ADDITIONAL NOTES ON THE ALLOTMENT

[OF OFFICES UNDER THE PIERCE ADMINISTRATION]

"The Collectorship, the Sub-Treasuryship, and in a less degree the

Naval Office, have State as well as city aspects. I have therefore set

down the Secretary of State and the foreign missions in connection with

them.

"Considered in a State aspect, see how much more the Hunkers (Hard and

Soft) get, in every view of this allotment, than the Barnburners, who

are more than equal in numbers and power to both of them united.

"Considering the Collectorship singly in that aspect, the same result

is obvious.

"Be not misled by the apparent predominance of the Hunkers in the city.

Up to the moment of the schism in 1848, the Radicals had five-sixths

of the masses and nearly the whole party organization. Their old

associates have been returning to them ever since. In 1851 the Radicals

had a majority of the delegates to the State convention, and there

was but a small majority against them in the General Committee of

that year. At the last election of General Committee in 1852, they

carried a majority; and at the last trial in the Tammany Society their

majority was five to one. I grant that a large majority of the party

went for Cass in 1848, but I do not think a majority are now in the

leadership of Schell, Sickles, etc., or included in the distinctive

class of Hards. I entertain no doubt whatever, if the appointments are

such as not to affect the question anyway, the Radicals will remain in

permanent possession of the organization. The truth is that four-fifths

of the rank and file follow the organization, by whichever leaders it

is wielded. All this, however, is matter of opinion; I do not claim

for it the assent of your judgment, although I have never been known

hitherto to over-calculate the strength of those among whom I belong.

"But permit me to say that this point is below the importance and

dignity of the general question before you. The most controlling

aspects of the case are State aspects and general aspects. If you vest

the most powerful and influential trust in the State of New York in a

politician of the most vulgar sort--or narrow views, prospective in all

save the promise by which that trust is secured, a schemer for personal

ends by desperate and fraudulent means, that almost revolted the party

at the last election--nay, if you fail to take most ample and certain

guaranty against the predominance of any such influence, in the known,

tried, and elevated character of the man you select, your appointment

cannot fail to be discreditable and disastrous in its results. You

should rest that corner of your administration on the sense and moral

power of the community, by an appointment which should appeal to them,

and draw approval from all disinterested persons. Do this, and you will

rise above the altitude of mere politicians; and no disaffection which

their disappointments will create can raise a ripple on the surface.

"There is one other consideration. I have recounted to you on a

former occasion the series of surrenders by the Radicals to the

Softs through which the Union movement of the New York Democracy has

been thus far carried on. I could not adequately express to you the

painful personal embarrassments by which its recent steps have been

marked--the embroiling of old personal relations--and the difficulties

with which it has been achieved. These were our main motives to ask in

the selection of a Cabinet officer from New York some recognition of

the radicals. Again they yielded, and they have looked forward to the

most prominent local appointment in the State as a case in which what

they felt to be justice--long deferred--would be accorded to them. The

impression--whether well or ill founded--has existed that such would be

the course of things. I confess that I have shared in that impression.

Instead of there being any cause for shrinking or hesitation, I think

the occasion ought to be _desired_ to fulfil an expectation so right

and reasonable. I clearly think that it is needed. I know I speak the

sentiments of the strong men among the radicals when I say that the

personal interests, desires, or gratification of Gen. Dix, or any other

man whom they have honored, are as dust in the balance in the true

gravity of this question. I believe Gen. Dix is the last man who would

dissent from this opinion. At any rate, I take the responsibility of

expressing it in the name of all his supporters.

"A clear, conspicuous recognition, in a case in reference to

which expectation has [been] excited, and which concerns more

than the gratification of a single individual, is what is needed.

The controlling men of the radicals in all parts of the State are

independent men--in condition as in character. They are weary with

debating questions of their own equality with the rest of their

party. They have not proposed to proscribe anybody. The question has

constantly been whether they should be proscribed. They do not rely on

instructions contrary to the disposition and whole anterior conduct

of the individual intrusted with the power. Such reliance would be an

illusion inconsistent with all ordinary experience; and a choice which

should imply it will utterly fail of inspiring confidence or producing

any valuable effect.

"The programme should be accomplished to this actual condition of facts

and sentiments.

"It is with a clear sense and earnest feeling outrunning my power of

adequate expression, in the haste in which I write, that I put you in

possession of these ideas. I do so only because I think I comprehend

the case better than can easily be done from a distance; and because

I deem it important that you should be appraised of the sentiments of

a powerful class on which the success of the administration, so far

as New York is concerned, largely depends. A desire that you should

do what is wise for it and for yourself is not less my motive than a

desire that you should be just to the class to which I myself belong.

I confide entirely in your disposition to do what is fair and right to

all; and have a grateful sense of the kindness and consideration with

which you have treated me personally. These very sentiments impel me to

address you with earnest frankness in respect to a matter, a mistake in

which cannot, in my judgment, be easily, if at all, retrieved.

"Very truly,

"Your friend,

"S. J. TILDEN."

Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 1 · 第 65 / 348 题