basis of Andrews's _History_. Cf.

Almon's _Parliamentary debates_ (vol. viii.), and Beatson's _Naval and

Military Memoirs_ (vi. 69). The miniature of St. Leger, by R. Cosway,

as engraved in the _European Mag._, 1795, is given in fac-simile in

Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_. Cf. _Johnson's Orderly-book_ and

Hubbard's _Red Jacket_.

[831] It is also given in Hough's edition of _Pouchot_, i. 207, with a

plan of the modern city of Rome, superposed. A plan of Rome in 1802,

showing the position of the fort, is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii.

687.

[832] There are other plans in Campbell's _Tryon County_; and in

Lossing's _Field-Book_, i. 249,—the last also giving a view of the

site of the fort (p. 231) and of the battlefield of Oriskany (p. 245).

[833] Cf. the _Memoir and official Correspondence of Stark_, by Caleb

Stark (Concord, 1860), and H. W. Herrick On "Stark and Bennington", in

_Harper's Monthly_ (vol. lv. 511).

[834] De Lancey (Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 685) has a note on

the forces engaged.

[835] In "Mather and other papers", no. 78. There is a contemporary

copy among the _Trumbull MSS._, viii. 176.

[836] Also in Stone's _Burgoyne's Campaign_, App., iii.; _Hadden's

Journal_ (p. 111); Moore's _Diary of the Rev._ (p. 488); Burgoyne's

_State of the Expedition_; _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 664; Guild's

_Chaplain Smith and the Baptist_ (differing somewhat, p. 203). Cf.

Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (p. 271), and his _State of the Expedition_.

[837] "Of an affair which happened near Walloon Creek" (_Sparks MSS._,

lviii., Part 2). Much on this expedition is in the English Public

Record Office, "vol. 351, Quebec, xvii."

[838] Cf. Lowell's _Hessians_, p. 136; Riedesel, who in his

_Memoirs_ (i. 259, 299) somewhat differs from Burgoyne; Schlözer's

_Briefwechsel_; and Stedman's _Amer. War_ (i. ch. 17).

[839] Other contemporary narratives are in the Appendix of Stone's

_Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 286); Wilkinson's _Memoirs_ (i. ch. 5);

and _Hadden's Journal_ (p. 120). There are letters by Peter Clark in

the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (April, 1860, p. 121). A letter of

the Council of Safety, written during the action, is in _N. H. State

Papers_, viii. 669, where is also Stark's letter, when he sent the

trophies, and the communication of the news to the militia (_Ibid._ p.

623). Stark was thanked by Congress, and made a brigadier (_Ibid._ p.

702). He had felt hurt at the failure of such recognition by Congress

earlier (_Ibid._ p. 662).

[840] Cf. also the _Vermont Hist. Gazetteer_, (vol. i.); A. M.

Caverley's _Pittsford, Vt._; Frisbie and Ruggles's _Poultney, Vt._;

the _N. H. Adj.-General's Report_, 1866 (ii. 315); C. C. Coffin's

_Boscawen_, N. H. (p. 257); H. H. Saunderson's _Charlestown, N.

H._ (ch. 7); O. E. Randall's _Chesterfield, N. H._; N. Bouton's

_Concord, N. H._ (ch. 11); D. A. Goddard's paper on the part borne by

Massachusetts in the battle, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (xvii. 90,

May, 1879); Holland's _Western Mass._ (ch. 15); Smith's _Pittsfield,

Mass._ (i. 293); Hammond's _N. H. Rev. Rolls_ (ii. 139).

[841] Cf. Bancroft (ix. ch. 22); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 16);

Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 581); Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch.

14), his _Field-Book_ (vol. i.), and his article in _Harper's Monthly_

(vol. v.); Dawson's _Battles_ (i. 255), and his account in the _Hist.

Mag._ (xiii. 289, May, 1870); Carrington's _Battles_ (i. 334); Isaac

Jenning's _Memorials of a Century_ (Boston, 1869, ch. 12; see _N. E.

Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1870, p. 94).

[842] Hiland Hall's paper on Warner's share in the battle of Bennington

is reprinted from the _Vermont Quarterly Mag._ (1861, p. 156), in the

_Vermont Hist. Coll._ (i. p. 209). Cf. _Hist. Mag._ (vol. iv., Sept.,

1860, p. 268), and Chipman's _Life of Warner_.

[843] Albert Tyler's _Bennington: the Battles, 1777. Centennial

celebration, 1877_ (Worcester, 1878).

_Centennial anniversary of the independence of the state of

Vermont and the battle of Bennington, Aug. 15 and 16, 1877.

Westminster—Hubbardton—Windsor_ (Rutland, 1879). This volume contains

an oration by S. C. Bartlett and an historical paper by Hiland Hall,

with engraved portraits of some of the chief participants.

F. W. Coburn's _Centennial Hist. of the Battle of Bennington_ (Boston,

1877).

A Bennington Historical Society was formed in 1876.

[844] The original of this, a carefully drawn MS. map of "the position

of Col. Baum, 16th Aug., 1776, with the attack of the enemy at

Walmscook near Bennington, by Lieut. Durnford, engineer", is among

the Faden maps (no. 65). This Faden map is reproduced in Jenning's

_Memorials of a Century_ (Boston, 1869), and sketches of it will

be found, with views of the field, in Lossing's _Field-Book of the

Revolution_ (i. 395, 396); Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._ (iii. 583);

_Harper's Monthly_ (xxi. 325). Carrington says the map of Baum's march

in _Harper's Mag._, October, 1877, is incorrect. Stone, _Campaign of

Burgoyne_ (p. 35), gives a view of the house in which Baum died.

[845] Cf. Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 299); Wells's _Sam. Adams_ (ii. ch.

45); Sparks's _Washington_ (iii. 535; v. p. 14), his _Correspondence of

the Rev._ (i. 427), and his _Gouverneur Morris_ (i. 138).

[846] Cf. _Amer. Hist. Record_, April, 1873; Hamilton's _Repub. of

the United States_ (i. 306). There is a view of the army headquarters

at Troy (1777) in Weise's _Troy_, 1876, p. 17; and of the Dirck Swart

house, still standing (used by Schuyler as headquarters), in the _Mag.

of Amer. History_ (vii. 226, etc.). The house subsequently used by

Gates has disappeared.

[847] Cf. also Kidder's _First N. H. Regiment_ (p. 35). Other

narratives are in Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 19) and his

_Field-Book_ (i. 51); in Graham's _Morgan_ (ch.7-9); in Arnold's

_Arnold_ (ch. 9); Headley's _Washington and his Generals_; Dawson's

_Battles_ (i. ch. 25); Carrington's _Battles of the Rev._ (ch. 46);

Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 151); and the memoirs of Riedesel; and on the

English side Burgoyne's _State of the Expedition_, and Fonblanque's

_Burgoyne_. The Smith or Taylor house, in which Fraser died, is

depicted in Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_ (p. 72), and as to a story

about the removal of his remains, see _Ibid._, App. 6. Robert Lowell

read a poem, "Burgoyne's last march", at the centennial of this action.

[848] The accounts of the day, as Marshall says, give him the command,

and in his _Life of Washington_, first edition, that writer so states

it. Wilkinson, who was with Gates two miles from the fight, said in his

_Memoirs_ that there was no general officer on the field; and this led

Marshall in his second edition to leave the question open. A letter

of R. R. Livingston, Jan. 14, 1778, to Washington (_Correspondence of

the Revolution_, ii. 551) is capable of counter conclusions on this

point; and Mr. Bancroft (orig. ed., ix. 410) who holds that Arnold was

not engaged during the day, judges that a letter of Colonel Richard

Varick to General Schuyler, written on the day of battle, supports that

view. Bancroft's opinion is maintained by J. A. Stevens in his paper

"Benedict Arnold and his apologists", in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._

(March, 1880). That the victory was won largely by Arnold's personal

exertions is the opinion of nearly every other writer, and they find

in the letters of Livingston and Varick as much to sustain their

view as Bancroft does to support his. Wilkinson writes to St. Clair:

"Gen. Arnold was not out of camp during the whole action" (_St. Clair

Papers_, i. 89, 443). The evidences in rebuttal of Wilkinson, who is

the only positive witness on the negative side, are numerous, and have

been best arrayed by Isaac N. Arnold in his _Life of Arnold_ (p. 175),

and in the paper "Benedict Arnold at Saratoga" (_United Service Mag._,

Sept., 1880; also printed separately), in which he added much new

testimony, gathered after he had published his _Life of Arnold_. This

consists of the statements in _The Revolutionary Services of General

Wm. Hull_ (N. Y., 1848); in a MS. account by Ebenezer Wakefield, who

was in Dearborn's light infantry, and written after Wilkinson, whom

he controverts, had published his _Memoirs_; in the narratives of the

Germans Von Eelking and Riedesel. Moore (_Diary of the Revolution_, p.

498) cites a letter of Enoch Poor, which seems to allow Arnold's share

in the battle. Later still the diary of a chaplain of the army has been

published, _Chaplain Smith and the Baptists_, and this says distinctly

(p. 209) that Arnold commanded. Mr. R. A. Guild, the editor of that

book, collates the evidence on this point. Washington Irving, Lossing,

Sydney H. Gay, William L. Stone,—not to name others,—have contended

for Arnold's participancy in the day's doings. Lecky (iv. 67) expresses

himself satisfied with the proofs adduced by I. N. Arnold. Cf. Rogers

in _Hadden's Journal_, p. 27.

[849] Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May, 1879, p. 310), and B. W.

Throckmorton's address on Arnold in W. I. Stone's _Memoir of the

Centennial Celebration of Burgoyne's Surrender_ (Albany, 1878). Col.

Brooks, as reported by Gen. W. H. Sumner in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._

(Feb., 1858, ii. 273), gave some reminiscences of Arnold's conduct. The

surgeon attending Arnold said "his peevishness would degrade the most

capricious of the fair sex" (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1864, p.

34).

[850] Stone (_Campaign of Burgoyne_, App. 5) also gives Woodruff's

and Neilson's reminiscences. See also Stone's _Life of Brant_ (i.

475). Cf. Wilkinson's _Memoirs_; Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. 365), and

his _Field-Book_; Hull's _Revolutionary Services_ (ch. 10); Bowen's

_Lincoln_; Irving's _Washington_ (iii. ch. 22); Creasy's _Decisive

Battles of the World_; Dawson (p. 291); Carrington (ch. 47); A. B.

Street in _Hist. Mag._ (March, 1858). Silliman's account of his visit

to the battlefield is in the App. of Stone's _Burgoyne's Campaign_.

Stone in the notes to his translation of Pausch (pp. 175-6) enumerates

what remains there are at the present day on the battle-ground of Oct.

7 to enable one to identify the points of the conflict. Gen. Hoyt's

description of the battlefield in 1825 is given in Hinton's _United

States_, Amer. ed., i. p. 264.

[851] Cf. Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_, p. 300; Rogers's _Hadden's Journal_,

p. liii.; _Hist. Mag._ (ii. 121); _Once a Week_ (xviii. 520); _Potter's

Amer. Monthly_ (vii. 191); Ellet's _Women of the Amer. Rev._, vol.

i. There are portraits of Lady Acland in _Burgoyne's Orderly-Book_,

in Bloodgood's _Sexagenary_, and Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_.

Reminiscences of her later life are given in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

Aug., 1886, p. 193. The house to which the wounded Major Acland was

borne is still standing, though much changed (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._,

vii. 226). It was the Neilson house, used as headquarters by Morgan and

Poor.

[852] A naval brigade under young Pellew, afterwards Viscount Exmouth,

was not allowed by Burgoyne to cut its way through the American lines,

in place of surrendering (Osler's _Life of Exmouth_, London, 1835, p.

39).

A view of the field of surrender is in the _Cent. Celebrations of N.

Y._ (p. 301). An old print of Burgoyne's camp is copied in Lossing's

_Field-Book_ (i. 57). Cf. Anburey's _Travels_.

[853] It is also in the _Brief Examination_; Dawson (i. 305, with

accompanying private letter); _Gent. Mag._ (Dec., 1777); Fonblanque's

_Burgoyne_ (p. 313). Riedesel in his _Memoirs_ comments on Burgoyne's

despatch.

In general, for American authorities on the surrender, see Wilkinson

(ch. 8); Bancroft (ix. ch. 24); Irving's _Washington_ (iii. 22);

Lossing's _Schuyler_ (ii. ch. 21); Stone's _Campaign of Burgoyne_;

Bloodgood's _Sexagenary_, which shows the effect of Burgoyne's march

on the country people; Lowell's _Hessians_ (p. 162); _Harper's Mag._

(Aug., 1876); Mrs. E. H. Walworth in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (May,

1877,—i. 273-302). Loubat, _Medallic Hist. of the U. S._, describes

the medal given to Gates.

On the British side there are Jones's _New York during the Rev._ (i.

201, etc.); Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_ (ch. 7); Mahon's _England_ (vi.

207); G. R. Gleig in _Good Words_ (xii. 849); _Blackwood's Mag._

(lxiii. 332, cxiii. 427; or _Living Age_, xvii. 226, cxvii. 543).

[854] There is an account of prisoners and stores in _N. H. State

Papers_, viii. 708.

[855] See accounts of the papers of Schuyler, Gates, Lincoln, etc.,

elsewhere. No. liv. of the _Sparks MSS._ is given to papers on

this campaign. Cf. letters of Roger Sherman to William Williams in

_Ibid._, lviii. no. 12; of General Armstrong in _Ibid._, xlix., i. 7.

The correspondence of Schuyler and Gouverneur Morris is in Sparks's

_Morris_, i. 141.

[856] Also _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, 1879. Cf. Geo. W. Schuyler's _Colonial

New York_, ii. 267; _Amer. Hist. Record_, ii. 145. The jealousy,

or rather dislike, of Schuyler on the part of New England men was

the natural result of the contact of commander and subordinates so

strongly opposed as an aristocratic Knickerbocker and the self-willed

democrats of the Eastern States. Cf., on this antagonism, _John

Adams's Works_, iii. 87; Graydon's _Memoirs_, passim; Gordon, ii.

331; Irving's _Washington_, iii. 128, etc. A survival of the feelings

had doubtless colored some of the later estimates of Schuyler's

character, and the opposing views can be seen in Lossing's _Schuyler_

(ii. 325, etc.) and in Bancroft's _United States_. Cf. also Geo. L.

Schuyler's _Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's History of the

Northern Campaign of 1777 and the character of General Schuyler_.

The dissatisfaction with Schuyler was not, however, confined to New

England. Reference seems to be made to him as an "infamous villain"

in the letters of Samuel Kennedy, a surgeon of Pennsylvania troops

(_Penna. Mag. of Hist._, viii. 114, where he is presumably spoken of as

"G. S ... r").

[857] Lincoln's orders, Aug. 4th, are in the _Sparks MSS._, lxvi.

[858] The following orderly-books and journals of the campaign have

been noted:—

_Orderly book of lieut. gen. John Burgoyne, from his entry into the

state of New York until his surrender at Saratoga, 16th Oct. 1777.

From the original manuscript deposited at Washington's head quarters,

Newburgh, N. Y. Edited by E. B. O'Callaghan_ (Albany, 1860), being no.

7 of _Munsell's Historical Series_. (Cf. J. T. Headley in _The Galaxy_,

xxii. 604.) Gen. Horatio Rogers is satisfied that this Newburgh MS. is

not an original record; and he has printed in his _Hadden's Journal_

such records as are either defectively printed by O'Callaghan or not

printed at all. Burgoyne's orders to the inhabitants of Castleton are

in the _N. H. State Papers_, viii. 625, 658. There was published at

Albany in 1882, as no. 12 of _Munsell's Historical Series_, a book

entitled _Hadden's journal and orderly books. A journal kept in Canada

and upon Burgoyne's campaign in 1776 and 1777, by Lieutenant James

Murray Madden. Also orders kept by him and issued by Sir Guy Carleton,

Lieut. General Burgoyne and Major General William Phillips, in 1776,

1777, and 1778. With an explanatory chapter and notes by Horatio

Rogers_. Respecting this publication, Mr. William L. Stone says:—

"The journal of Lieutenant Hadden is, perhaps, one of the most

important manuscript documents bearing upon Burgoyne's campaign

that has yet been discovered. This journal formerly belonged to

William Cobbett of London. The elaborate maps with which the writer

has interspersed his journal fully indicate the importance of the

strategical positions taken by Schuyler previous to Gates assuming

the command. Besides the journal there are several orderly-books, in

which the proceedings of the British army from day to day are minutely

set forth. In the manuscript book at Washington's headquarters at

Newburgh, the order of the day for 19th of August, 1777, is missing.

This missing link, however, is supplied by Hadden, who gives it in

full, and it proves to have been an order issued by Major-General

Phillips, in the absence, that day, of General Burgoyne, as follows:

'Major-General Phillips,' reads the missing order for the 19th, 'has

heard with the utmost astonishment, that, notwithstanding his most

serious and positive orders of the 16th instant, that no carts should

be used for any purpose whatever but the transport of provisions,

unless by particular orders from the commander-in-chief as expressed in

the order, there are this day above thirty carts on the road laden with

baggage _said to be their Lieutenant-General's_.'"

The Hadden journals and orderly-books were bought in 1875 by General

Rogers, having passed through Henry Stevens's hands, and are carefully

printed, with fac-similes of the MS. maps accompanying them.

Supplementing these, the following orderly-books may be mentioned:—

_Henry B. Livingston's.—Troops under Gen. Schuyler, St. Clair, &c.

Ticonderoga, Stillwater, &c., June 13 to August 19, 1777._

_Gen. Philip Schuyler's.—Fort Edward, Albany, June 29 to August 18,

1777._

_Camp at Stillwater, Saratoga and Albany, &c. August 12 to November 4,

1774._

_Col. Thaddeus Cook's, of Wallingford, Conn., Stillwater, September 6

to October 6, 1777. Weekly Returns of the Regiment, September 13, 27,

and October 21, 1777._

_Capt. William Gates's Company, of Col. Timo. Bigelow's Regiment,

Weekly Returns, various dates from October, 1777, to September, 1778._

Also in same covers, _Orderly Book of Lieut. David Grout's Company, of

Timothy Bigelow's Regiment, February 15, 1779, to June 15, 1779, and

Weekly Returns of Capt. Peirce's Co., same Regiment, in 1780_.

These are all in the library of the Amer. Antiq. Soc. at Worcester,

Mass. An orderly-book of James Kimball, of Croft's regiment, June,

1777, to Dec., 1778, has been published by the Essex Institute (Salem,

Mass.).

The following diaries may be named:—

The journal of Henry Dearborn, Aug. 3-Dec. 3, which was in the J. W.

Thornton sale, 1878, no. 501. It is now in the Boston Public Library,

and is included in Dearborn's journals as printed in the _Mass. Hist.

Soc. Proc._, 1886, edited by Mellen Chamberlain, and separately as

_Journals of Henry Dearborn_, 1776-1783 (Cambridge, 1887).

Chaplain Smith's diary, July and Aug., 1777, in R. A. Guild's _Chaplain

Smith and the Baptists_, p. 197; Ralph Cross's journal, beginning Aug.

29, 1777, at Newburyport, and ending there on his return, Dec. 5th,

in the _Hist. Mag._ (vol. xvii. pp. 8-11); diary of Ephraim Squier,

Sept. 4 to Nov. 2, 1777, preserved in the Pension Office, Washington.

Extracts from the diary of Capt. Benj. Warren are preserved in the

_Sparks MSS._ (no. xlvii.). A copy of the journal of Samuel Harris,

Jr., of Boston, during the campaign of 1777, after he joined the army

at Stillwater, Sept. 20th, and describing the fight of Bemis's Heights,

Oct. 7th, and the surrender of Oct. 17th, is in the _Sparks MSS._

(xxv.). Cf. McAlpine's _Memoirs_, published in 1788.

The British journals of Burgoyne's campaign by actors in it, which

have been printed, are Roger Lamb's _Original and authentic journal

of occurrences during the late American war_ (Dublin, 1809), and his

_Memoir of his own Life_ (Dublin, 1811),—he was sergeant of the Royal

Welsh Fusileers,—and Thomas Anburey's _Travels through the interior

parts of America_ (London, 1789 and 1791; French versions, Paris, 1790

and 1793; German, Berlin, 1792). Anburey was attached as a volunteer

to the grenadier company of the 29th foot. (Cf. Rogers's _Hadden

Journals_, explanatory chapter.) There is an English diary in the _Mag.

of Amer. Hist._ (Feb., 1878).

For other personal records of the campaign, reference may be made to

the brief summary of Maj. Hughes, one of Gates's aides (_Mass. Hist.

Soc. Proc._, Feb., 1858, iii. 279); the autobiography of Col. Philip

van Cortlandt, of the second New York regiment (_N. Y. Geneal. and

Biog. Rec._, July, 1874, vol. v. 123, and _Hist. Mag._, 1878).