CHAPTER V

The economic situation--Exaggerated Entente hopes--Hunger and

suffering among the civil population--The system of requisitioning

and the semi-official monopolists--Profiteering on the part of

the Government clique--Frivolity and cynicism--The "Djemiet"--The

delegates of the German _Zentraleinkaufsgesellschaft_ (Central

Purchases Commission)--A hard battle between German and

Turkish intrigue--Reform of the coinage--Paper money and its

depreciation--The hoarding of bullion--The Russian rouble the best

investment.

During the entire course of the war as I have briefly sketched it

in the foregoing pages, the economic situation in the whole country

and particularly in the capital became more and more serious. But,

let me just say here, in anticipation, that Turkey, being a purely

agricultural country with a very modest population, can never be

brought to sue for peace through starvation, nor, with Germany backing

and financing her, through any general exhaustion of commercial

resources, until Germany herself is brought to her knees. Any victory

must be a purely military and political one. The whole crux of the

food problem in Turkey is that the people suffer, suffer cruelly, but

not enough for hunger to have any results in the shape of an earlier

conclusion of peace. This is the case also with the Central Powers, as

the Entente have unfortunately only too surely convinced themselves now

after their first illusions to the contrary.

There is another element in the Turkish question too--the large

majority of the population are a heterogeneous mass of enslaved and

degenerate beings, outcasts of society, plunged in the lowest social

and commercial depths, entirely lacking in all initiative, who can

never become a factor in any political upheaval, for in Turkey this can

only be looked for from the military or the educated classes. If the

Entente Powers ever counted on Turkey's chronic state of starvation

and lack of supplies coming to their aid in this war, they have made

a sad mistake. Therefore in attempting to sketch in a few pages the

conditions of life and the economic situation in Turkey, my aim is

solely to bring to light the underlying Turkish methods, and the ethics

and spirit of the Young Turkish Government.

During the periods of the very acute bread crises, which occurred

more than once, but notably in the beginning of 1916, some dozen men

literally died of hunger daily in Constantinople alone. With my own

eyes I have repeatedly seen women collapsing from exhaustion in the

streets. From many parts of the interior, particularly Syria, there

were reliable reports of a still worse state of affairs. But even in

more normal times there was always a difficulty in obtaining bread, for

the means of communication in that vast and primitive land of Turkey

are precarious at best, and it was no easy matter to get the grain

transported to the centres of consumption.

Then in Constantinople there was a shortage not only of skilled labour,

but of coal for milling purposes. The result was that the townspeople

only received a daily ration of a quarter of a kilogramme (about 8

oz.--not a quarter of an oka, which would be about 10 oz.) of bread,

which was mostly of an indigestible and occasionally very doubtful

quality--utterly uneatable by Europeans--although occasionally it was

quite good though coarse. If the poor people in Constantinople wanted

to supplement this very insufficient allowance, they could do so when

things were in a flourishing condition at the price of about 2-1/2 or

3 piastres (1 piastre = about 2-1/4_d._) the English pound, and later

4 or 5 piastres. Even this was for the most part only procurable by

clandestine means from soldiers who were usually willing to turn part

of their bread ration into money.

This is about all that can be said about the feeding of the people, for

bread is by far the most important food of the Oriental, and the prices

of the other foodstuffs soon reached exorbitant heights. What were the

poor to feed on when rice, reckoned in English coinage, cost roughly

from 3_s._ 2_d._ to 4_s._ 4_d._ an oka (about 2-1/2 lb.), beans 2_s._

4_d._ the oka, meat 3_s._ to 4_s._, and the cheapest sheep's cheese and

olives, hitherto the most common Turkish condiment to eat with bread,

rose to 3_s._ and 1_s._ 8_d._ the oka?

Wages, on the other hand, were ludicrously low. We may obtain some

idea of the standard of living from the fact that the Government, who

always favoured the soldiers, did not pay more than 5 piastres (about

1_s._) a day to the families of soldiers on active service. I have

often wondered what the people really did eat, and I was never able to

come to any satisfactory conclusion, although I often went to market

myself to buy and see what other people bought. It is significant

enough that just shortly before I left Constantinople--that is, a few

weeks after the Turko-Bulgarian-German victories in Rumania and the

fall of Bucharest--the price of bread in the Turkish capital, in spite

of the widely advertised "enormous supplies" taken in Rumania, rose

still higher.

I cannot speak from personal experience of what happened after

Christmas 1916 in this connection, but everyone was quite convinced,

in spite of the official report, that the harvest of 1916, despite the

tremendous and praiseworthy efforts of the Ministry of Agriculture

and the military authorities, would show a very marked decrease as a

result of the mobilisation of agricultural labour, the requisitioning

of implements, and the shortage of buffaloes, which, instead of

ploughing fields, were pulling guns over the snow-covered uplands of

Armenia. There was a very general idea that the harvest of 1917 would

be a horrible catastrophe. And yet I am fully convinced, and I must

emphasise it again, that, in spite of agricultural disaster, Turkey

will still go on as a military power.

And now let us see what the Government did in connection with the

food problem. At a comparatively early stage they followed Germany's

example and introduced bread tickets, which were quite successful

so long as the flour lasted. In the autumn of 1915 they took the

organisation of the bread supply for large towns out of the hands

of the municipalities, and gave it over to the War Office. They got

Parliament to vote a large fund to buy up all available supplies of

flour, and in view of the immense importance of bread as the chief

means of nourishment of the masses, they decided to sell it at a very

considerable loss to themselves, so that the price of the daily ration

(though not of the supplementary ration) remained very much as it

had been in peace time. The Government always favoured the purely

Mohammedan quarters of the town so far as bread supply was concerned,

and the people living in Fatih and other parts of Stamboul were very

much better off than the inhabitants of Græco-European Pera.

Then Talaat made speeches in the House on the food question in which

he did all in his power to throw dust in the eyes of the starving

population, but he did not really succeed in blinding anyone as to the

true state of affairs. In February 1916, when there was practically a

famine in the land, he even went so far as to declare in Parliament

that the food supplies for the whole of Turkey had been so increased by

enormous purchases in Rumania, that they were now fully assured for two

years.

It was no doubt with cynical enjoyment that the "Committee" of

the Young Turks enlarged on the privations of the people in such

publications as the semi-official _Tanin_, in which the following

wonderful sentiment appeared: "One can pass the night in relative

brightness without oil in one's lamp if one thinks of the bright and

glorious future that this war is preparing for Turkey!"

One could have forgiven such cheap phrases if they had been a true,

though possibly misguided, attempt to provide comfort in face of real

want; but at the same time as such paragraphs were appearing in the

_Tanin_ and thousands of poor Turkish households had to spend the

long winter nights without the slightest light, thousands of tons of

oil were lying in Constantinople alone in the stores of the official

_accapareurs_.

This brings me to the second series of measures taken by the Turkish

Government to relieve the economic situation--those of a negative

nature. Their positive measures are pretty well exhausted when one has

mentioned their treatment of the bread crisis.

The question of _requisitioning_ is one of the most important in

Turkish life in war-time, and is not without its ludicrous side.

In imitation of German war-time methods, either wrongly understood

or wittingly misapplied by Oriental greed, the Turkish Government

requisitioned pretty well everything in the food line or in the

shape of articles of daily use that were sure to be scarce and would

necessarily rise in price. But while in the civilised countries of

Central Europe the supplies so requisitioned were sagely applied to

the general good, the members of the "Committee of Union and Progress"

looked with fine contempt and the grim cynicism of arch-dictators on

the privations and sufferings of the people so long as they did not

actually starve, and used the supplies requisitioned for the personal

enrichment of their clique.

When I speak of requisitioning, I do not mean the necessary military

carrying off of grain, cattle, vehicles, buffaloes, and horses, general

equipment, and so on, in exchange for a scrap of paper to be redeemed

after the war (of very doubtful value in view of Turkey's position)--I

do not mean that, even though the way it was accomplished bled the

country far more than was necessary, falling as it did in the country

districts into the hands of ignorant, brutal, and fanatical underlings,

and in the town being carried out with every kind of refinement

by the central authorities. Too often it was a means of violent

"nationalisation" and deprivation of property and rights exercised

especially against Armenians, Greeks, and subjects of other Entente

countries. If there was a particularly nice villa or handsome estate

belonging to someone who was not a Turk, soldiers were immediately

billeted there under some pretext or other, and it was not long before

these rough Anatolians had reduced everything to rack and ruin.

I do not mean either the terrible damage to commercial life brought

about by the way the military authorities, in complete disregard of

agricultural interests, were always seizing railway waggons, and so

completely laming all initiative on the part of farmers and merchants,

whose goods were usually simply emptied out on the spot, exposed to

ruin, or disposed of without any kind of compensation being given.

What I do mean is the huge semi-official cornering of food, which must

be regarded as typical of the Young Turks' idea of their official

responsibility towards those for whom they exercised stewardship.

The "Bakal Clique" ("provision merchants," "grocers") was known through

the whole of Constantinople, and was keenly criticised by the much

injured public. It was, first of all, under the official patronage of

the city prefect, Ismet Bey, a creature of the Committee; but later

on, when they realised that dire necessity made a continuance of this

system of cornering quite unthinkable, he was made the scapegoat, and

his dismissal from office was freely commented on in the Committee

newspapers as "an act of deliverance." The Committee thought that

they would thus throw dust in the eyes of the sorely-tried people

of Constantinople. Hundreds of thousands of Turkish pounds were

turned into cash in the shortest possible time by this semi-official

syndicate, at the expense of the starving population, and found their

way into the pockets of the administrators.

That was how the Young Turkish parvenus were able to fulfil their one

desire and wriggle their way into the best clubs, where they gambled

away huge sums of money. The method was simple enough: whatever was

eatable or useable, but could only be obtained by import from abroad,

was "taken charge of," and starvation rations, which were simply

ludicrously inadequate and quite insufficient for the needs of even the

poorest household, were doled out by "_vesikas_" (the ticket system).

The great stock of goods, however, was sold secretly at exorbitant

prices by the creatures of the "Bakal Clique," who simply cornered the

market. That is how it happened that in Constantinople, cut off as it

was from the outer world and without imports, even at the end of 1916,

with a population of well over a million, there were still unlimited

stores of everything available for those who could pay fancy prices,

while by the beginning of 1915 those less well endowed with worldly

goods had quite forgotten the meaning of comfort and the poor were

starving with ample stores of everything still available.

In businesses belonging to enemy subjects the system of requisitioning,

of course, reached a climax, stores of all kinds worth thousands of

pounds simply disappearing, without any reason being given for carrying

them off, and nothing offered in exchange, but one of these famous

"scraps of paper." Cases have been verified and were freely discussed

in Pera of ladies' shoes and ladies' clothing even being requisitioned

and turned into large sums of cash by the consequent rise in price.

The profiteering of Ismet and company, who chose the specially

productive centre of the capital for their system of usury, was not,

however, by any means an isolated case of administrative corruption,

for exactly the same system of requisitioning, holding up and then

reselling under private management at as great a profit as possible,

underlay and underlies the great semi-official Young Turkish commercial

organisation, with branches throughout the whole country, known as the

"Djemiet" and under the distinguished patronage of Talaat himself.

After Ismet Bey's fall, the "Djemiet" took over the supplying of the

capital as well (with the exception of bread). We will speak elsewhere

of this great organisation, which is established not only for war

purposes, but serves towards the nationalisation of economic life. So

far as the system of requisitioning is concerned, it comes into the

picture through its firm opposition to German merchants who were trying

to buy up stores of food and raw materials from their ally Turkey.

The intrigues and counter-intrigues on both sides sometimes had most

remarkable results.

One of the really bright sides of life in Constantinople in war-time

was the amusement one extracted from the silent and desperate war

continually being waged by the many well-fed gentlemen of the "Z.E.G."

("_Zentraleinkaufsgesellschaft_," "Central Purchasing Commission") and

their minions who tried to rob Turkey of foodstuffs and raw material

for the benefit of Germany, against the "Djemiet" and more particularly

the Quartermaster-General, Ismail Hakki Pasha, that wooden-legged,

enormously wealthy representative of the neo-Turkish spirit--he was the

most perfect blend of Oriental politeness and narrow-minded decision

to do exactly the opposite of what he had promised. On the Turkish

side, the determination to safeguard the interests of the Army, and in

the case of the "Djemiet" the effort not to let any foodstuffs out of

Germany--a standpoint that has at last found expression in a formal

prohibition of all export--then the quest of personal enrichment on the

part of the great "Clique"; on the German side, the insatiable hunger

for everything Turkey could provide that had been lacking for a long

time in Germany: the whole thing was a wonderfully variegated picture

of mutual intrigue.

The gentlemen of the "Z.E.G.," after months of inactivity spent in

reviling the Turks and studying Young Turkish and other morals and

manners by frequenting all the pleasure resorts in the place, managed

at last to get the exports of raw materials set on the right road, and

so it came about that the fabulous sums in German money that had to be

put into circulation in payment of these goods, in spite of Turkey's

indebtedness to Germany, led to a very considerable depreciation in the

value of the Mark even in Turkey for some time.

But until the understanding as to exports was finally arrived at, there

were many dramatic events in Constantinople, culminating in the Turks

re-requisitioning, with the help of armed detachments, stores already

paid for by Germany and lying in the warehouses of the "Z.E.G." and the

German Bank!

On the financial side, apart from Turkey's enormous debt to Germany,

the wonderful attempt at a reform and standardisation of the coinage in

the middle of May 1916 is worthy of mention. The reform, which was a

simplification of huge economic value of the tremendously complicated

money system and introducing a theoretical gold unit, must be regarded

chiefly as a war measure to prevent the rapid deterioration of Turkish

paper money.

This last attempt, as was obvious after a few months' trial, was

entirely unsuccessful, and even hastened the fall of paper money, for

the population soon discovered at the back of these drastic measures

the thinly veiled anxiety of the Government lest there should be a

further deterioration. Dire punishments, such as the closing down of

money-changers' businesses and arraignment before a military court

for the slightest offence, were meted out to anyone found guilty of

changing gold or even silver for paper.

In November 1916, however, it was an open secret that, in spite of all

these prohibitions, there was no difficulty in the inland provinces

and in Syria and Palestine in changing a gold pound for two or more

paper pounds. In still more unfrequented spots no paper money would

be accepted, so that the whole trade of the country simply came to a

standstill. Even in Constantinople at the beginning of December 1916,

paper stood to gold as 100 to 175.

The Anatolian population still went gaily on, burying all the available

silver _medjidiehs_ and even nickel piastres in their clay pots in the

ground, because being simple country folk they could not understand,

as the Government with all its prayers and threats were so anxious

they should, that throughout Turkey and in the greater and mightier

and equally victorious Germany, guaranteed paper money was really

much better than actual coins, and was just as valuable as gold! The

people, too, could not but remember what had happened with the "Kaimé"

after the Turko-Russian war, when thousands who had believed in the

assurances of the Government suddenly found themselves penniless. In

Constantinople it was a favourite joke to take one of the new pound,

half-pound, or quarter-pound notes issued under German paper, not gold,

guarantee and printed only on one side and say, "This [pointing to the

right side] is the present value, and that [blank side] will be the

value on the conclusion of peace."

Even those who were better informed, however, and sat at the receipt of

custom, did exactly the same as these stupid Anatolian country-people;

no idea of patriotism prevented them from collecting everything metal

they could lay their hands on, and, in spite of all threats of

punishment--which could never overtake them!--paying the highest price

in paper money for every gold piece they could get. Their argument was:

"One must of course have something to live on in the time directly

following the conclusion of peace." In ordinary trade and commerce,

filthy, torn paper notes, down to a paper piastre, came more and more

to be practically the only exchange.

A discerning Turk said to me once: "It would be a very good plan

sometime to have the police search these great men for bullion every

evening on their return from the official exchanges. That would be more

to the point than any reform in the coinage!"

Those who could not get gold, bought roubles, which were regarded as

one of the very best speculations going, until one day the Turkish

Government, in their annoyance at some Russian victory, suddenly

deported to Anatolia a rich Greek banker of the name of Vlasdari, who

was accused of having speculated in roubles, which of course gave them

the double benefit of getting rid of a Greek and seizing his beautiful

estate in Pera.

Only the greatest optimists were deceived into believing that it was a

profitable transaction to buy Austrian paper money at the fabulously

low price the Austrian _Krone_ had reached against the Turkish pound,

which was really neither politically nor financially in any better a

state. The members of the "Committee of Union and Progress" had of

course shipped their gold off to Switzerland long ago.

Two war years in Constantinople · 第 5 / 10 章