II. THEORY OF THE STATES AS ALIEN ENEMIES.

The advocates of the theory that the rebel States are foreign enemies,

and may be treated according to all the laws of war with foreign

nations, seek support for their views in the decision of the Supreme

Court rendered last March in the Hiawatha and other prize cases. The

question was raised in those cases whether we had the right to

confiscate the property of persons resident in the rebel States who

might be non-combatants or loyal men. The Court decided that 'all

persons residing within this territory (the rebellious region) whose

property may be used to increase the revenues of the hostile power, are

_in this contest_ liable to be treated as enemies, _though not

foreigners_.' This decision defines the _status_ of persons in the

rebellion region _bello flagranti_, or while the war lasts. It calls all

persons within that region enemies, because their 'property may be used

to increase the revenues of the hostile power.' Could their property be

so used after the defeat of the rebellious power? The decision does not

assume to determine that question. Nor could it come within the province

of the Court to decide what might at some future time be the condition

and _status_ of loyal men at the South.

It is said that in accordance with this decision all persons in the

rebellious States are to be treated as alien enemies, and the deduction

is hastily made that as to them all the Constitution, like any treaty,

or compact, with foreign States, is, by the fact of rebellion, annulled.

Aside from the fact that the Constitution is not a compact, and when

rightly understood cannot be confounded with a compact, such a

conclusion is at war with that essential principle of our Government,

which denies to any body of men the right to absolve their unwilling

fellow citizens from their allegiance, that is, denies the right of

secession. Such citizens, whose will is overpowered by force, have never

proved false to their fealty. The Constitution is still theirs; they are

still parties to it; and their rights are still sacred under it.

That no such conclusion is warranted by the decision above referred to,

will still further appear from the following considerations:--Our

dealings with foreign nations are regulated by the principles of

international law, and, according to that law, war abrogates all

treaties between belligerents, as of course. But international law

supposes the belligerents to be of equal and independent sovereignty.

This is the very point in dispute in our contest with the rebellion. We

deny to the rebellion the attribute of independent sovereignty, as we

deny it to every one of the States included in the rebellion. Our

Constitution is, in no sense, a treaty between sovereign States. It is

an organic law, establishing a nation, ordained by the people of the

whole country. Therefore, only such persons under it as voluntarily wage

war upon it, can be strictly called enemies: only such persons, on the

defeat of the rebellion, will be liable to be treated as enemies. As to

all men who have not participated in the rebellion, it is not easy to

see how war, rebellion, usurpation, or any power on earth can destroy

their rights under the Constitution.

The Continental Monthly, Vol. 4, No. 6, December 1863 Devoted to Literature and National Policy · 第 32 / 80 题