_Gen. Banks at New Orleans.--Old Slave-laws revived.--Treatment of Free
Colored Persons.--Col. Jonas H. French.--Ill Treatment at Port Hudson._
Gen. Banks’s antecedents were unfavorable to him when he landed in New
Orleans. True, he was from Massachusetts, and was a Republican; but he
belonged to the conservative portion of the party. The word “white” in
the militia law, which had so long offended the good taste and better
judgment of the majority of the people, was stricken out during the last
term of Gov. Banks’s administration, but failed to receive his sanction.
In his message vetoing the bill, he resorted to a laborious effort of
special pleading to prove that the negro was not a citizen. The fact
is, he was a Democrat dressed up in Republican garments. Gen. Butler
had brought the whites and blacks nearly to a level with each other as
citizens of New Orleans, when he was succeeded by Gen. Banks. The latter
at once began a system of treatment to the colored people, which showed
that his feelings were with the whites, and against the blacks. The
old slave-law, requiring colored persons to be provided with passes to
enable them to be out from their homes after half-past eight o’clock at
night was revived by Gen. Banks’s understrappers, as the following will
show:--
“_St. Charles Hotel, New Orleans, Jan. 25._
“On Tuesday evening last, at half-past eight o’clock, while passing up
St. Charles Street in company with F. S. Schell, Esq., the artist of
‘Frank Leslie’s Pictorial,’, who is attached to the Banks Expedition,
I was suddenly accosted by two colored women, one of whom, a beautiful
mulatto very tastily attired, besought me to protect her from the
watchmen, who, she said, were following close behind her on the opposite
side of the street, and were about to arrest her and her mother for
being out without passes.
“I offered her and her mother all the protection in my power until they
should reach their home, which was but a few blocks distant; and I had
but scarcely made the proffer, when two powerful and muscular watchmen
came running across the street, club in hand, and at once proceeded
to arrest the women. I inquired of the officers by what authority they
arrested slaves or free colored people. They informed me that they were
acting under orders received from the chief of police, Col. Jonas H.
French.
“The women begged, with tears in their eyes, for their liberty, that
they might return to their homes, where a sister was lying dangerously
ill, and towards whom they were hastening when seized by the watchmen.
Being enough of a ‘Yankee abolitionist’ to feel a glow of indignation
at this flagrant violation of human rights, and, as I supposed, illegal
assumption of power, I proceeded to the prison or watch-house, adjoining
the city hall, from the roof of which flies the flag of freedom.
“What a sight was revealed to me on my visit to that prison! Such a
scene may I never be permitted to visit again! Securing permission, I
went into the corridor, from which lead the cells. There I saw, in one
cell, fifteen feet by twenty feet, fifty colored women and girls packed
like so many cattle: there were six or eight wooden berths, with _pine
mattresses_ and _oak pillows_, for these poor creatures to rest their
limbs upon. Of course, the most of them were obliged to stand uprightly,
or lie upon the wet flooring of the cell.
“I never shall forget the emotions that arose within my bosom as I stood
intently gazing upon the sorrowing faces of these unfortunates as they
cast wistful glances through the heavy iron bars of their cell, and in
supplicating tones implored me to secure them their release. One pretty
young girl of fifteen, with a beautiful face, whose complexion was
that of a pretty Boston brunette, and with long flowing hair, slightly
crimpled, was sobbing as though her heart would break for her mother.
She was terrified at the surroundings of her new position, and the
hideous yells of drunken soldiers and sailors in the next cell.
“There were confined in this cell several women, who, in New York or
Boston, would pass for white women without the slightest difficulty or
suspicion. And there were many darker countenances in that cell, that
were intelligent, and indicated the existence and beating of hearts
beneath those tinged and sable hues. In the opposite cells were over one
hundred colored men and boys of all colors, from the ebony, thick-lipped
African, to the mulatto, and delicately-tinged colored man. They were
there from all ages, from the little child of nine years, to the aged
and decrepit negro of seventy-five. There were the dandy darkey, slave
and free; the laborer, slave and free; the mechanic and waiter, slave
and free.
“Some of these men were the fathers, husbands, and brothers of the women
in the opposite cells. It was but a little while after, when, the jailer
having barred the door which leads into the stone corridor, I heard
distinctly the swelling notes of ‘John Brown’s body lies mouldering,’
&c., and shortly after the grand chorus of an ancient Methodist hymn,
‘For Jesus’ sake, we’ll serve the Lord.’ The next evening, I visited the
cells, and found that nearly all who had been imprisoned the previous
evening had been released on paying a fine of one dollar and a quarter
for free people, and one dollar and a half for slaves.
“There were several likely-looking negro-girls still in the cell, and
three mothers. All of these mothers had sons in the Union army, enlisted
in the colored Native-Guard Regiment. One of them had _three_ sons in
one regiment; the other had two sons, her only children; and the only
child of the third, a boy of nineteen years, was a sergeant in a colored
company. These mothers were all the _property_ of rebels; for they told
me their masters and mistresses swore they would ‘never take the oath
of allegiance to the abolition Yankee Government.’ I asked them how
they happened to be imprisoned, and was informed that their masters and
mistresses had them ‘sent to prison for safe-keeping.’
“One mother told me she was always treated well until her sons joined
the negro regiment, since which time she had been whipped and otherwise
sadly abused. She was not allowed so much liberty at home, and her
mistress had put her off on a short allowance of food, because she did
not prevent her sons from enlisting.
“Here is a verbatim copy of the official order requiring the arrest by
the police of all colored people found in the streets. Beyond the simple
written notice, nothing more has been made public in regard to this
important matter:--
“_Office Chief of Police._
“‘_Lieut. J. Duan_,--You are hereby ordered to arrest all negroes out
without passes after half past eight, P.M.
“‘By order of
“‘Col. J. H. French,
“‘_Provost-marshal General and Chief of Police._’”
“Notices of this kind were sent to all the station-houses, and were
posted in the offices. It is a most despotic law to put in force at such
an hour as this, to protect the property, in the shape of human flesh
and blood, in God’s creatures, belonging or _owned_, as they say, by the
very fiends who have no compulsion at shedding the precious life’s blood
of our sons and brothers, husbands and fathers.
“We, who profess to be Christian people, contributing blood and treasure
for the suppression of this cursed Rebellion, are now called upon to
provide cells for the safekeeping of their slaves.”--_Correspondence of
The Boston Traveller._
The following private letter (says “The New-York Tribune”) from a
colored man in New Orleans, cancelling an order he had previous sent to
New York for a banner, may throw some light on the state of things in
the Southern metropolis:--
“Sir,--If you have not had the banner commenced, it is useless to have
it made at all, as, since the issuing of the President’s proclamation,
Jonas H. French has stopped all of our night-meetings, and has caused us
to get permits to hold meetings on Sunday, and sends his police around
to all of the colored churches every Sunday to examine all of the
permits. He had all the slaves that were turned out of their former
owners’ yards rearrested and sent back; those who belonged to rebels as
well as those who belong to loyal persons. The slaves were mustered
into the rebel army. He has them confined in jail to starve and die,
and refuses their friends to see them. He is much worse than our rebel
masters, he being the chief of police. Last night, after Gen. Banks left
the city, Col. French issued a secret order to all the police-stations
to arrest all the negroes who may be found in the streets, and at the
places of amusement, and placed in jail. There were about five
hundred, both free and slave, confined, without the least notice
or cause,--persons who thought themselves free by the President’s
proclamation, from the parishes of Natchitoches, Ouachita, Rapides,
Catahoula, Concordia, Aragules, Jaques, Iberville, West Baton Rouge,
Point Coupee, Filiciana, East Baton Rouge, St. Helena, Washington, St.
Samany. Free persons of color from any of these parishes, who are found
within the limits of the city, are immediately arrested and placed in
jail by order of Col. French. Therefore it is useless to have the banner
made, as there is no use for it since Gen. Butler has left. R. K. T.”
All colored persons, even those who had been born free, and had
resided in the city from infancy, were included in the order of the
provost-marshal. It is a fact beyond dispute, that both officers and
soldiers under Gen. Banks’s rule in Louisiana manifested a degree of
negro hate that was almost unknown before their advent.
At the siege of Port Hudson, this prejudice against the blacks was
exhibited by all, from Gen. Banks down to the most ignorant private. A
correspondent in “The Boston Commonwealth,” dated at Port Hudson, July
17, 1864, says,--
“Thus, in the siege of Port Hudson, no one knew an instance of such
terrible assaults, without possibility of success, but only repeated
in obedience to Gen. Dwight’s order to ‘continue charging till further
orders.’ The white troops were unanimous in praising the valor of
this devoted regiment. How was it when the provisions of Paragraph 11,
Appendix B, Revised Army Regulations, 1863, were carried out? A General
Order from Gen. Banks authorizes ‘Port Hudson’ to be inscribed on every
banner but those of the colored regiments, which are _overlooked_. Do
those people who speak so loudly in praise of these regiments at Port
Hudson know they are the only ones not authorized to inscribe ‘Port
Hudson’ on their flags? Does _Adjutant-Gen. Thomas_ know it? The
only inscription on the banner of the glorious Seventy-third is the
blood-stain of the noble sergeant who bore it in this fierce assault,
and the rents made in the struggle of the corporals to obtain the dear
rag from the dying man who had rolled himself up in its fold. Regiments
which were ridiculed as cowards and vagabonds have Port Hudson on their
flags. Let us be cautious how we praise the First Native Guards: they
have it not on their flag. Thank God there were thousands of honest
privates in the ranks of the white regiments who will tell the story
of the First Native Guards! The changes of its designation and
consolidation with other regiments will not entirely obliterate its
fame. The blood of the heroic Callioux and his fellow-victims at Port
Hudson will cry to Heaven, and will be heard.
“And how has it run in the campaign of 1864? This same devoted regiment
followed the army of Gen. Banks to Pleasant Hill; but Fort Pillow rushed
red on the general’s sight, and he dare not let them fight. They were
therefore made to ‘boost’ along the wagon-trains of the white troops; to
build the greater part of the famous bridge which saved the fleet, and
got Lieut.-Col. Bailey a star; to endure the kicks and insults of white
soldiers: the officers to be put in arrest by inferior officers of white
regiments, and returned to Morganzia.
“Every available man is detailed daily, rain or shine, to work on the
fortifications under the jeers of loafing white soldiers and officers.”
“The labor-system adopted by Gen. Banks for the freedmen was nothing less
than slavery under another name. Having no confidence in the negro’s
ability to take care of himself, he felt that, even in freedom, he
needed a master, and therefore put him in leading-strings. The general
evidently considered that the wishes of the white planters, whether
rebel or not, were to be gratified, although it were done at the expense
of the black man. In reconstructing the civil authorities of the city
of New Orleans, he carried out the same policy of ignoring the rights
of the colored people, as will be seen by the following extract from a
petition of the colored citizens to President Lincoln:--
“Your petitioners aver that they have applied in respectful terms to
Brig.-Gen. George F. Shepley, Military Governor of Louisiana, and to
Major-Gen. N. P. Banks, commanding the Department of the Gulf, praying
to be placed upon the registers as voters, to the end that they might
participate in the re-organization of civil government in Louisiana; and
that their petition has met with no response from those officers.”
This petition was signed by the men, who, when the city was threatened
by the rebels during the siege of Port Hudson, took up arms for its
defence; all of whom were loyal to the American Union.