ON CONJUGATION.
s. 383. The current statement respecting verbs like _sing_ and _fall_, &c.,
is that they are irregular. How far this is the case may be seen from a
review of the twelve classes in Moeso-Gothic, where the change of the vowel
is subject to fewer irregularities than elsewhere. In the first six
conjugations the praeterite is replaced by a perfect tense. Consequently,
there is a reduplication. Of these the fifth and sixth superadd to the
reduplication a change of the vowel.
_Present._ _Past.[55]_ _Past Participle._
_Sing._ _Plural._
1. Salta S['a]isalt S['a]isaltum Saltans _Leap._
2. H['a]ita H['a]ih['a]it H['a]ih['a]itum H['a]itans _Call._
3. Hl['a]upa Hl['a]il['a]up Hl['a]il['a]upum Hl['a]upans _Run._
4. Sl[^e]pa S['a]izl[^e]p S['a]isl[^e]pum Sl[^e]pans _Sleep._
5. L['a]ia L['a]il[^o] L['a]il[^o]um L['a]ilans _Laugh._
6. Gr[^e]ta G['a]igr[^o]t G['a]igr[^o]tum Gr[^e]tans _Weep._
7. Svara Sv[^o]r Sv[^o]rum Svarans _Swear._
8. Greipa Gr['a]ip Gripum Gripans _Gripe._
9. Biuda B['a]uth Budum Budans _Offer._
10. Giba Gab G[^e]bum Gibans _Give._
11. Stila Stal St[^e]lum Stulans _Stole._
12. Rinna Rann Runnum Runnans _Run._
Exhibited in a tabular form, the changes of the vowels in Moeso-Gothic are
as follows:--
_Prs._ _Pst. S._ _Pst. Pl._ _Part._
1. a a a a
2. ['a]i ['a]i ['a]i ['a]i
3. ['a]u ['a]u ['a]u ['a]u
4. [^e] [^e] [^e] [^e]
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5. ['a]i [^o] [^o] a
6. [^e] [^o] [^o] [^e]
7. a [^o] [^o] a
8. ei ['a]i i i
9. iu ['a]u u u
10. i a [^e] i
11. i a [^e] u
12. i a u u
s. 384. Such is the arrangement of the strong verbs in Moeso-Gothic, with
which the arrangement of the strong verbs in the other Gothic languages may
or may not coincide.
For a full and perfect coincidence three things are necessary:--1. the
coincidence of form; 2. the coincidence of distribution; 3. the coincidence
of order.
1. _Coincidence of form._.--Compared with the Moeso-Gothic _rinna_, _rann_,
_runnum_, _runnans_, the Old High German inflection coincides most rigidly;
_e.g._, _rinnu_, _ran_, _runnum[^e]s_, _runnan[^e]_. The vowel is the same
in the two languages, and it is similarly changed in each. It is very
evident that this might be otherwise. The Moeso-Gothic _i_ might have
become _e_, or the _u_ might have become _o_. In this case, the formula for
the two languages would not have been the same. Instead of _i, a, u, u_
(see the tabular arrangement), serving for the Old High German as well as
the Moeso-Gothic, the formula would have been, for the Moeso-Gothic, _i, a,
u, u_, and for the Old High German _e, a, u, u_, or _i, a, o, o_. The forms
in this latter case would have been equivalent, but not the same.
2. _Coincidence of distribution._--A given number of words in the
Moeso-Gothic form their praeterites by changing _i_ into _a_; in other
words, a given number of verbs in Moeso-Gothic are inflected like _rinna_
and _rann_. The same is the case with the Old High German. Now if these
words are the same in the two languages, the Moeso-Gothic and the Old High
German (as far as the agreement extends) coincide in the distribution of
their verbs; that is, the same words are arranged in the same class, or
(changing the phrase) are distributed alike.
3. _Coincidence of order._--The conjugation to which the Moeso-Gothic words
_rinna_ and _rann_ belong is the twelfth. The same is the case in Old High
German. It might, {330} however, have been the case that in Old High German
the class corresponding with the twelfth in Moeso-Gothic was the first,
second, third, or any other.
Now a coincidence of form, a coincidence of distribution, and a coincidence
of order, in all the classes of all the Gothic languages, is more than can
be expected. If such were the case, the tenses would be identical
throughout.
Coincidence of form is infringed upon by the simple tendency of sounds to
change. _Hilpa_ in Moeso-Gothic is _helpe_ in Anglo-Saxon: _hulpans_ in
Moeso-Gothic is _holfan[^e]r_ in Old High German, and _holpen_ in
Anglo-Saxon. A change, however, of this sort is insufficient to affect the
arrangement. _Helpan_, in Anglo-Saxon, is placed in the same class with
_spinnan_; and all that can be said is, that the Moeso-Gothic _i_ is, in
Anglo-Saxon, represented not by _i_ exclusively, but sometimes by _i_ and
sometimes by _[)e]_.
Coincidence of distribution is of great etymological importance. A word may
in one stage of a language take the form of one conjugation, and in another
that of another. The word _climban_ is, in Anglo-Saxon, placed in the same
conjugation with _drincan_, &c. For this there was a reason; _viz._, the
fact of the _i_ being short. For the _i_ being short there was a reason
also. The _b_ preceded the vowel _a_, and consequently was sounded. This
was the case whether the word was divided _clim-ban_ or _climb-an_. _An_,
however, was no part of the original word, but only the sign of the
infinitive mood. As such it became ejected. The letter _b_ then came at the
end of the word; but as the combination _mb_, followed by nothing was
unstable, _b_ was soon lost in pronunciation. Now _b_ being lost, the vowel
which was once short became lengthened, or rather it became the sound of
the diphthong _ei_; so that the word was no longer called _cl[)i]mb_, but
_clime_. Now the words that follow the analogy of _spin_, _span_ ,&c. (and
consequently constitute the twelfth class), do so, not because the vowel is
_i_, but because it is a short _i_; and when the _i_ is sounded like a
diphthong, the praeterite is formed differently. The Anglo-Saxon praeterite
of _climban_ was sounded _cl[)o]mm_, and rhymed to _from_; the English
praeterite (when strong) of {331} _climb_ is sounded _cl[=o]mbe_, rhyming
to _roam_. The word _climb_, which was once classed with _spin_ and _sing_,
is now to be classed with _arise_ and _smite_; in other words, it is
distributed differently.
Coincidence in the order of the classes is violated when a class which was
(for instance) the third in one language becomes, in another language the
fourth, &c. In Moeso-Gothic the class containing the words _smeita_,
_sm['a]it_, _smitum_, _smitans_, is the eighth. This is a natural place for
it. In the class preceding it, the vowel is the same in both numbers. In
the classes that follow it, the vowel is changed in the plural. The number
of classes that in Moeso-Gothic change the vowel is five; _viz._, the
eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth. Of these the eighth is the
first. The classes where the change in question takes place form a natural
subdivision, of which the eighth class stands at the head. Now in
Anglo-Saxon the vowel is not changed so much as in the Moeso-Gothic. In
words like _choose_, _give_, and _steal_, the vowel remains unaltered in
the plural. In Moeso-Gothic, however, these words are, respectively, of the
ninth, tenth, and eleventh classes. It is not till we get to the eleventh
that the Anglo-Saxon plurals take a fresh vowel. As the presence or absence
of a change of vowel naturally regulates the order of the classes, the
eighth class in Moeso-Gothic becomes the eleventh in Anglo-Saxon. If it
were not so, the classes where a change took place in the plural would be
separated from each other.
The later the stage of the language, the less complete the coincidence in
the classes.
Of the present arrangement, the twelfth class coincides most throughout the
Gothic languages.
In the word _climb_, a reason was given for its having changed from the
twelfth class to the eleventh class. This, in the present state of our
knowledge, cannot always be done.
These statements are made lest the reader should expect to find between the
English and the Anglo-Saxon classification anything more than a partial
coincidence. A detailed exhibition of the English conjugations would form a
work of {332} itself. Moreover, the present classes of the strong verbs
must, to a great degree, be considered as provisional.
Observe, that it is the _classes_ of the strong verbs that are provisional.
With the great divisions into weak and strong, the case is far otherwise.
The general assertions which will be made in p. 333, respecting the strong
conjugation, show most cogently that the division is a natural one.
s. 385. Preliminary, however, to making them, the reader's attention is
directed to the following list of verbs. In the present English they all
form the praeterite in _-d_ or _-t_; in Anglo-Saxon, they all form it by a
change of the vowel. In other words they are weak verbs that were once
strong.
_Praeterites._
_English._ | _Anglo-Saxon._
|
_Present._ _Praeterite._ | _Present._ _Praeterite._
Wreak Wreaked. | Wrece Wr['ae]c.
Fret Fretted. | Frete Fr['ae]t.
Mete Meted. | Mete M['ae]t.
Shear Sheared. | Scere Scear.
Braid Braided. | Brede Br['ae]d.
Knead Kneaded. | Cnede Cn['ae]d.
Dread Dreaded. | Dr['ae]de Dred.
Sleep Slept. | Sl['a]pe Slep.
Fold Folded. | Fealde Feold.
Wield Wielded. | Wealde Weold.
Wax Waxed. | Weaxe Weox.
Leap Leapt. | Hle['a]pe Hleop.
Sweep Swept. | Sw['a]pe Sweop.
Weep Wept. | Wepe Weop.
Sow Sowed. | S['a]we Seow.
Bake Baked. | Bace B['o]k.
Gnaw Gnawed. | Gnage Gn['o]h.
Laugh Laughed. | Hlihhe Hl['o]h.
Wade Waded. | Wade W['o]d.
Lade Laded. | Hlade Hl['o]d.
Grave Graved. | Grafe Gr['o]f.
Shave Shaved. | Scafe Sc['o]f.
Step Stepped. | Steppe St['o]p.
Wash Washed. | Wacse W['o]cs.
Bellow Bellowed. | Belge Bealh.
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Swallow Swallowed. | Swelge Swealh.
Mourn Mourned. | Murne Mearn.
Spurn Spurned. | Spurne Spearn.
Carve Carved. | Ceorfe Cearf.
Starve Starved. | Steorfe Staerf.
Thresh Threshed. | Thersce Thaerse.
Hew Hewed. | Heawe Heow.
Flow Flowed. | Fl['o]we Fleow.
Row Rowed. | R['o]we Reow.
Creep Crept. | Cre['o]pe Cre['a]p.
Dive Dived. | De['o]fe De['a]f.
Shove Shoved. | Sc['e]ofe Sce['a]f.
Chew Chewed. | Ce['o]we Ce['a]w.
Brew Brewed. | Bre['o]we Bre['a]w.
Lock Locked. | L[^u]ce Le['a]c.
Suck Sucked. | S[^u]ce Se['a]c.
Reek Reeked. | Re['o]ce Re['a]c.
Smoke Smoked. | Sme['o]ce Sme['a]c.
Bow Bowed. | Be['o]ge Be['a]h.
Lie Lied. | Le['o]ge Le['a]h.
Gripe Griped. | Gr['i]pe Gr['a]p.
Span Spanned. | Spanne Sp['e]n.
Eke Eked. | E['a]ce E['o]c.
Fare Fared. | Fare F[^o]r.
s. 386. The first of the general statements made concerning strong verbs,
with a view of proving that the order is _natural_, shall be the one
arising out of the preceding list of praeterites.
I. Many strong verbs become weak; whilst no weak verb ever becomes strong.
II. All the strong verbs are of Saxon origin. None are classical.
III. The greater number of them are strong throughout the Gothic tongues.
IV. No new word is ever, upon its importation, inflected according to the
strong conjugation. It is always weak. As early as A.D. 1085, the French
word _adouber_=_to dubb_, was introduced into English. Its praeterite was
_dubbade_.[56]
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V. All derived words are inflected weak. The intransitive forms _drink_ and
_lie_, are strong; the transitive forms _drench_ and _lay_, are weak.
The fourth statement will again be recurred to. The present object is to
show that the division into strong and weak is natural.
s. 387. _Obsolete forms._--Instead of _lept_, _slept_, _mowed_, _snowed_,
&c., we find, in the provincial dialects and in the older writers, the
strong forms _lep_, _step_, _mew_, _snew_, &c. This is no more than what we
expect. Here there are two forms, and each form is of a different
conjugation.
s. 388. _Double Forms._--In _lep_ and _mew_ we have two forms, of which one
only is current. In _swoll_ and _swelled_, in _clomb_ and _climbed_, and in
_hung_ and _hanged_, we have two forms, of which both are current. These
latter are true double forms. Of double forms there are two kinds.
1. Those like _swoll_ and _swelled_; where there is the same tense, but a
different conjugation.
2. Those like _spoke_ and _spake_; where the tense is the same and the
conjugation the same, but where the form is different.
The bearings of these double forms (which, however, are points of general
rather than of English grammar) are as follows. Their number in a given
language may be very great, and the grammarian of a given language may call
them, not double forms of the same tense, but different tenses. Let the
number of words like _swoll_ and _swelled_ be multiplied by 1000. The
chances are, that, in the present state of etymology, they would be called
first praeterites and second praeterites. The bearing of this remark upon
the so-called aorists and futures of the Greek language is evident. I think
that a writer in the Cambridge Philological Museum[57] indicates the true
nature of those tenses. They are the same tense in a different conjugation,
and differ from _swoll_ and _swelled_ only in the frequency of their
occurrence.
Difference of form, and difference of conjugation, may each simulate a
difference of tense.
* * * * *
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