"WASHN., _June 5th, '68_.
"MY DEAR TILDEN,--I send another missive from Frank by which you
will see his hopes are revived. You asked me to keep you posted, and
therefore I send these advices, as they come to me intended only
for me. I think the Chase fever will die out and will help Frank
in the end. I wrote Barlow yesterday, who seems, by the way, to be
_enthused_ about it, that it was regarded here as an attempt like
Pendleton's to subordinate the great constitutional questions involved
in the reconstruction measures--a question which is fundamental
and will determine whether this is to be a free govt. or not--and
the subordinate one of whether the debt was to be paid in gold or
greenbacks. It is impossible that the public mind shall make such
a diversion, and those who attempt it are swayed by personal, not
public, interests, and can have no real hold on the country, and no
comprehension of the serious mood in which the people are at this
moment. You, who really believe in the people and have faith, a real
faith, in the Democratic philosophy, can comprehend how dangerous it is
for the leaders of a great party to trifle with this subject, and that
it is trifling with it to set up a man as the representative of a cause
who has no heart in it, and only because he has quarrelled with his
own party for their daring to prefer another man.
"The Chase spasm will help Frank by loosening up of the party feeling
and antagonizing Pendleton. If any Democrat can go for Chase _a priori_
they can go for Blair, and Frank[49] will carry just 10 Republican
votes for every one that Chase can carry; for Chase has not the
slightest influence with the only class of Republicans who are disposed
to go with us, viz., the Lincoln men. He was an active Radical, and the
Lincoln men would delight to have him beaten. He was the only human
being that I believe Lincoln actually hated. Our running Chase would
fix thousands to Grant, who would certainly go for us with Frank as a
leader, Frank being really the true heir to Lincoln. Lincoln sent for
him from the army to defend him and to assail Chase on the floor of
the House of Representatives, and Lincoln, you remember, published his
letter to me requesting my brother to leave his command and take his
seat in the House of Reps., promising to restore him his commission as
soon as military operations were resumed, which he did to the chagrin
of all Chase men.
"I had a great contest to get into the convention. The B. & O. R. R.
and Pendletonians exerted themselves to the utmost to defeat me, but
by the sheer pressure of public opinion in Baltimore I was carried
through. At every mention of my name in the convention the immense
hall rang with the applause of the people, and I got 18 of 21 city
delegates, altho' every man of them had been pledged against me.
"Y'rs truly,
"M. BLAIR."
R. J. WALKER,[50] SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY UNDER PRESIDENT POLK, TO
TILDEN
"_Confidential._
WASHINGTON, D. C., _May 30, 1868_.
"DEAR SIR,--When you were last in Washington you were pleased to ask my
views as to the candidate who ought to be nominated by the Democratic
convention for the Presidency. I gave you my opinions then very
briefly, but the great events which have transpired since that period
have, in my judgment, settled the question conclusively. Our strongest
man, and the only one who can _certainly_ be elected, is Genl. W. S.
Hancock.
"My reasons are as follows:
"1st. Pennsylvania is the most doubtful State in the Union, and has
always decided contested Presidential elections. The reason is not
only the closeness of her vote and the great number of her electors,
but that her State elections precede by three weeks those in other
States, and thus influence beyond calculation the result of the
Presidential election. Hancock is the only man who can carry that
State. His nomination from that moment would give us the prestige of
certain success there, and a probable majority of 50,000 in our favor
in the October election, which would immensely influence other States
in November following. He is a Pennsylvanian by birth and education,
and by far the most popular of her soldiers. He commanded in person
more of her troops than any other man, leading them always to victory,
especially at Gettysburg, to Pennsylvania the decisive battle of the
war.
"2nd. About one-third of all the voters of the North were soldiers
during the recent war. Recognizing this, the radical party have
nominated Grant. We must receive a large proportion of that vote in the
coming contest or we are defeated. No Democratic candidate can receive
anything like so large a proportion of this vote as Hancock. From the
commencement to the close of the war he has commanded, in person, over
three hundred thousand troops, and both officers and men were greatly
attached to him. His military record during the war was most brilliant,
and will bear the closest scrutiny and the most favorable comparison
with that of Grant.
"3rd. He would be more acceptable to the South than any other military
candidate, many prominent Southern leaders and newspapers having
announced their preference for him. Especially is this the case with
her wisest men, because, whilst recognizing his sound Democratic
principles, success is to _them_ a necessity, and they believe that his
nomination would make our victory certain. They do not support him with
reluctance, but with enthusiasm. His humane, able, and statesmanlike
administration of the affairs of the 5th military district, at a time
when all seemed lost, when every other military leader had either gone
over to the enemy or concealed his views, gained him their respect and
admiration.
"4th. Hancock has from his youth up always been a Democrat. In taking
him we do not rely upon a man of doubtful or vacillating principles,
but one of our faith, with the firmness and the courage to maintain it.
"5th. Hancock, I believe, would make a President of whom not only our
party, but our country, would be proud. He would unite and strengthen
the party, and his firmness, good judgment, and total disregard of
political trickery would lead us safely through the coming crisis of
our national affairs.
"6th. No man can foreshadow the events of the next four years. Are
they to be peaceful or warlike? And how is the latter condition to
be avoided? We must nominate a man who can certainly be elected, and
whose name at the head of our Presidential ticket, whilst giving us the
prestige of certain success in that campaign, will give us strength
to carry the Congressional elections. Has any such man been thought
or spoken of except Hancock? I have heard of none. Besides, you will
recollect that, by unconstitutional legislation, Grant has been made
the virtual commander-in-chief of the _armies_ of the United States.
We must have for his commander-in-chief a man who has the ability, the
courage, and the firmness to command him. Such a man is Genl. Hancock.
"This will be the great struggle for the supremacy of one or the
other great party of the country. A written Constitution against a
popular, if not a military, despotism. If we fail now we may be lost
forever, for a civil war alone could tear down the barriers which
the Radical party would erect against our liberties. They would then
have, as now, the Senate and the House, the legislative departments.
Then, as now, by similar intimidation, carried to a greater excess by
their victory, they would suspend the functions, as they pleased, of
the Supreme Court, the judicial department. They would have also the
executive department, thus securing substantially all the departments
of the government. Do you doubt the extent to which they would carry
their revolutionary doctrines? And would the Senate any longer be a
curb upon the frenzy of the House, with an addition of 20 members from
the negro-ized South? We must start out, casting aside all personal
preferences and prejudices, determined to succeed. We must select
the man who can secure the most votes, and who will be supported
with enthusiasm by every Democrat, war or peace, so-called, by every
conservative Democrat or Republican soldier, and by the thousands of
new recruits and conservative Republicans. I think that Genl. W. S.
Hancock is the only man who would receive the combined, enthusiastic
support of the people South and North.
"I know that, if you concur with me in these views, you will not
hesitate to use every effort to secure by this means the success of
that party which is dear to us both. I have written you because I knew
that you would not misconstrue my motives, and because I believe that
you can exert great influence for the good of our country. If there be
reasons which I may have overlooked, in forming a deliberate judgment
upon a subject which has caused me much anxious thought, I should be
very much pleased to hear them from a friend like yourself. Let us have
harmony in our councils, and with wisdom success is ours.
"Very truly your friend,
"R. J. WALKER."