A certain Lucius Tarquinius was now captured, who gave information

tallying with what was already published, but further incriminated

Crassus. Crassus, however, was so wealthy, and had so many of the senate

in his power, that even those who believed the charge to be true,

thought it politic to pronounce it a gross fabrication. The danger of an

attempted rescue of Lentulus brought on a debate as to what should be

done with the prisoners. Cæsar, from whatever motive, spoke forcibly

against any unconstitutional action which, however justified by the

enormity of the prisoners' guilt, might become a dangerous precedent. In

his opinion, the wise course would be to confiscate the property of the

prisoners, and to place their persons in custody not in Rome, but in

provincial towns.

Cæsar's humanitarian statesmanship was answered by the grave austerity

of Cato. "The question for us is not that of punishing a crime, but of

preserving the state--or of what the degenerate Roman of to-day cares

for more than the state, our lives and property. To speak of clemency

and compassion is an abuse of terms only too common, when vices are

habitually dignified with the names of virtues. Let us for once act with

vigour and decision, and doom these convicted traitors to the death they

deserve." The decree of death was carried to immediate execution. In the

meantime, Catiline had raised a force numbering two legions, but not

more than a quarter of them were properly armed. He remained in the

hills, refusing to give battle to Antonius.

On hearing the fate of Lentulus and the rest, he attempted to retreat to

Gaul, but this movement was anticipated and intercepted by Metellus

Celer, who was posted at Picenum with three legions. With Antonius

pressing on his rear, Catiline resolved to hazard all on a desperate

engagement. In exhorting his troops, he dwelt on the fact that men

fighting for life and liberty were more than a match for a foe who had

infinitely less at stake.

Thus brought to bay, Catiline's soldiers met the attack of the

government troops with furious valour, their leader setting a brilliant

example of desperate daring, and the most vigilant and vigorous

generalship. But Petreius, on the other side, directed his force against

the rebel centre, shattered it, and took the wings in flank. Catiline's

followers stood and fought till they fell, with their wounds in front;

he himself hewed his way through the foe, and was found still breathing

at a distance from his own ranks. No quarter was given or taken; and

among the rebels there were no survivors. In the triumphant army, all

the stoutest soldiers were slain or wounded; mourning and grief mingled

with the elation of victory.

* * * * *

EDWARD GIBBON

Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire--I

Edward Gibbon, son of a Hampshire gentleman, was born at

Putney, near London, April 27, 1737. After a preliminary

education at Westminster, and fourteen "unprofitable" months

at Magdalen College, Oxford, a whim to join the Roman church

led to his banishment to Lausanne, where he spent five years,

and acquired a mastery of the French language, formed his

taste for literary expression, and settled his religious

doubts in a profound scepticism. He served some years in the

militia, and was a member of parliament. It was in 1764, while

musing amidst, the ruins of the Capitol of Rome, that the idea

of writing "The Decline and Fall" of the city first started

into his mind. The vast work was completed in 1787. "A Study

in Literature," written in French, and his "Miscellaneous

Works," published after his death, which include "The Memoirs

of his Life and Writings," complete the list of his literary

labours. He died of dropsy on January 16, 1794. The portion of

the work which is epitomized here covers the period from the

reign of Commodus to the era of Charlemagne, and includes the

famous portion of the work dealing with the growth of the

Christian church.

_I.--Rome, Mistress of the World_

In the second century of the Christian era, the Empire of Rome

comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilised

portion of mankind. On the death of Augustus, that emperor bequeathed,

as a valuable legacy to his successors, the advice of confining the

empire within those limits which nature seemed to have placed as its

permanent bulwarks and boundaries--on the west the Atlantic Ocean, the

Rhine and Danube on the north, the Euphrates on the east, and towards

the south the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa. The subsequent

settlement of Great Britain and Dacia supplied the two exceptions to the

precepts of Augustus, if we omit the transient conquests of Trajan in

the east, which were renounced by Hadrian.

By maintaining the dignity of the empire, without attempting to enlarge

its limits, the early emperors caused the Roman name to be revered among

the most remote nations of the earth. The terror of their arms added

weight and dignity to their moderation. They preserved peace by a

constant preparation for war. The soldiers, though drawn from the

meanest, and very frequently from the most profligate, of mankind, and

no longer, as in the days of the ancient republic, recruited from Rome

herself, were preserved in their allegiance to the emperor, and their

invincibility before the enemy, by the influences of superstition,

inflexible discipline, and the hopes of reward. The peace establishment

of the Roman army numbered some 375,000 men, divided into thirty

legions, who were confined, not within the walls of fortified cities,

which the Romans considered as the refuge of pusillanimity, but upon the

confines of the empire; while 20,000 chosen soldiers, distinguished by

the titles of City Cohorts and Prætorian Guards, watched over the safety

of the monarch and the capitol.

"Wheresoever the Roman conquers he inhabits," was a very just

observation of Seneca. Colonies, composed for the most part of veteran

soldiers, were settled throughout the empire. Rich and prosperous

cities, adorned with magnificent temples and baths and other public

buildings, demonstrated at once the magnificence and majesty of the

Roman system. In Britain, York was the seat of government. London was

already enriched by commerce, and Bath was celebrated for the salutary

effects of its medicinal waters.

All the great cities were connected with each other, and with the

capital, by the public highway, which, issuing from the Forum of Rome,

traversed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and was terminated only by the

frontiers of the empire. This great chain of communications ran in a

direct line from city to city, and in its construction the Roman

engineers snowed little respect for the obstacles, either of nature or

of private property. Mountains were perforated and bold arches thrown

over the broadest and most rapid streams. The middle part of the road,

raised into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, consisted of

several strata of sand, gravel, and cement, and was paved with granite

or large stones. Distances were accurately computed by milestones, and

the establishment of post-houses, at a distance of five or six miles,

enabled a citizen to travel with ease a hundred miles a day along the

Roman roads.

This freedom of intercourse, which was established throughout the Roman

world, while it extended the vices, diffused likewise the improvements

of social life. Rude barbarians of Gaul laid aside their arms for the

more peaceful pursuits of agriculture. The cultivation of the earth

produced abundance in every portion of the empire, and accidental

scarcity in any single province was immediately relieved by the

plentifulness of its more fortunate neighbours. Since the productions of

nature are the materials of art, this flourishing condition of

agriculture laid the foundation of manufactures, which provided the

luxurious Roman with those refinements of conveniency, of elegance, and

of splendour which his tastes demanded. Commerce flourished, and the

products of Egypt and the East were poured out in the lap of Rome.

Though there still existed within the body of the Roman Empire an

unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without sharing the

benefits of society, the position of a slave was greatly improved in the

progress of Roman development. The power of life and death was taken

from his master's hands and vested in the magistrate, to whom he had a

right to appeal against intolerable treatment. These magistrates

exercised the authority of the emperor and the senate in every quarter

of the empire, inflexibly maintaining in their administration, as in the

case of military government, the use of the Latin tongue. Greek was the

natural idiom of science, Latin that of government.

_II.--The Seeds of Dissolution_

But while Roman society persisted in a state of peaceful security, it

already contained within itself the seeds of dissolution. The long peace

and uniform government of the Romans introduced a slow and secret poison

into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced

to the same level, the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the

military spirit evaporated. The citizens received laws and covenants

from the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a

mercenary army. Of their ancient freedom nothing remained except the

name, and that Augustus, sensible that mankind is governed by names, was

careful to preserve.

It was by the will of the senate the emperor ruled. It was from the

senate that he received the ancient titles of the republic--of consul,

tribune, pontiff, and censor. Even his title of _imperator_ was decreed

him, according to the custom of the republic, only for a period of ten

years. But this specious pretence, which was preserved until the last

days of the empire, did not mask the real autocratic authority of the

emperor. The fact that he nominated citizens to the senate was proof, if

proof were needed, that the independence of that body was destroyed; for

the principles of a free constitution are irrecoverably lost when the

legislative power is nominated by the executive.

Moreover, the dependence of the emperor on the legions completely

subverted the civil authority. To keep the military power, which had

given him his position, from undermining it, Augustus had summoned to

his aid whatever remained in the fierce minds of his soldiers of Roman

prejudices, and interposing the majesty of the senate between the

emperor and the army, boldly claimed their allegiance as the first

magistrate of the republic. During a period of 220 years, the dangers

inherent to a military government were in a great measure suspended by

this artful system. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal sense

of their own strength and of the weakness of the civil authority which

afterwards was productive of such terrible calamities.

The emperors Caligula and Domitian were assassinated in their palace by

their own domestics. The Roman world, it is true, was shaken by the

events that followed the death of Nero, when, in the space of eighteen

months, four princes perished by the sword. But, excepting this violent

eruption of military licence, the two centuries from Augustus to

Commodus passed away unstained with civil blood and undisturbed by

revolution. The Roman citizens might groan under the tyranny, from which

they could not hope to escape, of the unrelenting Tiberius, the furious

Caligula, the profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and the

timid, inhuman Domitian; but order was maintained, and it was not until

Commodus, the son of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher,

succeeded to the authority that his father had exercised for the benefit

of the Roman Empire that the army fully realised, and did not fail to

exercise, the power it had always possessed.

During the first three years of his reign the vices of Commodus affected

the emperor rather than the state. While the young prince revelled in

licentious pleasures, the management of affairs remained in the hands of

his father's faithful councillors; but, in the year 183, the attempt of

his sister Lucilla to assassinate him produced fatal results. The

assassin, in attempting the deed, exclaimed, "The senate sends you

this!" and though the blow never reached the body of the emperor, the

words sank deep into his heart.

He turned upon the senate with relentless cruelty. The possession of

either wealth or virtue excited the tyrant's fury. Suspicion was

equivalent to proof; trial to condemnation, and the noblest blood of the

senate was poured out like water.

He has shed with impunity the noblest blood of Rome; he perished as soon

as he was dreaded by his own domestics. A cup of drugged wine, delivered

by his favourite concubine, plunged him in a deep sleep. At the

instigation of Lætus, his Prætorian prefect, a robust youth was admitted

into his chamber, and strangled him without resistance. With secrecy and

celerity the conspirators sought out Pertinax, the prefect of the city,

an ancient senator of consular rank, and persuaded him to accept the

purple. A large donative secured them the support of the Prætorian

guard, and the joyous senate eagerly bestowed upon the new Augustus all

the titles of imperial power.

For eighty-six days Pertinax ruled the empire with firmness and

moderation, but the strictness of the ancient discipline that he

attempted to restore in the army excited the hatred of the Prætorian

guards, and the new emperor was struck down on March 28, 193.

_III.--An Empire at Auction_

The Prætorians had violated the sanctity of the throne by the atrocious

murder of Pertinax; they dishonored the majesty of it with their

subsequent conduct. They ran out upon the ramparts of the city, and with

a loud voice proclaimed that the Roman world was to be disposed of to

the best bidder by public auction. Sulpicianus, father-in-law of

Pertinax, and Didius Julianus, bid against each other for the prize. It

fell to Julian, who offered upwards of £1,000 sterling to each of the

soldiers, and the author of this ignominious bargain received the

insignia of the empire and the acknowledgments of a trembling senate.

The news of this disgraceful auction was received by the legions of the

frontiers with surprise, with indignation, and, perhaps, with envy.

Albinus, governor of Britain, Niger, governor of Syria, and Septimius

Severus, a native of Africa, commander of the Pannonian army, prepared

to revenge the death of Pertinax, and to establish their own claims to

the vacant throne. Marching night and day, Severus crossed the Julian

Alps, swept aside the feeble defences of Julian, and put an end to a

reign of power which had lasted but sixty-six days, and had been

purchased with such immense treasure. Having secured the supreme

authority, Severus turned his arms against his two competitors, and

within three years, and in the course of two or three battles,

established his position and brought about the death of both Albinus and

Niger.

The prosperity of Rome revived, and a profound peace reigned throughout

the world. At the same time, Severus was guilty of two acts which were

detrimental to the future interests of the republic. He relaxed the

discipline of the army, increased their pay beyond the example of former

times, re-established the Prætorian guards, who had been abolished for

their transaction with Julian, and welded more firmly the chains of

tyranny by filling the senate with his creatures. At the age of

sixty-five in the year 211, he expired at York of a disorder which was

aggravated by the labours of a campaign against the Caledonians.

Severus recommended concord to his sons, Caracalla and Geta, and his

sons to the army. The government of the civilised world was entrusted to

the hands of brothers who were implacable enemies. A latent civil war

brooded in the city, and hardly more than a year passed before the

assassins of Caracalla put an end to an impossible situation by

murdering Geta. Twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered death

under the vague appellation of the friends of Geta. The fears of

Macrinus, the controller of the civil affairs of the Prætorian

prefecture, brought about his death in the neighbourhood of Carrhæ in

Syria on April 8, 217.

For a little more than a year his successor governed the empire, but the

necessary step of reforming the army brought about his ruin. On June 7,

218, he succumbed to the superior fortune of Elagabulus, the grandson of

Severus, a youth trained in all the superstitions and vices of the East.

Under this sovereign Rome was prostituted to the vilest vices of which

human nature is capable. The sum of his infamy was reached when the

master of the Roman world affected to copy the dress and manners of the

female sex. The shame and disgust of the soldiers resulted in his murder

on March 10, 222, and the proclamation of his cousin, Alexander Severus.

Again the necessity of restoring discipline within the army led to the

ruin of the emperor, and, despite thirteen years of just and moderate

government, Alexander was murdered in his tent on March 19, 235, on the

banks of the Rhine, and Maximin, his chief lieutenant, a Thracian,

reigned in his stead.

_IV.--Tyranny and Disaster_

Fear of contempt, for his origin was mean and barbarian, made Maximin

one of the cruellest tyrants that ever oppressed the Roman world. During

the three years of his reign he disdained to visit either Rome or Italy,

but from the banks of the Rhine and the Danube oppressed the whole

state, and trampled on every principle of law and justice. The tyrant's

avarice ruined not only private citizens, but seized the municipal funds

of the cities, and stripped the very temples of their gold and silver

offerings.

Maximus and Balbinus, on July 9, 237, were declared emperors. The

Emperor Maximus advanced to meet the furious tyrant, but the stroke of

domestic conspiracy prevented the further eruption of civil war. Maximin

and his son were murdered by their disappointed troops in front of

Aquileia.

Three months later, Maximus and Balbinus, on July 15, 238, fell victims

to their own virtues at the hands of the Prætorian guard, Gordian became

emperor. At the end of six years, he, too, after an innocent and

virtuous reign, succumbed to the ambition of the prefect Philip, while

engaged in a war with Persia, and in March 244, the Roman world

recognized the sovereignty of an Arabian robber.

Returning to Rome, Philip celebrated the secular games, on the

accomplishment of the full period of a thousand years from the

foundation of Rome. From that date, which marked the fifth time that

these rites had been performed in the history of the city, for the next

twenty years the Roman world was afflicted by barbarous invaders and

military tyrants, and the ruined empire seemed to approach the last and

fatal moment of its dissolution. Six emperors in turn succeeded to the

sceptre of Philip and ended their lives, either as the victims of

military licence, or in the vain attempt to stay the triumphal eruption

of the Goths and the Franks and the Suevi. In three expeditions the

Goths seized the Bosphorus, plundered the cities of Bithynia, ravaged

Greece, and threatened Italy, while the Franks invaded Gaul, overran

Spain and the provinces of Africa.

Some sparks of their ancient virtue enabled the senate to repulse the

Suevi, who threatened Rome herself, but the miseries of the empire were

not assuaged by this one triumph, and the successes of Sapor, king of

Persia, in the East, seemed to foreshadow the immediate downfall of

Rome. Six emperors and thirty tyrants attempted in vain to stay the

course of disaster. Famine and pestilence, tumults and disorders, and a

great diminution of the population marked this period, which ended with

the death of the Emperor Gallienus on March 20, 268.

_V.--Restorers of the Roman World_

The empire, which had been oppressed and almost destroyed by the

soldiers, the tyrants, and the barbarians, was saved by a series of

great princes, who derived their obscure origin from the martial

provinces of Illyricum. Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius,

Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues triumphed over the

foreign and domestic enemies of the state, re-established, with a

military discipline, the strength of the frontier, and deserved the

glorious title of Restorers of the Roman world.

Claudius gained a crushing victory over the Goths, whose discomfiture

was completed by disease in the year 269. And his successor, Aurelian,

in a reign of less than five years, put an end to the Gothic war,

chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and

Britain from the Roman usurpers, and destroyed the proud monarchy which

Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, had erected in the East on the ruins of the

afflicted empire.

The murder of Aurelian in the East (January 275) led to a curious

revival of the authority of the senate. During an interregnum of eight

months the ancient assembly at Rome governed with the consent of the

army, and appeared to regain with the election of Tacitus, one of their

members, all their ancient prerogatives. Their authority expired,

however, with the death of his successor, Probus, who delivered the

empire once more from the invasions of the barbarians, and succumbed to

the too common fate of assassination in August 282.

Carus, who was elected in his place, maintained the reputation of the

Roman arms in the East; but his supposed death by lightning, by

delivering the sceptre into the hands of his sons Carinus and Numerian

(December 25, 283), once more placed the Roman world at the mercy of

profligacy and licentiousness. A year later, the election of the Emperor

Diocletian (September 17, 284) founded a new era in the history and

fortunes of the empire.

It was the artful policy of Diocletian to destroy the last vestiges of

the ancient constitution. Dividing his unwieldly power among three other

associates--Maximian, a rough, brutal soldier, who ranked as Augustus;

and Galerius and Constantius, who bore the inferior titles of Cæsar--the

emperor removed the centre of government by gradual steps from Rome.

Diocletian and Maximian held their courts in the provinces, and the

authority of the senators was destroyed by spoliation and death.

_VI.--Reign of the Six Emperors_

For twenty-one years Diocletian held sway, establishing, with the

assistance of his associates, the might of the Roman arms in Britain,

Africa, Egypt, and Persia; and then, on May 1, 305, in a spacious plain

in the neighborhood of Nicomedia, divested himself of the purple and

abdicated the throne. On the same day at Milan, Maximian reluctantly

made his resignation of the imperial dignity.

According to the rules of the new constitution, Constantius and Galerius

assumed the title of Augustus, and nominated Maximin and Severus as

Cæsars. The elaborate machinery devised by Diocletian at once broke

down. Galerius, who was supported by Severus, intrigued for the

possession of the whole Roman world. Constantine, the son of

Constantius, on account of his popularity with the army and the people,

excited his suspicion, and only the flight of Constantine saved him from

death. He made his way to Gaul, and, after taking part in a campaign

with his father against the Caledonians, received the title of Augustus

in the imperial palace at York on the death of Constantius.

Civil war once more raged. Maxentius, the son of Maximian, was declared

Emperor of Rome, and, with the assistance of his father, who broke from

his retirement, defended his title against Severus, who was taken

prisoner at Ravenna and executed at Rome in February 307. Galerius, who

had raised Licinius to fill the post vacated by the death of Severus,

invaded Italy to reestablish his authority, but, after threatening Rome,

was compelled to retire.

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