THE MAYORALTY ELECTION OF 1859

"NEW YORK, _Dec. 25, '59_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--I wish you a 'merry Christmas!' It is the first

opportunity I have had to acknowledge your kind letter of condolence.

I take it up first of a bundle of letters which have waited for me to

get out of the ice-pack of engagements which collected around me in

ten-days' career in politics. I am just ill enough to be justified in

declining all dinners, and am having a quiet time to-day.

"If your curiosity to know the 'whys and wherefores' of our defeat

is not displaced by some later topic, I will drop you a hint or two

towards a theory.

"A modern invention practised in Tammany Hall is for the genl.

Committee to dispense with primary elections. It was introduced by

Wood and has continued since he was driven out. The effect of two

or three years' practice under the system has been to break off

relations between that body and the masses in the wards. It was no

longer necessary for the one committeeman and his four dummies, who

represented a ward in the committee, to keep up a vital party in his

ward. The ward committees fell into disuse, and in some cases what

remained of them were in hostile hands. Meanwhile the outsiders felt

that they had no chance, and antagonisms were multiplied in all the

captains of tens and fifties--the new men, the active elements of

fresh ambition. The chiefs of the general committee became totally

bankrupt, were split into two parties--about equal--had been occupied

for months in a scuffle for the assets, the real value of which they

did not see till the last moment. In a party twice as large as any

it had to contend with, and therefore tending to division--with its

central organization in this condition, and its ward all run out--Wood

hung up his sign over the outsiders. He made local organizations among

them; worked at it assiduously for two years. When I stepped inside the

ring and took a view I thought that in some wards, each having once and

half as many people as your county contains, we should scarcely have

machinery enough to run our ticket with--the 11th, for instance. We had

less than two weeks to get up our organization, beginning anew--in a

bad state of local nominations, many of the candidates running on both

tickets and being really against us. Wood had gained the lower stratum

of the Irish, combined many special interests, and at last had the aid

of the jobbing Republicans, two of whom voted for him to every one of

the other class for Havemeyer. Then the _Tribune_, in _bad_ faith,

and the _Post_ in good faith, succeeded in making the impression that

the way to beat Wood was to vote for Opdyke; and not only kept the

moderate Republicans to him, but drew many quiet citizens who preferred

Havemeyer, but were most anxious to beat Wood.

"In truth, the leaders of the Republican party and Wood were in perfect

concert, as they are partners in the gigantic schemes of plunder, which

will presently appear.

"Mr. Havemeyer polled a prodigious vote of the business classes and

of the silent people, but not enough to supply the defects of the

organization which, in my judgment, did not by its own strength give

him 15,000 votes.

"Enough of this. I should not have gone over the ground except for the

curiosity you expressed--that what appeared to be an immense public

opinion was ineffectual. It is a public opinion with a party, and not

without, that sweeps the stakes.

"For myself, while I am quite aware how different is the _prestige_ of

success from defeat, and how great was the part which might have been

attempted in reconstructing the administration of the government of the

city, I cannot but feel more comfortable as I am. The proper duties of

the office are one thing. A joint tenancy in the administration of a

city like this (if you really attempt to do anything); a reconstruction

of its government, which must be made from the very foundation, in

order even to palliate existing evils, is a different matter. Overworn

as I am with some heavy engagements, from which I cannot retire, yet

uncompleted--and some heavy cares unrelieved--I could not help seeing

the burden more than anything else. This may have been morbid. A little

more strength and health might have dispelled it. But it enables me to

accept the result with a sense that a great trouble is off my mind, and

leaves no personal regret to mingle with the disgust I feel at Wood's

election, and the disappointment and injury to our friends. At present,

I am content to live from hand to mouth, and take no thought for the

morrow.

"Notwithstanding your invitation to discuss the matter, I feel some

excuse necessary for a letter that has grown so long and so personal.

"With my best wishes for your continued health and comfort and progress

in the work which enlivens your retirement, and my kind remembrances to

Mrs. and Miss Van Buren,

"I am, very truly, your friend,

"_S. J. Tilden._"

"P.S.--I had almost forgot to mention that the prospect now is that you

will get your end paid in full. I should take the money."

* * * * *

The two succeeding communications to N. H. Swayne, afterwards one of

the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, are interesting

from their giving a sketch of the preliminary but comprehensive

preparations for the rescue and reorganization of the Pittsburg,

Fort Wayne & Chicago Railroad during the early days of the Civil War,

and transforming it from a bankrupt corporation into one of the most

prosperous highways on this continent. It is doing injustice to no one

to say that it was mainly through Mr. Tilden's devotion, sagacity,

professional ability, and foresight that this transformation was so

successfully accomplished.

Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 1 · 第 92 / 348 题