EVENTS IN THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY, 1765-1768.
In the foregoing chapters an attempt has been made to point out
certain general aspects relating to the West and to the Illinois
country, with special reference to the governmental status of the old
French settlements after the conquest, the extension of the English
law to the conquered territory, some of the problems of the Indian
and trade relations, and finally attention has been called to some
of the projects for the colonization of the Illinois country after
1763. What were the actual events taking place in the Illinois after
the occupation has always been problematical. Previous writers have
almost without exception dismissed with a sentence the first two
or three years of the period. Indeed the whole thirteen years of
British administration have generally been crowded into two or three
paragraphs. Although the available historical material relating to
the material to the period in general has recently been considerably
augmented, there yet remain gaps which must be bridged before a
complete history of the colony under the British can be written.
Among the first duties of the British commandant after taking formal
possession of Fort de Chartres in October, 1765, was to announce to
the inhabitants the contents of Gage's proclamation. It is only from
this document that we know anything of the status of the individual
inhabitants of Illinois. One of its leading features was a clause
granting to the French the right of the free exercise of the Roman
Catholic religion "in the same manner as in Canada,"[210] which was
the fulfillment on the part of the British government of the pledge
stipulated in the IVth article of the treaty of Paris, containing the
following clause: "Brittanick Majesty agrees to grant the liberty
of the Catholic religion to the inhabitants of Canada; he will
consequently give the most precise and effectual orders, that his new
Roman Catholic subjects may profess the worship of their religion,
according to the rites of the Roman Catholic Church, as far as the
laws of Great Britain permit."[211] This provision appertained to the
whole western territory as well as to Canada proper. Prior to the
treaty of cession the Illinois and Wabash settlements were subject to
the jurisdiction of Louisiana, while approximately the country north
of the Fortieth parallel had been within the limits of Canada. But
in the treaty all the territory lying between the Alleghanies and
the Mississippi river was described as a dependency of Canada. The
government was thus commited to religious toleration within the whole
extent of the ceded territory. This meant, however, that only the
religious privileges of the church had been secured, for the clause in
the treaty, "as far as the laws of Great Britain permit," meant that
papal authority would not be tolerated within the British empire.
Other clauses provided that all the inhabitants of Illinois who
had been subjects of the king of France, might if they so desired,
sell their estates and retire with their effects to Louisiana. No
restraint would be placed on their emigration, except for debt or
on account of criminal processes.[212] This was also a fulfillment of
the pledges made in the treaty of Paris.[213] All the inhabitants who
desired to retain their estates and become subjects of Great Britain
were guaranteed security for their persons and effects and liberty of
trade.[214] Finally they were commanded to take the oath of allegiance
and fidelity to the crown in case they remained on British soil.[215]
When Captain Sterling proceeded to Kaskaskia to post the proclamation
and to administer the oaths of allegiance for which he was empowered
by the commanding general, he was confronted by an unexpected movement
on the part of the inhabitants. A petition was presented signed by the
representative French of the village, asking for a respite of nine
months in order that they might settle their affairs and decide whether
they wished to remain under the British government or withdraw from
the country.[216] At first Sterling refused to grant the request.[217]
According to the terms of the Paris treaty the inhabitants of the ceded
territory had been given eighteen months in which to withdraw, the time
to be computed from the date of the exchange of ratifications.[218] The
limit had long since expired, and it was therefore beyond the power of
Sterling or his superior General Gage to grant legally an extension of
time.[219] When, however, the commandant perceived that unless some
concessions were granted, the village would be immediately depopulated,
he extended the time to the first of March, 1766, with the provisions
that a temporary oath of allegence be given,[220] and that all desiring
to leave the country should give in their names in advance.[221] To
this tentative proposition the French in Kaskaskia agreed on condition
that Sterling forward to the commanding general a petition, in which
they ask for the longer time.[222] An officer was dispatched to the
villages of Prairie du Rocher, St. Phillipe, and Cahokia where similar
arrangements were made.[223]
The machinery of civil government in operation under the French regime
had become badly deranged during the French and Indian war and when the
representatives of the English government entered the country affairs
were in a chaotic state. The commandant of the English troops had of
course no authority to govern the inhabitants. But he found himself
face to face with conditions which made immediate action imperative.
Practically the only civil officers Sterling found on the English side
of the river were Joseph La Febevre, who acted as Judge, Attorney
General and Guardian of the Royal Warehouse, and Joseph Labuxiere,
was Clerk and Notary Public.[224] But those men retired with St. Ange
and the French soldiers to St. Louis shortly after the arrival of
the English.[225] This brought the whole governmental machinery to a
standstill, and the English commander was forced to act. He determined
to appoint a judge and after consulting the principal inhabitants of
the villages, selected M. La Grange, who was intrusted "to decide
all disputes according to the Laws and Customs of the Country,"
with liberty to appeal to the commandant in case the litigants were
dissatisfied with his decision.[226] The captains of militia seem to
have retained their positions under the British, their duties being
practically the same as in the French regime. Each village or parish
had its captain who saw to the enforcement of decrees and other civil
matters as well as looking after the local militia.[227] The office
of royal commissary continued and James Rumsey, a former officer
in the English army was appointed to this position.[228] But who
was to continue the duties of the old French commandants with both
his civil and military functions? Obviously the most logical person
was the commanding officer of the English troops stationed at the
fort, with the difference that the former held a special commission
for the performance of these duties, while the latter had no such
authorisation. A further and more fundamental difference lay in
the fact that formerly the French had the right to appeal to the
Superior Council at New Orleans, while apparently no such corresponding
safeguard was given them by the new arrangement.
Sterling did not long retain command of the post[229] for in December
he was superseded by Major Robert Farmer,[230] his superior in rank,
who arrived from Mobile with a detachment of the 34th regiment, after
an eight months voyage. Their arrival was exceedingly welcome to
Sterling and his men since they were becoming greatly embarrassed for
lack of provisions, ammunition, and presents for the Indians.[231]
When they left Fort Pitt in August, it had not been thought necessary
to transport more than sixty pounds of ammunition inasmuch as Fort
de Chartres was expected to yield a sufficient supply, and both Gage
and Sterling believed that Croghan, with his cargo of supplies, would
be awaiting the arrival of the troops at the Illinois.[232] Neither
expectation was realized. Croghan was back in the colonies prior to
Sterling's arrival at the post, and when the fort was transferred, it
yielded neither ammunition nor other supplies in sufficient quantity to
meet the needs of the troops.[233]
An assembly of three or four thousand Indians had been accustomed to
gather at the fort each spring to receive annual gifts from the French.
But the English had made no provisions for such a contingency, which,
coupled with the weakness of the garrison and the recent hostility of
the Indians, would probably lead to serious complications. A possible
defection of the Indians, therefore, necessitated a large supply of
military stores[234] which it was possible to obtain from the French
merchants in the villages. The latter agreed to furnish the soldiers
with ammunition, on the condition that other provisions would also
be purchased,[235] for which the English alleged they charged an
exorbitant price.[236] Sterling was compelled to acquiesce, for the
merchants had sent their goods across the river where he could not get
at them.[237]
The large supply of provisions which the colony had produced in former
years seems to have decreased, at any rate it fell far short of the
expectations of the English officers. One officer writes at this time
that "they have indeed but little here, and are doing us a vast favor
when they let us have a Gallon of French brandy at twenty Shillings
Sterling, and as the price is not as yet regulated the Eatables is in
the same proportion."[238] The wealth of colony had been considerably
impaired since the occupation on account of the exodus of a large
number of French who disobeyed the order of Sterling that all who
desired to withdraw should give in their names in advance. Taking
their cattle, grain and effects across the ferries at Cahokia and
Kaskaskia, they found homes at St. Louis and St. Genevieve on the
Spanish side.[239] Probably a large part of the emigrants left in
the hope that in Louisiana they might still enjoy their ancient laws
and privileges,[240] and others from fear lest the Indians, who were
now assuming a threatening attitude, might destroy their crops and
homes.[241]
The acute situation of the garrison brought on by the dearth of
supplies continued through the winter and spring of 1765 and 1766.[242]
Farmer estimated that all the provisions available amounted to no more
than fifty thousand pounds of flour and 1250 pounds of corn meal,[243]
upon which the garrison could barely subsist till the following July;
and a portion of this stock would have to be given to the Indians,
since representatives of the Indian department had not yet appeared.
These circumstances obliged Major Farmer to send Sterling and his
troops to New York by way of the Mississippi river and New Orleans
instead of up the Ohio river in accordance with Gage's orders.[244] In
response to a series of urgent requests for assistance, Gage employed
a force of Indians to transport a cargo to the Illinois,[245] which
reached Fort Chartres during the early summer of 1766, by which time
also representatives of the English merchants at Philadelphia had
arrived with large stores of supplies.[246] Henceforth we hear nothing
further of a shortage of provisions in the Illinois, for not only did
the English merchants import large supplies from the East, but cargoes
were brought up the Mississippi from New Orleans by the French;[247]
and for a time the English government itself transported the necessary
provisions from Fort Pitt.[248]
Late in the summer of 1766 Farmer was relieved by Lieutenant Colonel
Reid, who arrived during the summer from Mobile with another detachment
of the thirty-fourth regiment.[249] Reid soon became obnoxious to
the people on account of his tyrannical acts, many of which have been
recorded in Colonel George Morgan's letter book. His administration
of affairs, however, continued over a period of two years. In 1768 he
was relieved by Colonel John Wilkins who ruled the French for the next
three years.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Alden, George Henry, New Governments West of the Alleghany Mountains
before 1780. University of Wisconsin Bulletin, II. Madison, 1889.
Alvord, C. W., Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763. Mich. Pion. & Hist.
Colls.
Bancroft, George, MSS Collection of, N. Y. Pub. Lib.
Beer, G. L., British Colonial Policy, New York, 1907.
Brown, Henry, Hist. of Ill., New York, 1844.
Butler, Mann, Hist. of Ky., Louisville, 1834.
Canadian Archives, Report concerning for the year 1906. Ottawa.
Chatham Papers, Pub. Rec. Office, London.
Coffin, V., The Province of Quebec and the American Revolution.
University of Wisconsin Bulletin, I. Madison, 1896.
Franklin, Benjamin, Works of, Ed. by John Bigelow. 10 Vols. New York,
1888.
Gayarre, C., Hist. of La. 3 Vols., New Orleans, 1903.
Harding, Julia Morgan, Geo. Morgan: His Family and Times. Washington
(Pa.) Observer, May 21, 1904.
Hinsdale, B. A., The Old Northwest. New York, 1888.
Historical MSS Commission's Reports. London.
Johnson, Sir William, MSS Collections of, 26 Vols. New York State
Library, Albany.
Kaskaskia Records: British Period. MS Collection, University of
Illinois.
Kingsford, W., Hist. of Canada. 10 Vols. Toronto, 1887-1890.
Morgan, George, MS Letter Book. Nov. 1766 to July 1768.
Monette, J. W., Hist. of the Miss. Valley. 2 Vols. New York, 1848.
New York, Documents relating to the Colonial History of. Edited by E.
B. O'Callaghan, 11 Vols. Albany, 1856-1857.
Parkman, F., MS Collection, Mass. Hist. Soc. Lib.
Parkman, F., Conspiracy of Pontiac, 2 Vols. Boston, 1903. Wolfe and
Montcalm. Boston, 1903.
Public Record Office, London: Mil. Corr., Series America & West Indies;
Home Office Papers; Chatham Papers.
Sioussat, St. George L., The English Statutes in Maryland. J. H. U.
Studies, XXI, Baltimore, 1903.
Stone, H. R., Life and Times of Sir William Johnson. 2 Vols. Albany,
1865.
Thwaites, R. G., Early Western Travels, 1784-1846. Cleveland, 1904.
Terrage, Mare de Villiers, Les Dernièrs Années de la Louisiane
Française. Paris, 1903.
Winsor, J., Narrative and Critical History of America. 8 Vols. Boston
and New York, 1889.
The Westward Movement, 1763-1798. Boston & New York, 1897.
The Mississippi Basin, Boston & New York, 1898.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Perkins, _France under Louis XV_, II, pp. 1-83.
[2] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, I, pp. 1-39.
[3] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, I, pp. 39-67.
[4] Hunt, _Pol. Hist. of England_, X, pp. 23-40.
[5] Text of treaty in Chalmers, _Collections of Treaties_, I, 467-483.
Canadian Archives, 1907 _Report_, 73-84. Hildreth, _Hist. of U. S._,
501-503.
[6] Parkman, _La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West_, 312.
[7] Ibid., 312.
[8] Cahokia was founded in 1699 by the priests of the Seminary of
Foreign Missions.
[9] Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ V, 43.
[10] Ibid., 49.
[11] Ibid., 53.
[12] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 272-273.
[13] For the Indian rebellion the best secondary accounts are: Parkman,
_Conspiracy of Pontiac_, 2 vols., passim. Kingsford, _Hist. of Can._,
1-112. Poole, The West, in Winsor, _Narr. & Crit. Hist. of Amer._, VI.,
684-700. Winsor, _Miss. Basin_, 432-446. Bancroft, _Hist. of U. S._,
IV., 110-133. (Ed. of 1852, containing references.)
[14] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, I, 182.
[15] Johnson to Lords of Trade, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, pp 929, 955,
960, 964, 987.
[16] Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 532.
[17] Johnson to Amherst, July 11th, 1763. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 532.
[18] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, I, 181, quoting from a letter
of Sir William Johnson to Gov. Colden, Dec. 24, 1763. Winsor, _Miss.
Basin_, 433.
[19] Johnson to Lords of Trade, July 1, 1763, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII,
525. Johnson to Amherst, July 8, 1763, Ibid., 531. Johnson to Lords of
Trade, Dec. 26, 1764, Ibid., 688-689. Gage to Bouquet, June 5, 1764,
Can. Arch., Series A, Vol. 8, p 409. Gage to Bouquet, Oct. 21, 1764,
Ibid., p 481. Johnson to Gov. Colden, Jan. 22, 1765, Johnson MSS, X,
No. 99.
[20] _Can. Arch. Report_, 1905, I, 470. Neyon to Kerlerc, Dec. 1, 1763,
Bancroft Coll., Lenox Lib. Extract from letters of M. D'Abaddie, Jan.,
1764, _Can. Arch. Report_ I, 471. D'Abaddie to the French minister,
1764, Ibid., 472.
[21] This is the view taken by Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II,
279, and by Bancroft, _Hist. of U. S._, V, 133, 136. But Kingsford,
in his _Hist. of Can._, V, 25, takes an opposite view. He says that
the "high character claimed for Pontiac cannot be established." "He
can be looked upon in higher light, than the instrument of the French
officials and traders." On page 6 he declares that "there is no
evidence to establish him as the central figure organizing this hostile
feeling."
[22] Gage to Halifax, July 15, 1764, Bancroft Coll., Eng. & Am.,
1764-1765. Winsor, _Miss. Basin_, 444, 456. Winsor, _Narr. & Crit.
Hist. of Am._ VI, 702.
[23] Beer, _British Col. Policy_, 263. Kingsford, _Hist. of Can._, V,
68.
[24] Winsor, _Miss. Basin_, 633. Ogg, _Opening of Miss._, 301.
[25] Bouquet to Amherst, Dec. 1, 1763, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. IV, p
413. Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 22, 1763, Ibid., Vol. 8, p. 341.
[26] Lt. Col. Robertson to Gage, March 8, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am.,
1764-1765, De Villers, _Les dernièrs Années de la Louisiana_, 180.
[27] Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
Gage to Halifax, May 21, 1764, Ibid. Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_,
88, 283, 285. Kingsford, _Hist. of Can._, V, 69-74. Winsor, _Narr. and
Crit. Hist. of Am._, VI, 701, 702, Gayarre, _Louisiana_, II, 102-103.
[30] Loftus to Gage, April 9, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
De Villers, _Les dernières Années de la Louisiana_, 182-184.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Robertson to Gage, Mar. 8, 1764, Ibid. "Account of what happened
when the English attempted to take possession of Illinois by way of
the Mississippi," from Paris documents, Can. Arch. Report, 1905, I,
407-411. Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 284, note 1, containing
a letter from Gage thanking D' Abadie for his efforts in behalf of the
English.
[33] Extract from the correspondence of D' Abadie with the French
commandants, Jan., 1764. _Can. Arch. Report_, 1905, I, 471. Parkman,
who made a careful study of the correspondence in the French archives,
came to the conclusion that the French officials may be exonerated.
Winsor holds a similar view in his _Mississippi Basin_, 452. See also
Cayarre, _Louisiana_, II, 101. Kingford, in his _Hist, of Can._, V,
69-74, places no dependence in D' Abadie's statements. On the other
hand he bases most of his argument upon a letter of Loftus which he
quotes at length, but gives no hint as to its location, date, &c. It is
evidently not the letter written to Gage, which is quoted above.
[34] Loftus to Gage, April 9th, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[35] Gage to Halifax, April 14th, 1764, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 619.
[36] This has reference to those tribes along the Mississippi River who
were in direct communication with Pontiac and the French. The great
Cherokee and Chicksaw nations were favorable to the English.
[37] Gage to Bouquet, May 21, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, p 393.
Gage to Halifax, May 2d, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage
to Haldimand, May 27, 1764, Brit. Mus., Add. MSS, 21, 662. Gage to
Halifax, July 13, 1764, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[38] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, Winsor, _Miss. Basin_, 454.
[39] St. Ange to D' Abadie, Aug. 16, 1764, _Can. Arch. Report_, 1905,
I, 471. Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 279-280.
[40] The original journal kept by Morris during his journey is
reprinted in Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 198-208. There is
also a biographical sketch in the same volume. Correspondence relating
to the Morris mission is to be found in the Bouquet Collection, Can.
Arch., Ser. A, Vol. 8, pp 475-491. For a good account of the incident,
see Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 198-208, and Kingsford,
_Hist. of Canada_, V, 8.
[41] This incident illustrates the practical failure of Bradstreet's
campaign against the Indians in the Lake region. While he retook the
posts, his terms were so easy that the Indians were not in the least
awed by the proximity of his army.
[42] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 305.
[43] Ross to Farmer, Feb. 21, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
Gage to Halifax, Aug. 10, 1765, Ibid.
[44] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
H. Gordon to Johnson, Aug. 10, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 73.
[45] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[46] Ibid.
[47] Ibid.
[48] Ibid. Copy of Council held at the Illinois in April, 1765, Home
Office Papers, Dom., Geo. III, Vol. 3, No. 4(1). Public Rec. Office.
Copy of minutes of Council, April 4, 1765, in _Can. Arch. Report_,
1905, I, 473. See also De Villiers, _Les dernières Années de la
Louisiana_, p. 220.
[49] Ross to Farmer, May 25, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[50] Johnson to Gage, June 9, 1764, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIX, No. 111.
Johnson to Lords of Trade, Dec 26, 1764, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 689.
Bouquet to Gage, Jan. 5, 1765, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. VII, p 111.
Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 291-292. Winsor, _Narr. & Crit.
Hist, of Am._, VI, 702. Croghan is one of the most interesting figures
of the period. He had entire charge, as Sir William Johnson's deputy,
of the Indians in the Ohio river region and was thoroughly conversant
with western affairs. For biographical sketch see Thwaites, _Early
Western Travels_, I, 47-52, or _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII.
[51] Gage to Bouquet, Dec. 24, 1764, Can. Arch., Ser. A, Vol. VIII,
p 499. Ibid., Dec. 30, 1764, Ibid. This distinction is not generally
made. Writers have usually inferred that Fraser simply accompanied
Croghan in an unofficial capacity. See, however, Winsor, _Miss. Basin_,
456. Ogg, in _Opening of the Mississippi_, 310, places Fraser's journey
a year previous to Croghan's, which is obviously an error.
[52] Gage to Johnson, Feb. 2, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac:—Miscell.,
1765-1778.
[53] Jos. Calloway to B. Franklin, Jan. 23, 1765, Sparks MSS, XVI, 54,
55.
[54] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 292.
[55] The frontiersmen could not understand the significance of giving
valuable presents to the Indians.
[56] Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII,
716. Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 292-297.
[57] Johnson to Lords of Trade, May 24, 1765, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII.
716.
[58] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 297.
[59] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 16, 1765, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII,
694.
[60] Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to May 12,
1765, MS in Parkman Collection. Johnson to Burton, June 6, 1765,
Johnson MSS, X, No. 263.
[61] Croghan's Journal of his transactions, from Feb. 28 to May 12,
1765, MS in Parkman Collection.
[62] Maisonville, a Frenchman, and one Andrew, an interpreter were
among the whites. Shawnee and Seneca Indians also accompanied the
party. Note the error in Kingsford, _Hist. of Can._, V, 116, wherein
Sinnot is said to have accompanied Fraser. Sinnot had been sent about
the same time from the south by Indian agent Stuart. On arriving at
the Illinois his goods were plundered and he was finally forced to
flee to New Orleans. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, _N. Y.
Col. Docs._, VII, 765. Ibid., Nov. 16, 1765, Ibid., p 776. Apparently
Sinnott must have arrived at Illinois after Fraser's departure for
New Orleans, since Croghan implies that the former was still at Fort
Chartres while he was a captive at Vincennes. See Croghan's Journal as
printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 780.
[63] Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 300.
[64] Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
Fraser to Crawford, May 20, 1765, _Mich. Pion. Colls._, X, 216-218.
Fraser to Gage, May 26, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Gage
to Johnson, Aug. 12, 1765, Parkman Coll., Pontiac, Miscell., 1765-1778.
[65] Fraser to Gage, June 16, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 302. De Villiers, _Les dernières
Années de la Louisiana Française_, 220-221. Reports were current in
the East that Fraser and his party had been killed by the Indians. See
Gage to Johnson, June 17, 1765, Myers Coll., N. Y. Pub. Lib. Johnson to
Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43. One of the
party, Maisonville, remained in the Illinois. Thwaites, _Early Western
Travels_, I, 146.
[66] Fraser to Campbell, May 20, 1765, _Mich. Pioneer Colls._, X,
216-218.
[67] St Ange to D' Abadie, _Can. Arch. Report_, 1905, I, 471.
[68] A party of traders under the leadership of one Crawford preceeded
Croghan. They were, however, cut off before reaching the Illinois.
Shuchburgh to Johnson, July 25, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56.
[69] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 131. Parkman, _Conspiracy of
Pontiac_, II, 304. The chief sources of information for this journey
are Croghan's Journals, most of which have been printed in Thwaites,
_Early Western Travels_, I, 126-166. For secondary accounts see,
Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 304-315. Kingsfords, _Hist. of
Can._, V, 116-120. Winsor, _Narr. & Crit. Hist. of Am._, VI, 704.
Ibid., _Miss. Basin_, 456-457.
[70] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 131. Gage to Conway, Sept.
23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765. Parkman, _Conspiracy of
Pontiac_, II, 304.
[71] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 139.
[72] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am.,
1764-1765. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ibid.
[73] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ibid. Thwaites, _Early Western
Travels_, I, 146.
[74] Croghan to Murray, July 12, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am.,
1764-1765. Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 144-145. Johnson to
Lords of Trade, July, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 43.
[75] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 145-146.
[76] Ibid. Jas. Macdonald to Johnson, July 24, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol.
XI, No. 50. Thos. Hutchins to Johnson, Aug. 13, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol.
XI, No. 97. Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am.,
1764-1765.
[77] Thwaites, _Early Western Travels_, I, 154-166. Johnson to Wallace,
Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56. Gage to Conway, Sept. 25,
1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am,, 1764-1765. Johnson to Lords of Trade,
Sept. 28, 1765, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 766. Gage to Conway, Nov. 9,
1765. Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[78] Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
Johnson to Wallace, Sept. 18, 1765, Johnson MSS, Vol. XI, No. 56.
Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 28, 1765, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII, 766.
[79] Gage to Conway, Sept. 23, 1765, Ban. Coll., Eng. & Am., 1764-1765.
[80] Ibid.
[81] Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind.
Vol. 122.
[82] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind.
Vol. 122.
[83] Ibid.
[84] Ibid.
[85] Ibid. Sterling asserts that although Croghan claimed to have made
a peace with all the Illinois chiefs, he is assured that not one was
present at the peace conference in Ouiatanon, and that his own sudden
appearance at the village was the real cause of his success. Sir
William Johnson, in a letter to Croghan, Feb. 21, 1766, (Johnson MSS,
Vol. XII, No. 60.) casts doubt upon the representation of Sterling.
He says that it is easy to account for his motives, and that he has
written Gen. Gage fully upon the subject. The letter referred to has
probably been destroyed; at any rate it is not in any of the large
collections.
[86] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. Ind.,
Vol. 122. Eidington to ——, Oct. 17, 1765, Catham Papers, Vol. 97,
Pub. Rec. Office. Gage to Johnson, Dec. 30, 1765, MS letter in Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Barrington, Jan. 8, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office,
A. & W. Ind., Vol. 122. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Ibid. Johnson
to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, _N. Y. Col. Docs._., X, 1161 ff.
Capt. Sterling relates in his letter to Gage that he had considerable
difficulty in persuading St. Ange to surrender his ammunition and
artillery stores. The latter claimed he had positive orders to
surrender only the fort and a few pieces of artillery.
As to the time of Sterling's arrival, Parkman, II, 314, says he arrived
in the early part of winter, while Nicollet, in his sketch of St.
Louis, states that the fort was reached in mid-summer. From the above
references, there can be no doubt as to the exact date.
[87] Text of the Proclamation in _Can. Arch. Report_, 1906, pp 119-123.
For discussion as to the origin of the various clauses, see Alvord,
_Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763_, in _Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll._
[88] Egremont to Lords of Trade, July 14, 1763. _Can. Arch. Report_,
1906, p 108.
[89] Egremont to Lords of Trade, Aug. 5, 1763, C. A. Rep., 1906, pp
110-111.
[90] "We would humbly propose, that a Commission under the Great
Seal, for the Government of this Country, should be given to the
Commander-in-chief of Your Majesty's Troops for the time being adapted
to the Protection of the Indians and the Fur Trade of Your Majesty's
subjects." Ibid., p 111.
[91] They could not have been ignorant of the existence of such
colonies in the ceded territory, for Sir William Johnson, who was
familiar with western conditions, was in constant correspondence with
the ministry, and such works as the _Histoire de Louisiana_ by Du
Pratz, published in 1758, were doubtless familiar to English statesmen.
[92] See post Ch. V.
[93] Dartmouth to Cramahé, Can. Arch. Ser. Q., Vol. IX, p 157.
[94] See post Ch. V.
[95] It is very curious that no reference occurs in Art. XV of the
Plan, which dealt with civil matters. "That for the maintaining peace
and good Order in the Indian Country, and bringing Offenders in
criminal Cases to due Punishment, the said Agents or Superintendents,
as also the Commissaries at each Post, and in the Country belonging
to each Tribe, be empowered to act as Justices of the Peace in their
respective Districts and Departments, with all powers and privileges
vested in such Officers in any of the Colonies; and also full power of
Committing Offenders in Capital Cases, in order that such Offenders may
be prosecuted for the same; And that, for deciding all civil actions,
the Commissaries be empowered to try and determine in a Summary way
all such Actions, as well between the Indians and Traders, as between
one Trader and another, to the amount of Ten Pound Sterling, with the
Liberty of Appeal to the Chief Agent or Superintendant, or his Deputy,
who shall be empowered upon such appeal to give Judgement thereon;
which Judgement shall be final, and process issued upon it, in like
manner as on the Judgement of any Court of Common Pleas established in
any of the Colonies."
[96] Brown, _Hist. of Ill._, 212-213. See post Ch. VII.
[97] Gage to Sec. Conway, March 28, 1766. B. T. Papers, Vol. XX, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib.
[98] Gage to Johnson, Jan. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28.
[99] See post Ch. IV.
[100] Review of the Trade and Affairs of the Indians in the Northern
District of America, _ N. Y. Col. Docs._, Vol. VII, 964.
[101] Gage to Hillsborough, Aug. 6, 1771, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 128. Two years before he had written: "Two persons are confined
in Fort Chartres for murther, and the Colonel (Wilkins) proposes to
send them to Philadelphia, about fifteen hundred miles, to take their
Tryall." Gage to Hillsborough, Oct. 7, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. W.
I., Vol. 125.
[102] Hillsborough to Gage, Dec. 9, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 124.
[103] "The situation and particular circumstances of the Ilinois (sic)
Country, and the use, if that Country is maintained, if guarding the
Ohio and Ilinois Rivers at or near their junctions with the Mississippi
has been set forth to your Lordship in my letter of the 22d of Feb.
last. It is upon that plan the Regiment is posted in the Disposition
in the Ilinois Country." Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec.
Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.
[104] Blackstone, _Commentaries_, (3d ed., Cooley) _Introduction_, sec.
4, 107.
[105] Text of the decision in _Can. Arch. Report_, 1906, pp 366-370.
[106] Other important leading cases, such as Calvin's case in 1607
and the case of Blanckard vs Galdy in the 18th century, involving
the status of Jamaica, have the same bearing. See Sioussat, English
Statutes in Maryland, J. H. U. Studies, XXI, 481-487.
[107] _Can. Arch. Report_, 1906, 120-121.
[108] _Franklin's Works_, (Sparks Ed.) IV, 303-323. "I conceive that
to procure all the commerce it will afford and at as little expense to
ourselves as we can is the only object we should have in view in the
interior Country for a century to come." Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10,
1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. It may be noted, however,
that some members of the government had serious doubts as to this
policy. Such men as Shelburne favored an early opening of the country
to colonization.
[109] Alvord, _Gen. of the Proc. of 1763_, _Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll._,
Vol.
[110] Alvord, _Gen. of Proc. of 1763_, _Mich. Pion. & Hist. Coll._
[111] _Can. Arch. Report_, 1906, p 122.
[112] See supra ch. III.
[113] _Can. Arch. Report_ 1904, pp 242-246. The plan is here presented
in full.
[114] _Franklin's Works_, V, 38. Coffin, _Quebec Act and the American
Revolution_, p 415, quoting from Knox, _Justice and Policy of the
Quebec Act_, London, 1774.
[115] The failure to successfully carry out this plan would of course
leave the country a dead weight on the empire.
[116] Johnson MSS, Vol. X, No. 190.
[117] Morgan notes something more than mere mention, since he plays an
important role in the affairs of the Illinois country from 1765-1771.
He was born in Philadelphia in 1741 and was educated at Princeton
college. Through the influence of his father-in-law, James Baynton, he
was admitted to the firm of Baynton and Wharton and in 1765 became the
western representative of the firm. After his experiences in Illinois,
Morgan served the Revolutionary cause in the capacity of Indian agent.
He died in 1810. See _Biography of Col. George Morgan_, by Julia Morgan
Harding, in the _Washington (Pa.) Observer_, May 21, 1904.
[118] This company had traded extensively among the Indians on the
Penn. border prior to 1765. During the Indian wars the firm lost
heavily and it was in an attempt to retrieve its fortune that a branch
house was established in the Illinois Country.
[119] Morgan's MS Letter Book.
[120] Morgan's MS Letter Book.
[121] Five batteaus loaded with goods under the command of John
Jennings, sailed from Fort Pitt, March 9, 1765. Joseph Dobson to
Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan, March 9, 1765, MS letter, Pa. Hist. Soc.
Lib.
[122] Morgan's MS Letter Book.
[123] Ibid.
[124] Ibid.
[125] Ibid.
[126] Gage wrote in 1770 that the "Company from Philadelphia
(Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan) failed in the Ilinois trade." Gage to
Hillsborough, Dec. 7, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.
[127] See Ch. II for references.
[128] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VIII,
224. See extract from "Ponteach or the Savages of North America: A
Tragedy," in Parkman, _Conspiracy of Pontiac_, II, 344 ff.
[129] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VIII,
224.
[130] Johnson to Hillsborough, Aug. 14, 1770, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VIII,
292.
[131] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VII,
964-965.
[132] Ibid.
[133] Ibid.
[134] Ibid.
[135] The British were not so well situated to command the trade as the
French had been. The Illinois post had always been the center for the
trade of the Missouri river region, but after the cession of Illinois
to England and the Foundation of St. Louis by La Clede in 1764, the
latter place became the centre for the trade of that region.
[136] Information of the State of Commerce given by Capt. Forbes, 1768,
Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.
[137] Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.
Phym to Johnson, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. 25, No. 109.
[138] Gage to Hillsborough, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 124 Gage to Shelburne, April 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. &
W. I., Vol. 124.
[139] Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 126 Huchin's Remarks upon the Illinois country, 1771, MS in
Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. It may be noted also that during the French regime
the French-Canadians traded extensively in this region. See Gage's
Report on the State of the Government of Montreal.
[140] Wilkins to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 124.
[141] Johnson to Carleton, Jan. 27, 1767, C.A., Ser. Q, Vol. IV, p 115.
[142] Johnson to Hillsborough, Feb. 18, 1771, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, VIII,
263.
[143] Gage to Hillsborough, Apr. 24, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 124.
[144] Order for O'Reilly, Jan. 27, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 126.
[145] Information of the State of Commerce, in the Illinois Country,
given by Captain Forbes, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, Vol. 125. Morgan's MS
Letter Book.
[146] Gage to Hillsborough, Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 126.
[147] Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib.
[148] Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 27, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV,
No. 35. Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV,
No. 28. George Phym to Johnson, Apr. 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol. XXV,
No. 109. Gage to Dartmouth, May 5, 1773, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 128. Gage wrote in 1766 that skins and furs bore a price of ten
pence per pound higher at New Orleans than at any British market. Gage
to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.
[149] Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. &W. I., Vol.
122.
[150] Gage to Shelburne, Dec. 23, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa.
Hist. Lib.
[151] Ibid., Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.
[152] Gage to Shelburne, Feb. 22, 1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXII, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib.
[153] Ibid., "As long as Skinns and Furrs bear a high price at New
Orleans they will never be brought to a British Market. The Indian
Trade in general from the observations I have made, will always go
with the stream, and the whole will either go down the St. Lawrence
or Mississippi Rivers." Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS,
XIV, No. 28. "I am entirely of your opinion concerning the Trade, &c
by way of the Mississippi whilst the Traders find better markets at
New Orleans." Johnson to Gage, Jan. 29, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV,
No. 35. Also Johnson to Gage, Feb. 24, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 67.
"So long as New Orleans is in the hands of another power, the whole
produce of the western country must center there. For our merchants
will always dispose of their peltry or whatever the country produces,
at New Orleans where they get as good a price as if they were to ship
them off." Phym to Johnson, Mobile, April 15, 1768, Johnson MSS, Vol.
XXV, No. 109. "The Traders from these Colonies say it will answer to
carry Goods down the Ohio, but that it will not answer to return with
their Peltry by the same route, as they can get to Sea at so much less
expense, & greater expedition by means of Rapidity of the Mississippi,
and pretend that they have Ships at New Orleans to transport their
Peltry to England." Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767, B. T. Papers,
Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "The Peltry gained by the Traders
from Canada, whether on the Mississippi or on the Ouabache we may be
satisfied generally goes down the St. Lawrence River to Quebec: it has
been the usual track of those Traders from the beginning, & there is
no reason to suspect the contrary now. But the British Traders at the
Ilinois who carry their Goods above three hundred miles by land before
they have the convenience of Water or Carriage cannot afford to return
the same way, with the produce of their Trade." Gage to Hillsborough,
Nov. 10, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126. That this state
of affairs continued through most of the period is evident from the
following: "The Trade of the Mississippi, except that of the upper
parts from whence a portion may go to Quebec, goes down that River; and
has, as well as everything we have done on the Mississippi, as far as
I have been able to discover tended more to the Benefit of New Orleans
than of ourselves. And I conceive it must be the case, as long as the
Commodities of the Mississippi bear a better price at New Orleans
than at a British Market." Gage to Dartmouth, May, 5, 1773, Pub. Rec.
Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 128.
[154] It is necessary to ascertain the cost of maintaining the military
establishments and the Indian department in the West, and the amount of
peltries imported into England. I already have some figures on this but
not enough upon which to base any statement.
[155] Beer, _British Colonial Policy_, 222.
[156] Hutchins, Remarks on the Country of the Illinois, MS in Pa. Hist.
Soc. Lib. Hutchins gives an account of the exports from Illinois from
Sept. 1769 to Sept. 1770. In that year 550 packs of peltries were sent
from Illinois, while from the Spanish side 835 packs were exported.
Wilkins, the commandant at Fort Chartres at this time, makes a somewhat
higher estimate, but the two agree in essentials.
[157] Gage estimated it at 80,000 pounds sterling. Gage to Shelburne,
Jan. 17, 1767. B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII. Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. "New
Orleans remits one hundred thousand pounds Sterling worth of Peltry
annually for France." Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to McLeane, Oct. 9,
1767, B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVI, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.
[158] Gage to Johnson, Jan. 19, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 23,
Captain Forbes, commandant at Fort Chartres during part of 1768, wrote
to Gage: "As I am very sensible of the immense expence this Country is
to the Crown & the little advantage the Public has hitherto reaped by
the trade with the savages, & the reason is that the inhabitants have
continued to send their Peltry to New Orleans which is shipped from
thence to Old France & all the money that is laid out for the Troops
and Savages is immediately sent to New Orleans, for which our Subjects
get French Manufactures. I hope, Sir, you will excuse me when I observe
to Your Excellency, that the Crown of Great Britain is at all the
expence & that France reaps the advantages." Forbes to Gage, April 15,
1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 124. Commandant Wilkins wrote
the same year, "the French of New Orleans are the sole gainers in this
Trade and the public suffer greatly thereby." Wilkins to Gage, Sept.
13, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office.
[159] Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 126.
[160] Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 123.
[161] Gage to Johnson, Feb, 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIV, No. 44.
[162] "It has not the least command of the River, owing to an Island
which lies exactly opposite to it, & the Channel is entirely on the
other side for a great part of the year. This is impassable from a
sand bar which runs across even for small boats, & the French & their
contraband goods, forcing an illicit Trade, to our great disadvantage &
a certain and very considerable loss to his Majesty's Revenue." Wilkins
to Barrington, Dec. 5, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123.
[163] Gordon's Journal, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to
Johnson, Feb. 8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Hillsborough to Gage,
July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.
[164] Gage to Hillsborough, Jan. 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol 124.
[165] Gage to Shelburne, April 3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs. Vol.
VII, 974.
[166] Gage to Conway, July 15, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I. Vol.
122. Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.
Gage to Johnson, Jan. 25, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 28. Ibid., Feb.
8, 1767, Johnson MSS, XIV, No. 44. Gage to Shelburne, Jan. 17, 1767,
B. T. Papers, Vol. XXVII, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Gage to Shelburne, April
3, 1767, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Johnson to Lords of
Trade, Sept. 1767, N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 974. Phym to Johnson, April
15, 1768, Johnson MSS, XXV, No. 109. Wilkins to Gage, Sept. 13, 1768,
Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125. Wilkins to Harrington, Dec. 5,
1769, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 123. Gage to Hillsborough,
Nov. 10, 1772, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 126.
[167] Gordon's Journal down the Ohio, 1766, MS in Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib.
[168] Gage to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 124.
[169] Hillsborough to Gage, July 31, 1770, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 126.
[170] Alden, _Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1789_, pp No
attempt is made in my study to add any new contribution to the period
preceding 1763.
[171] Ibid., 7-11.
[172] Original Articles of Agreement of the Mississippi Co. Chatham
Papers, Vol. 97, Pub. Rec. Office. Another copy, in the handwriting
of Washington, is in the Lib. of Congress. No mention is made in the
original articles relative to the exact location of the proposed
colony. Most of the information concerning the project comes from a
collection of papers relating to the company, in the handwriting of
William Lee, which I found in a miscellaneous collection of the Earl of
Chatham's papers, in the Pub. Rec. Office.
[173] Some of the original members of the company were George, Samuel
and John Washington, and several of the Lees and Fitzhughs. There were
38 charter members, but provision was made for 50.
[174] Articles of Agreement, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97. Each member was
to have fifty thousand acres. Ibid.
[175] Memorial to the crown, prepared at a meeting of the company at
Belleview, Va., Sept. 9, 1763.
[176] Ibid. Articles of Agreement.
[177] Tennessee River.
[178] Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763. Four years later this
suggestion was withdrawn at the suggestion of their London agent,
Thomas Cumming. Letter to Cumming, March 1, 1767. Catham Papers, Vol.
97. Some of the members declared their determination to become early
settlers in the new colony. Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9, 1763.
Petition to the crown, Dec. 16th, 1768, Butler, _Hist. of Ky._, 381-383.
[179] Memorial to the crown, Sept. 9th, 1763, Chatham Papers, Vol. 97.
[180] Ibid.
[181] Letter of the company to Thomas Cumming, Sept. 26th, 1763.
[182] Can. Arch., _Report for 1906_, p 122. See ch. III.
[183] Ibid.
[184] "I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but
this I say between ourselves), than as a temporary expedient to quiet
the minde of the Indians, and must fall, of course, in a few years,
especially when those Indians are consenting to our occupying the
lands." Washington to Crawford, Sept. 21, 1767. Writings of Washington,
II, 220-221. (Ford ed.)
[185] Letter of William Lee, London, May 30, 1769, Chatham Papers, Vol.
97.
[186] I have found no account of any further activity on the part of
the company. In 1774 a copy of the correspondence was sent to the Earl
of Chatham, which may have been done in the hope that his interest
might be aroused in the undertaking. The bundle of papers contains the
following indorsement: "Mississippi Cos. papers, sent to the Right
Honble William Earl of Chatham, on Saturday the 20th of April 1774."
Charles Lee, in speaking of this undertaking, said: "Another society
solicited for lands on the lower part of the Illinois, Ohio or on the
Mississippi: this was likewise rejected; but from what motives it is
impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a
little landed property, would not be so readily induced to act as the
instruments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose
views are solely turned, if not reduced, to farther promotion; and if
reduced, to full pay." The Lee Papers, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Colls., VII, 98.
[187] The Charles Lee of Revolutionary fame.
[188] Lee Papers, _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, VII, 214. Sparks, Life of
Lee, Sparks Bio. Ser., IV, 19.
[189] Lee Papers, VII, 214.
[190] Ibid.
[191] Ibid.
[192] Ibid.
[193] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127
[194] Alden, New Government West of the Alleghanies before 1780, p 12.
Mr. Alden notes a pamphlet published in London entitled "Advantages
of a Settlement upon the Ohio in North America," and another pamphlet
issued at Edinburgh in 1763 entitled "Expediency of Securing our
American Colonies." In the same connection the following is of
interest: "As the happy possession of the Illinois Country is the
Subject of much conversation, both in England & America, we beg leave
to inclose,—a small pamphlet, wrote lately on a very interesting
point—towit, The Establishment of a Civil Government there: The Author,
has borrowed some of his Sentiments from Monsr. De Prats." Baynton,
Wharton, & Morgan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XII, No.
128.
[195] George Croghan who was in London in 1764 wrote: "There is a talk
of setleing a Colony from the mouth of the Ohio to the Ilinois, which
I am tould Lord Halifax will Desier my opinion of in a few Days. Mr.
pownal tould me yesterday that I would be soon sent for attend the
board of Trade. what Meshures they will Take Lord knows but nothing is
talkt of but Oconomy," Crogan to Johnson. Mar. 10, 1764, Johnson MSS,
VIII.
[196] N.Y. Col. Docs., VII, 605. As appears from the above note Croghan
was to have been summoned before the Board of Trade to answer questions
relative to a new colony. Whether he was finally called upon for his
testimony is not known.
[197] Later, however, he adopted this idea. Croghan to Johnson, March
30, 1766, Vol. XII, No. 127.
[198] Johnson to Lords of Trade, Jan. 31, 1766, N.Y. Col. Docs., VII,
809. When Croghan was preparing to go to the Illinois in 1766 in order
to pacify the Indians, Johnson wrote him as follows: "As soon as I hear
farther from the General I shall write you and send the Instructions
in which I shall insert an Article directing you to enquire into the
French bounds & Property at the Illinois. I have no objection to what
you propose on that subject there, and as the French are now said to be
retiring fast, you will have the better opportunity of making a good
Choice on which the value will chiefly depend." Johnson to Croghan,
Mar. 28, 1786, Johnson MSS, XII, 126.
[199] Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. XX. Pa. His.
Soc. Lib. He explained further "that Lands should be granted without
delay, by any Person authorized properly to do it; but no Fees are to
be taken by the Person who grants, or by Secretarys, Clerks, Surveyors,
or other Persons whatever; that no large tracts should be given, but
the Lands granted in Farms, consisting of an Hundred & Fifty or Two
Hundred Acres of good Land, unless to Half Pay Officers, who might have
Four or Five Hundred Acres. People may be tempted on these Advantages
to transport themselves with a Year's Provisions, Seed, Corn and Tools
for Husbandry, down the Ohio. The Lands shall be held of the King on
condition of Military Service, & such other obligations as shall be
convenient." To anticipate somewhat, the details thus outlined by Gage
are in striking contrast to those proposed by the active promoters of
the colony.
[200] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.
[201] Articles of Agreement, MS copy in Pa. His. Soc. Lib. The signers
of the original draught were: William Franklin, Sir William Johnson per
George Croghan, George Croghan, John Baynton, Samuel Wharton, George
Morgan, Joseph Wharton, Sr., Joseph Wharton, Joseph Hughes and Joseph
Galloway. Gage declined being concerned in the project, although his
attitude doubtless contributed something towards it. Johnson to Gov.
Franklin, June 20, 1766, MS letter in AM. Antiq. Soc. Lib.
[202] William Franklin to B. Franklin, Apr. 30, 1766, Printed in
Bigelow's Life of Franklin, 538, "Inclosed is the proposals Drawn up
by governor franklin for yr honours perusal and such Amendments or
Alterations as you may judge necessary," Croghan to Johnson, March 30,
1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No, 127.
[203] Articles of Agreement, Penn. Hist. Soc. Lib. This was a new
contribution to the original plans of Croghan, Johnson, and Gage. It
was probably Franklin's own suggestion, as we have seen that he himself
drew up the sketch.
[204] Articles of Agreement. Croghan writing to Johnson said: "itt is
likewise preposed to aply for a Grant of 1200,000 Acres to the crown
in that Country and to take into this Grant two or three Gentlemen
of fortune and Influence in England and Governor franklin and those
other Gentlemen desire to know whome your honour would chouse to be
concerned, & that you wold write to them if you should nott name ye
whole you wold chouse they Designe to Save y. Nomination of such as you
dont to Dr. franklin who they prepose to send the proposals to he is
much attended to by ye Ministry and certainly can be of Service in this
affair." March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.
[205] Croghan to Johnson, March 30, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 127.
Baynton, Wharton, and Morgan to Johnson, June 6, 1766, Johnson MSS,
Vol. XII, 197.
[206] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to Baynton, Wharton,
and Morgan, June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 214. Johnson to
William Franklin, July 8, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib.
[207] Croghan to Johnson, Mar. 30, 1766. Johnson to William Franklin,
June 20, 1766, Johnson Papers, Am. Antiq. Soc. Lib. Johnson to B. W. &
M. June 20, 1766, Johnson MSS, XII, No. 204.
[208] Johnson to Conway, July 10, 1766, B. T. Papers, Pa. Hist. Soc.
Lib.
[209] See letters of Franklin to his son, in Franklin's Works, IV,
136-145.
[210] _Brown, Hist. of Ill._, 212-213.
[211] Can. Arch., _Report, 1907_, p 75.
[212] Brown, _Hist. of Ill._, 213.
[213] Can. Arch., _Report for 1907_, p 75.
[214] Brown, _Hist. of Ill._, 213.
[215] Ibid.
[216] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18th, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.
122.
[217] Ibid.
[218] Can. Arch., _Report for 1907_, p 86.
[219] Butler, _Treaty Making Power_, I.
[220] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 122.
[221] Ibid. Farmer to Gage, Dec. 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Penn.
Hist. Soc. Lib.
[222] Petition of inhabitants to Gage, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 122. The petition is signed by such prominent men as La Grange,
who acted for a time as civil judge under the British; Rocheblane,
who became the last British commandant in Illinois; Blouin, a wealthy
merchant and later a prominent advocate of a civil government, J. B.
Beanvais, Charleville and others. Gage granted their request without
waiting for an answer from London, thus indorsing the action of his
subordinate. Gage to Conway, Jan. 16, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 122.
[223] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 122.
[224] Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 122.
[225] Ibid.
[226] Ibid.
[227] Ibid. Cahokia Records, British Period.
[228] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
Vol. 122, N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 1161.
[229] Monette, in Hist. of the Valley of the Mississippi, I, 411,
says that "Capt. Stirling died in December, St. Ange returned to Fort
Chartres, and not long afterward Major Frazer, from Fort Pitt arrived
as commandant." Billou, in Annals of St. Louis, I, p 26, makes the
same assertion. The statement is an error, since Sterling served in
the Revolutionary war, and lived until 1808. Frazer never commanded at
Fort Chartres. See Winsor, Narr. & Crit. Hist. VI, 706. For a sketch
of Sterling's career see N. Y. Col. Docs. N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 706,
and Dic. of Nat. Biog. Vol.
[230] For sketch of Farmer's life see N. Y. Col. Docs. N. Y. Col.
Docs., VII, 786.
[231] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 15 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib. Johnson to Lords of Trade, Mar. 22, 1766, N. Y. Col.
Docs. VII, 816. Gage to Conway, Mar. 28, 1766, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20,
Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. Campbell to Johnson, Mar. 29, 1766, Park. Coll.,
Pontiac, Miscell. 1765-1778. Farmer to Gage, Mar. 11, 1766, Home
Office Papers, Vol. 20, No. 41, Pub. Rec. Office. In the letter just
cited Farmer blames Gov. Johnstone of West Florida for his long delay
in starting for the Illinois and for the scant supply of provisions
he carried. It appears that Farmer had planned to start early in the
spring of 1765, but he alleges that Johnstone questioned his right to
take provisions from the store, and in many other ways delayed his
departure for several weeks.
[232] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, P.R. Office, A. & W. I., Vol.
122.
[233] Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. Rec.
Office.
[234] Ibid.
[235] Ibid.
[236] Ibid., Stirling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W.
I., Vol. 122.
[237] Sterling to Gage, Oct. 18, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I.,
122.
[238] Letter of Eidington, Oct. 12, 1765, Catham Papers, Pub. Rec.
Office, Vol. 122.
[239] Sterling to Gage, Dec. 15, 1765, Chatham Papers, Pub. Rec.
Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.
[240] Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist.
Soc. Lib. Farmer alleged that St. Ange, who acted as commandant at St.
Louis after his retirement from Fort Chartres, instigated many of the
French to cross over, and that other residents of the Spanish side
endeavoured to frighten the inhabitants of Illinois by representing
Major Farmer as a rascal who would deprive them of their former
privileges.
[241] Memorial of the inhabitants to Gage, Oct. 1765, Pub. Rec. Office,
Am. & W. I., Vol. 122. Fraser to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers,
Vol. XX, Pa. Hist. Soc. Lib. The movement of the inhabitants across the
river was considerable during the early years of the occupation. In the
summer of 1765, there were approximately 2000 whites on the English
side. Fraser to Gage, May 15, 1765, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol.
122. Three years later, in 1768, the approximate number was 1000. See
for this, State of the Settlements in the Illinois Country, Pub. Rec.
Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 125.
[242] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16, 1765, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20, Pa. Hist.
Soc. Lib. Ibid., March 19, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol. 122.
[243] Ibid., Dec. 16 & 19, B. T. Papers, Vol. 20. Farmer had just
received word that Col. Reid was on his way to the Illinois from
Mobile, with about fifty men and just enough provisions for the
journey, he was depending upon receiving further supplies at Fort
Chartres. Ibid.
[244] Farmer to Gage, Dec. 16 & 19, 1765, B. T. Papers Vol. XX, Pa.
Hist. Soc. Lib.
[245] Gage to Conway, June 24, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, A. & W. I., Vol.
122.
[246] Ibid., July 15, 1766. Baynton, Wharton, & Morgan to Gage, Aug.
10, 1766, Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No.30.
[247] See supra ch. IV.
[248] George Morgan's Letter Book. MS copy.
[249] The exact date of the change is not known. The first document
that appears with Reid's signature as commandant is dated Sept. 8th.
Johnson MSS, Vol. XIII, No. 104. Major Farmer was expecting his
successor's arrival some time in July or August. Farmer to Gage, Mar.
9th, 1766, Pub. Rec. Office, Am. & W. I., Vol. 122.
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│ Transcriber's Note: │
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│ The original spelling, hyphenation, and punctuation has been │
│ retained, with the exception of apparent typographical errors │
│ which have been corrected without note. │
│ │
│ Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant │
│ form was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. │
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│ Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. │
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│ Italicized words are surrounded by underline characters, │
│ _like this_. │
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│ Footnotes were moved to the end of the text and numbered in one │
│ continuous sequence. │
│ │
│ Other notes and corrections: │
│ p. 3: sparceness changed to sparseness. (The sparseness of its │
│ population.) │
│ p. 10: Boquet changed to Bouquet. (Previous to Bouquet’s second │
│ campaign.) │
│ p. 19: Missing footnote 56 tag added by the transcriber. │
│ p. 20: Sinnot and Sinnot: Variants unchanged. │
│ p. 21: sefuse changed to refuse. (St. Ange continued to refuse.) │
│ p. 33: delinquenents unchanged. (A determination to delinquenents │
│ to punishment.) │
│ p. 42: Missing footnote 118 tag added by the transcriber. │
│ p. 44: effect changed to affect. (Not only did it affect English │
│ traders.) │
│ p. 46: Missing footnote 133 tag added by the transcriber. │
│ p. 55: Missing footnote 164 tag added by the transcriber. │
│ p. 77: The wealth of colony changed to The wealth of the colony. │
│ Variants unchanged: Ilinois and Illinois. │
│ p. 38, footnote 109, page 58, footnote 170, and p. 76, footnote │
│ 229: Incomplete references, page numbers missing. │
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