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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume LII, 1841-1898
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII
CONTENTS OF VOLUME LII
Preface 13
Documents of 1841-1898
Internal political condition of the Philippines.
Sinibaldo de Mas; Madrid, 1842 29
Matta's report. Juan Manuel de la Matta; Manila,
February 25, 1843 91
The Philippines, 1860-1898: some comment and
bibliographical notes. James A. LeRoy; Durango,
Mexico, 1907 112
Events in Filipinas, 1841-1872. [Summarized from
Montero y Vidal's Historia de Filipinas.] 208
Constitution of the Liga Filipina. José Rizal; Tondo,
July 3, 1892 217
The friar memorial of 1898. Manuel Gutierrez, O.S.A.,
and others; Manila, April 21, 1898 227
Bibliographical Data 287
Appendix: Agriculture in Filipinas. Joseph Basco y Vargas,
and others 291
Errata and addenda to VOLUMES I-LII 325
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map of East India Islands, in James Bell's System of
Geography (Glasgow, 1836), v, map 2; photographic
facsimile from copy in Library of Harvard
University Frontispiece
Map of the Dolores or Garbanzos Islands (the Carolinas),
1731; photographic facsimile of original MS. map,
drawn by Juan Antonio Cantova, S.J., in Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla 37
Map of the Philippine and Mariana Islands; enlarged
photographic facsimile of map in Lettres édifiantes, xi
(Paris, M. DCC. XV), p. 74; from copy in Library of
Harvard University 209
Autograph signatures of Diego Luis San Vitores, S.J., and
others; photographic facsimile from original MS. in Archivo
general de Indias, Sevilla 337
Map of portion of the Palaos Islands, discovered 1710 by
expedition under Francisco Padilla; drawn by José Somera,
chief pilot; photographic facsimile of original MS. map
in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 347
Chart of the port of Sisiran, in the province of Camarines;
photographic facsimile from Arandia's Ordenanzas de marina
(Manila, 1757) between pp. 26-27; from copy in Library of
Congress 355
PREFACE
In this final documentary volume of our series we present matter which
is planned to bring out the salient points of the highly important
period from 1841 to 1898, a little more than the last half-century
of the Spanish régime, together with such bibliographical aids as
will enable students to find readily the best and most available
sources for the history of that time. The first two documents (written
respectively by a civil official and a military commander) furnish
a reliable and intelligent survey, by eyewitnesses, of political,
economic, and social conditions in the islands in 1842-43; and thus
supplement the similar relations (in VOL. LI) dated fifteen years
earlier. The admirable paper by James A. LeRoy who is well known as the
leading authority on Philippine affairs, places before our readers a
clear and orderly review of the last four decades of Spanish rule in
Filipinas--with keen but impartial comments on conditions, events,
and men therein; and with full and well-selected bibliographical
references to the best works on the subject. It gives us pleasure
to present here the hitherto unpublished constitution of the Liga
Filipina, from Rizal's own MS. draft; and the friar memorial of 1898
(a curiously mediæval document for the end of the nineteenth century),
which heretofore had appeared only in a limited Spanish edition and
a partial and unsatisfactory English translation. To these documents
is added an appendix on agricultural conditions in Filipinas, giving a
view of these in 1784 and another in 1866; an outline of the projects,
efforts, and achievements of the noted Economic Society of Manila;
and bibliographical references for the use of the reader. Following
is a synopsis of the above documents:
Of exceeding interest and importance is the third volume of Mas's
Informe, on the policy of the Spanish government as regards internal
affairs in the Philippine Islands. Intended almost exclusively for the
use of the government, but comparatively few copies were published,
and hence the volume is of great rarity, and is not mentioned by
most of the bibliographers. We know with certainty of four copies:
two owned in the Philippines, one by the heirs of Clemente Zulueta,
and the other by Epifanio de los Santos (our translation being made
from a typewritten copy of the latter); one in the Peabody Institute,
Baltimore, and one in the collection of the Compañía General de
Tabacos de Filipinas, Barcelona. Its chief value and importance lie
in its treatment of various vital questions that had already begun to
present themselves to some minds more or less clearly--the relation of
the Filipino-Spaniards to those of the Peninsula; questions concerning
the natives, Chinese mestizos, and Spaniards; separation from Spain;
and lastly, the proposition to free the islands. The document, while
containing many things that are general in nature, and which even
appear childish and visionary, is in many other things clear-sighted,
and shows deep and keen observation. The first two volumes of Mas's
work (which have been cited so frequently in this series) were
written in order to form a suitable background to the third volume,
and thus lead to it naturally, by giving a résumé in succinct form
of the history, government, and social and economic conditions of
the islands. Proceeding to his purpose, the author states that the
intentions of Spain in regard to the colony may be one of three:
perpetual possession; utter neglect; or emancipation. He treats only
of the first and third. To ensure perpetual possession, there are
three principles to be borne in mind and acted upon: the reduction
of the white population; the subordination of the natives; and the
general reform of the Spanish administration. The growth of the white
population fosters the spirit of independence, for the Spaniards of the
Philippines look upon the islands as their own country, and have no
affection for Spain. Their only concern is to hold possession of the
government posts, but they are lazy and ignorant. They are naturally
disgruntled by the appointment of peninsular Spaniards to posts in the
islands; for, since the promotions are limited, they cannot hope for
the advancement that they believe is due them. Their discontent was
seen in practical form in the insurrection instigated in 1822 because
of the officials brought from Spain by Antonio Martinez; and there
was evident discontent because of the new contingent that appeared in
1825. There are more than one thousand Filipino-Spanish males in the
Philippines, but only four hundred posts, and their hopes continually
wane at the appearance of officials from Spain, although Spain has
an evident right to send whom it will to the islands. To obviate the
trouble, Mas suggests that only single men be sent to the islands from
Spain to act as officials, and that they be required to return to the
Peninsula after twenty years' service, with the option of returning in
ten years. These men will probably marry Spanish women in the islands,
and on their return to Spain will take their families with them, thus
reducing the white population considerably. It is a mistake to send
women to the colony, and a grave error to endeavor to increase the
white population there. A plan is proposed for the further reduction of
the white population by sending all males to Spain at the government
expense, at the age of sixteen, where they shall be educated at the
expense of the Manila treasury. The sending of the situado from Spain
for the support of the islands was formerly a large factor in keeping
the colony loyal, but since that has become unnecessary the one great
check on the colony has disappeared. But separation now would mean
that the whites would disappear in the mass of the natives, and would
even become inferior to them. It is wrong to infer that the whites and
the natives will work together, for there is a barrier between them,
and the recent outbreak in Tayabas cannot in any way be ascribed to
the former. The salvation of the whites lies in agriculture, and great
profits are to be acquired therein, although the Spaniards are loath
to engage in such work. Their fields can be cultivated by Chinese
labor, and by captured Moros, and contracts can be made, in addition,
with individual Filipinos, under certain exemptions. Mas favors
the system of indentured servants, for self-interest will dictate
good treatment to them. To ensure native respect for the whites, the
education of the former must be very restricted, and the colleges at
Manila be closed. Filipino soldiers shall not rise above the rank
of private or corporal. Filipino secular priests must be reduced
in numbers, and must, in general, act only as the assistants of the
regulars. Filipinos cannot maintain the dignity of the priestly office,
and instead debauch it, as Mas proves by various letters. Religion
is the mainstay of the islands, and the regular curas must be given
as much power as possible, and officials must work in harmony with
them. The friars must, however, live morally, abstain from trade,
and not meddle in temporal affairs. Emancipation will be the ruin of
the friars; and, in order that they may conserve Spanish interests,
all the curas must be Spaniards from Spain. Curas lose respect among
the natives because they are compelled to collect the marriage
and burial fees, and the government should come to their aid by
collecting these under the form of a specified tax. Above all,
the whites must observe religious ceremonies, which they now almost
utterly neglect. The laws of the Indias are executed too rigidly, and
are too favorable to the natives. The latter are becoming arrogant
and impudent, and will end by driving out the Spaniards. Mas would
require a distinctive dress for the natives, the chiefs to be the
only ones who may wear jackets. The priests have been guilty of
destroying rank among them. Natives must salute all Spaniards and
show great outward respect. The title of "Don" must be given them
no longer, for this gives the idea of equality with the whites. All
government officials must be given decent pay, and must be made to
spend it liberally. Offices should not be given in order that their
incumbents may amass money. Only Spaniards of good character should be
allowed to go to the islands. If the treasury officials are decreased
in number and the collections farmed out, this work should be done
by natives and mestizos, as this is an odious office, and engenders
much ill-will. Race hatred must be developed between the Filipinos
and Chinese mestizos as much as possible. The latter are the richer
and more intelligent, and in case of emancipation at this moment would
soon gain the upper hand. They are hated by the natives. It is highly
important to have a respectable and moral Spanish force in the islands,
for should the native troops mutiny nothing can be done as matters now
stand. Curas should have the power of intervention in the meetings
of the principales, as this method will avoid conspiracy. Natives
should not be taught how to cast artillery or make firearms and
powder. Indeed, the powder factory recently established should
be suppressed, as the contract under which it was allowed is not
advantageous, and better powder is manufactured in Murcia. Steam
vessels are needed for quick communication among the islands,
and to repel Moro invasions, and suppress insurrections. Spanish
should not be taught to the natives. Newspapers may be allowed,
under proper censorship; and curas should translate into the native
dialect such articles as are important for the natives. A complete
system of police is necessary. Trouble is to be expected from China,
but it will be quite safe to allow the entrance of a certain number
of Chinese laborers to work on the estates of the whites. They can
be counted on in case of trouble with the natives, and in case they
themselves revolt native hatred will soon finish them. It is advisable
to watch the intercourse between foreigners living in the islands and
the natives. A complete reform is needed in the administration of the
government, which, as now constituted, is honeycombed with laxity
and graft. The laws of the Indias are confused and contradictory,
as is proved by numerous citations. Government is too little
centralized. Spanish statesmen have been guilty of strange errors
in regard to the Philippines, through their ignorance. Mas proposes
a regency of three men, the president to be a Spanish grandee. The
duties of this body are outlined, which in general correspond to
those of the governor-general and Audiencia. The plan contemplates a
Council of State; and thorough judiciary reforms, in order to render
the judiciary independent of the government. The prestige of rank is
to be observed, as this is a large factor in preserving the status
quo. In the provinces, the provincial chiefs (who are to be sent from
Spain) shall hold all the power, as at present. The treasury reforms
suggested look toward a lessening of graft, and greater economy. In
case the Spanish government decides to emancipate the Philippines, the
exactly opposite course must be chosen to the one outlined so fully
for their conservation. Education and the arts must be encouraged,
newspapers allowed with but a mild censorship, and the population
must become amalgamated. To effect the last, dowries should be paid
to the women in all crossed marriages. Native assemblies should be
established in order to train them in political matters. Mas favors
emancipation. The islands have been a drag on Spain from the first,
and, if a violent separation comes, it will result in a further loss
of life and treasure. It is interesting to note that he adds a plea
for the greater humanitarianism of the emancipation plan.
Matta's report of 1843 in regard to the moral condition of the
Philippines, and the reforms necessary in administrational and economic
matters for the conservation of the islands is of great practical
value. The report was called forth by the sedition of Apolinario,
the founder of the cofradia of San José, and the revolt in 1843 of a
portion of the troops. It sets forth the loss of prestige by both the
government and the regular clergy (once the prime support of Spanish
authority in the islands), and the confusion that is rife throughout
Manila and the provinces, a state approaching anarchy. Political
factions, the troubles arising from the contradictory character of the
natives, the demoralization in military circles, all demand radical
reforms. A system of law taking into consideration the character
of the natives is needed, as well as greater centralization in the
government, with well defined powers granted to subordinate officials;
suppression of various religious educational institutions as breeders
of discontent and trouble, and the establishment of commercial and
other schools; abolition of the residencia; and other legislative
and economic measures. For the development of the islands capital
is needed, but reform must precede in order that capital may be
attracted. Agriculture is the main support of the islands, and must be
developed by the whites, mestizos, and Chinese, who will support the
government, and thus offset the immense numbers of the natives. The
report calls for extensive military reforms and the establishment of
a good police system. Tagálog academies are proposed, so that Spanish
officers may learn the native language. It is of great importance to
conciliate both Peninsulars and Spaniards born in the Philippines,
and to show partiality to neither, in order that prosperity may reign.
Mr. LeRoy's contribution to this volume consists of two parts:
a general editorial comment on the modern era of the Philippines,
and some bibliographical notes and further comments for the study of
that period. The first shows the influences working in and through
the Philippines and the Filipinos, and is necessarily treated on
broad lines, detail being scrupulously avoided. The second part is
written in the same spirit, but in notes and titles gives the student
full material for the study of the modern era. By the modern era,
Mr. LeRoy means roughly the last half of the nineteenth century,
but necessarily, in speaking of it, he has been compelled to go back
to influences beginning to be felt before that time. Very briefly
he sketches the elements making for a broader life in economic and
social and political lines; the break-down of old ideas, whose longer
continuance was untenable in material, intellectual, and religious
progress; and the rise of the greater respect and self-consciousness
of the Filipinos. In his bibliographical section, the author treats
fairly and impartially of the threefold development of the Filipinos
and the Philippines: viz., the social; the economic--under which
are discussed general considerations, agriculture, land, etc., the
Chinese, industries, commerce, internal trade, navigation, etc., and
currency--and the political, under which are discussed the Spanish
administration and the Filipino propaganda and revolution. Under the
first division of the latter are treated the administrative organism,
the administration as actually working, taxation, legal and judicial
matters, science and material resources, the Moros and pagan peoples;
and under the second, the religious question, the friar estates,
the Filipino clergy and their cause, the revolt of 1872, reform and
demands for more "assimilation," the propagandists, Masonry, the Liga
Filipina, etc., the Katipunan, the insurrection of 1896-97, the pact
of Biak-na-bató and the question of independence. By its mass of
comment and titles, this section fully supplements the first part,
and presents to the student a comprehensive survey of Philippine
life and development, that will be found the most useful material
yet published for detailed study of the modern era.
In "Events in Filipinas, 1841-1872," the attempt is made only to
indicate general conditions in the islands, by citing very briefly
some of the more important matters during that period in social,
religious and economic lines. In addition to this, we have added a
short bibliography, from which the student may gather abundant and
accessible material for this period.
Through the kindness of Sr. Epifanio de los Santos we are enabled
to present in full for the first time the constitution of the Liga
Filipina (which was organized by Rizal on July 3, 1892) from a copy
made from the manuscript of Rizal. This constitution shows the Liga
not to have been formed for the purpose of independence, but for mutual
aid and protection of its members, and the fostering of a more united
spirit among Filipinos. Nowhere does it contain a word against the
sovereignty of Spain or against religion. In it are declared the ends,
form, duties of members and officials, rights of members and officials,
the investment of funds, and general rules. The one exception that
might be taken to the constitution is that implicit and unquestioning
obedience to all superior commands is required from the members.
As the last document proper in this series we present the Friar
Memorial of April 21, 1898, which voices the protest of all the orders
(Augustinians, Franciscans, Recollects, Dominicans, and Jesuits),
but which was destined never to reach officially those for whom it
was intended (the Spanish government, through the minister of the
colonies), because of the appearance in Spanish waters of the American
squadron, and the defeat of the Spanish fleet. It is fitting, however,
to present this document in this series, as it is a complete statement
of the friars' standpoint, and especially as the last document of
the series, as it marks the passing of the old Spanish régime. The
beginning and ending alike express the loyalty of the orders to
the Spanish government, and throughout the document is noted the
expression of the patriotism of all the members of the orders as
Spaniards. The memorial, as a whole, is a protest against the charges
brought against the friars from both Spanish and Philippine sources;
against free-thought; against Masonry and other secret societies;
against the secularization of the orders, episcopal visitation,
secularization of schools, and all the other demands of the separatists
and insurgents. That the friars are the cause of the insurrection, they
indignantly deny. They have ever done their duty, and have worked in
the interests of religion and the Spanish fatherland. The insurgents,
the filibusters, the separatists, of both Spain and the islands,
have directed their whole cry against religion in order to veil their
real purpose. The friars have borne all the vilification that has
been directed against them patiently, but they cannot for their own
honor do so longer. They are proud of their record throughout the
history of the islands, and are mindful that, as the only permanent
peninsular social factor in the Philippines, they have christianized
the islands, have maintained peaceful relations therein, and have
kept them for Spain. Only since the entrance of those imbued with
the revolutionary free-thought, and of Freemasons, have the islands
been disturbed--a period of about thirty years. The Katipunan society
is nothing else than a society constructed on Masonic principles,
and its rapid diffusion of late throughout many districts greatly
complicates the problem and renders the remedy more difficult. Had
the orders been silent in the face of the attempts of the Masons,
of the filibusters, and of the insurgents, they would not have
become an object of persecution; but since they always stood out
for the traditional religion and for Spain, the storm of abuse and
ill-treatment has fallen upon them. They challenge their detractors and
calumniators to prove charges that they have not fulfilled their duty,
and those of personal immorality. They have not committed abuse in the
taking of parochial fees; they are not hostile to education (indeed,
all the education of the islands has been established and fostered
by them); they do not despise the educated natives, but, as is easily
proved, are good friends with them. Most of the graduates from their
institutions have remained loyal, and the same is generally true of
the wealthy classes. The real cause of the rebellion can be traced
back to the government in allowing the entrance of free-thought into
the islands and the dissemination of Masonic doctrines, which have
led to the lessening of respect for religion and for Spain; and, as
this has come about, it has been natural for race hatred to spring
up. The only way of obtaining peace is to strengthen the religious
life of the islands, and to force out all the revolutionary forces
of free-thought and Masonry. The mission of the friars must receive
government support and respect, else it will be impossible for them
longer to remain in the islands. They do not desire temporal honors, or
to take part in the civil affairs of government; they are even willing
to relinquish the slight official intervention that they possess: but
they must demand the honor due to religion which has always been theirs
by right. They are governed in their actions by the Syllabus errorum
of Pius IX. The laws of the Indias, the actions of the sovereigns, the
instructions to Legazpi: all commit Spain to the maintenance of friars
in the Philippines, and to the greater interests of religion. Even
earlier, the Siete Partidas of Alfonso the Wise command respect to
ecclesiastical persons. This respect, therefore, the friars demand,
if they are longer to remain in the islands, and be the support of the
government. This memorial is one by those who are fighting for life,
and who see dimly ahead the fate that may overtake them.
The subject of agriculture in the islands is briefly treated in
an appendix, showing conditions in the islands in 1784 and 1866, as
described by Governor Basco and the German traveler Jagor respectively;
the aims and achievements of the Economic Society of Manila; and
references to the more important writings on agriculture in the
islands. All show how backward were the conditions of that industry,
even to the end of the Spanish régime, although various efforts
were made by Spain to institute reforms and promote the cultivation
of the soil; but most of these were too superficial and partial to
be successful--indeed, they were continually hindered by the whole
system of Spanish colonial administration and the deficiencies in
the native character and training.
In conclusion, the Editors desire to express their cordial thanks and
acknowledgments for information, suggestions, and other assistance
rendered by the many friends of this undertaking. The majority of
these have been already mentioned in previous volumes, especially in
annotations furnished by them; and the names of several more appear
in the list of "Errata and addenda" (at the end of this volume)
which is unavoidable in any series so extensive as this. Therein
is contained much information which reached the Editors too late
for insertion in its proper place, or was furnished by those whose
personal knowledge enabled them to correct misstatements in works cited
as authorities. The following persons may be mentioned as meriting
special thanks for aid rendered to the Editors: Manuel de Yriarte,
chief of Division of Archives, Manila; Epifanio de los Santos, Malolos,
Bulacan, Luzón; T. H. Pardo de Tavera, of the Philippine Commission,
Manila; and Rev. Anthony Huonder, S.J., Luxembourg, Europe.
The Editors
June, 1907.
DOCUMENTS OF 1841-1898
Internal political condition of the Philippines. Sinibaldo de
Mas; 1842.
Matta's report. Juan Manuel de la Matta; February 25, 1843.
The Philippines, 1860-1898: some comment and bibliographical
notes. James A. LeRoy; 1907.
Events in Filipinas, 1841-1872. [Summarized from Montero y Vidal.]
Constitution of the Liga Filipina. José Rizal; July 3, 1892.
The friar memorial of 1898. Manuel Gutierrez, O.S.A., and others;
April 21, 1898.
Sources: The first of these documents, the rare volume iii of Mas's
Informe, is obtained from a typewritten copy furnished by Epifanio de
los Santos from the printed original in his possession; the second,
from an unpublished MS. in the possession of T. H. Pardo de Tavera,
who furnished to the Editors a typewritten copy of it; the third is
written especially for this series by James A. LeRoy; the fourth is
summarized from volume iii of Montero y Vidal's Historia de Filipinas;
the fifth is obtained from a copy, furnished by E. de los Santos,
of Rizal's original MS.; the sixth, from James A. LeRoy's copy of one
of the printed originals, revised by a printed copy belonging to the
Madrid edition.
Translations: All these documents (outside of the third) are translated
by James Alexander Robertson.
INTERNAL POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE PHILIPPINES, 1842
Report on the condition of the Filipinas Islands in 1842. Written
by the author of the "Aristodemo," of the "Sistema musical de la
lengua castellana," etc. [1] Volume III. Their internal political
condition. Madrid, January, 1843.
The twenty-four chapters which I have presented hitherto, [2] have
only been preliminary studies, in order that I might treat of the
present matter; for it would be an ill thing to speak of the internal
administration of the country, or of the line of policy that it is
of advantage to adopt therein, without passing in review its anterior
data, analyzing its elements, and forming an opinion of its resources.
The laws of every state must have one object, and the wiser and more
perfect they are, the better they fulfil their end. To discourse,
then, on those laws which are advisable in Filipinas, one must take
note of the intentions that the government may have in regard to the
islands. These intentions will probably be reduced to the following
plans or principles.
To conserve the colony forever, that is to say, without its separation
being even thought of.
To consider indifferently its loss or its conservation, and the fate
of the Spaniards living in the colony.
To resolve upon emancipation, and prepare the colony for giving it
freedom. [3]
In regard to the second of these three fundamental policies,
nothing occurs to me to say, except that it follows in everything,
as hitherto. I shall treat, then, only of the first and last.
In order to conserve the colony, it is necessary, in my opinion, to
work with reference to the spirit of the following three principles,
which I shall endeavor successively to explain: 1st. It is advisable
to reduce the Spanish-Filipino [4] population to the least possible
number. 2d. The people of color must voluntarily give respect and
obedience to the whites. 3rd. The general administration demands a
complete reform.
1st. It is advisable to reduce the population, etc. In the epochs
when the light of experience was lacking, it was believed that the
most powerful means of assuring the possession of a colony was to
increase the white race therein as much as possible; and, as a school
for this conviction, they preferred to send thither as employes
those who had the most children, especially female. The Council of
Indias [5] has, up to its last gasp, given proofs of this erroneous
idea. But since then it has been seen that, in fleeing from Scylla,
it has fallen into Charybdis; for among this white population born in
the country, there is formed a local interest opposed to that of the
mother-country, which begins by creating a discontent, and ends by
suggesting the desire for independence. [Although a Filipino-Spaniard
calls himself a Spaniard, all his sympathies are in the Philippines,
and Spain is only secondary in his thoughts. Generally the sons or
grandsons of government employes, Filipino-Spaniards, receive but
little education, are fond of playing the gentleman, are lazy and
dissipated. Little inclined to a professional or business career,
they put all their efforts on securing a government post. As it
is about one-half of the posts do belong to them, but since the
best posts depend upon the favor of the Madrid ministers, the
Filipino-Spaniards are constantly disappointed in the promotion
which they believe belongs to them by right. Consequently, there is
much ill-will and complaint. Camba's pamphlet, [6] although chiefly
written to prove that there was no disloyalty in the Philippines,
yet noted the anger and consequent mutiny (June 2-3, 1823) [7]
because of the arrival of Governor J. Antonio Martinez (October,
1822) with a large staff of Peninsular officials and sergeants; as
well as the displeasure manifested in October, 1825, by the arrival
of a new contingent of civil and military officers with Governor
Mariano Ricafort. Still, it is not right to expect that, so long as
Spain does not intend to abandon the Philippines, it should refrain
from sending Peninsulars to fill the posts there or cease to exercise
the appointing or removing power as it sees fit. If all the posts are
reserved for the Filipino-Spaniards, it cannot be expected that the
islands will remain loyal to a country so distant from them. In fact,
the Filipino-Spaniards, under existing circumstances, cannot receive
greater consideration than at present. The natural and necessary
preference for Peninsulars in the posts of the Philippines engenders
the hatred of the Filipino-Spaniards toward them; but, on the other
hand, this hatred has been greatly exaggerated by the Peninsulars,
who are intolerant and contemptuous of the colonials. This contempt,
Mas illustrates by two examples, of which he was an eyewitness. Such
things, together with the contemptuous nickname given them by
the Peninsulars, gives rise to much ill-will on the part of the
Filipino-Spaniards, who declare that all the cause of the enmity
between the two classes comes from the former. The real cause, however,
of the hatred, is economic, and a matter of the posts. Each of the male
Filipino-Spaniards is seeking a post, but since there are only four
hundred posts of all kinds in the islands, while the Filipino-Spaniards
number about one thousand, the trouble must be continuous and must even
become exaggerated, just so long as a remedy is not applied. Such a
remedy would be for the government to refuse them any post in the army
or other department of government service in the Philippines, although
recognizing them as Spaniards with full rights if they come to reside
in the Peninsula. Mas proceeds to elaborate his plan for decreasing the
white population of the Philippines. All Spaniards going from Europe to
the Philippines before the age of fifteen or sixteen must be regarded
as Filipino-Spaniards. It is proposed that only single men be sent to
fill posts in the islands, and that they be compelled to return to the
Peninsula after twenty years, with permission to return in ten if they
so please. It will be natural for these men to marry Filipino-Spanish
women, who with their children will accompany their husbands to the
Peninsula at the end of the twenty years. Transportation should be
at national expense. On a basis of three passages for each family,
the cost would be only 450 pesos. Each twenty years, there would be
one thousand two hundred return passages to be paid. This would cost
only 27,000 pesos annually. In return, four hundred men would have
to be sent to the islands each twenty years, or with allowance for
deaths and other contingencies, five hundred. At 300 pesos apiece,
this would cost annually 8,750 pesos; and the total transportation
expense would be only 35,750 pesos. Although transportation is not
now paid by the government, the strange mismanagement is practiced
of sending married men with families, thus increasing the white
population. On the basis that there are three thousand five hundred
young Filipino-Spaniards in the islands (both male and female), and
reckoning sixty years as the average life of the individual, there
would be fifty-eight and one-third individuals for each year of the
sixty years, of whom one-half would be women (and hence eligible for
marriage with the Peninsulars). All the males shall be taken to Spain
at the end of the fifteenth or sixteenth year at national expense,
and there educated at the expense of the Manila treasury in whatever
profession they choose. These shall reside in the Peninsula thereafter,
where they shall be given a post. Some few of the thirty or so of the
males reaching the indicated age annually, will doubtless prefer to
devote themselves to commerce or industry; hence at the most there will
be only about twenty-five passages of young men to reckon on annually,
which will be an inconsiderable expense. If this plan be carried out
there will be few children to transport after sixteen years. European
Spaniards, if prohibited from marrying native Filipino and mestizo
women, will marry only Filipino-Spanish women. Hence, as they
continue to retire to Spain, the white population will constantly
decrease. There will not be a sufficiently large number of whites to
become turbulent, and the domination of the Peninsula over the islands
will be ensured. This plan can be carried out at an annual expense
of about 40,000 pesos, and probably much less. This will really be
a saving over present expenses, for retirement and widows' pensions
cost more, the widow of an oidor receiving 18,000 reals vellon. Hence,
the passive classes receive about 175,000 pesos annually. However,
Mas does not advocate that those receiving pensions at present be
deprived of them or sent to Spain, as this would be unjust and cause
discontent. In former years the quarrels and discontent did not lead to
desire for independence. The population was not so great as now; also
(and especially) since an annual situado was sent from the Peninsula
to pay the government employes, and the latter thus depended on the
Spanish treasury, they would have gained nothing by rebelling. This
is the case at present in the Marianas Islands, where the officials
are paid and supported from the money and food sent there, and the
few whites there, consequently, have no desire for independence.] It
will also be asked, in addition, whether, in case the Philippine colony
separated at present, it would be possible for the white population to
become masters of the country, or would there be a tendency for them,
perhaps, to amalgamate with the colored population. The observation
is very just. The Filipino-Spaniards do not think of forming a body
with the (Indian) natives, nor is it possible for them to desire it,
for now they are the masters and in such an event they would become
equals and even inferiors, since the vast mass of the natives would
quickly reduce them to nullity in the matter of government, and
in place of the privileges and exemptions from paying taxes, which
they at present enjoy, they would more than once have to obey and
humble themselves before the very one who now mops the ground that
their foot touches. In the recent occurrence of Tayabas, [8] when
the first news of the insurrection arrived, I was at a gathering of
several Spanish leaders, and they all believed, or at least suspected,
that the whites of the country had compromised themselves in the
matter. I maintained immediately, and obstinately, that they were
mistaken in this, since however disloyal and intemperate one may fancy
the Filipino-Spaniards, it was impossible for me to believe that it
would ever enter their heads to arouse and arm the natives. In fact,
the true spirit of the movement was soon known, and it was seen that
the Filipino-Spaniards were as alarmed at the result (if not more
so) as were the Europeans. Their hopes and plans, then, can only be
based on the persuasion that the natives and Chinese mestizos will
continue quiet, and pay the tribute as at present, and that they will
make their patrimony from the country, and share its posts. This idea
is highly absurd, no doubt. Much less loved by the natives than the
Europeans, without the support of the friars (for even granting the
case that those living in the country should remain, others would
cease to go from the Peninsula), without capital, in a weak minority
for the subjugation of more than two hundred thousand rich, active,
and intelligent mestizos, and three and one-half millions of natives
(who have already rebelled against the Spaniards themselves, in spite
of the great prestige of the reenforcements that could be received from
the other side of the seas), and compelled by force of circumstances
to adopt a liberal and intelligent system with reference to these
same natives, which would speedily make the latter more arrogant and
exacting than at present, it is quite easy to see that the government
of Filipinas, would within a very few years, fall into the hands of the
Indian Filipinos, or, perhaps, into those of the Chinese mestizos, or
of the two races mixed, and that the whites would become submissive to
the people of color--if they were not despoiled of all their property,
as having been usurped and without valid title, just as happened to the
Turkish families who had acquired possession in that land during the
long rule of the Turks in Greece, in which, since the insurrection,
not a single Mussulman has remained. It is clear, therefore, that
this Spanish population, long established in the country, is the one
that has most to lose. In case of an outbreak, the Europeans would
return to España, where they would continue their professions and
would find their kin. The Filipino-Spaniards, however, would have
to change utterly, for they would lose everything, and would have
to seek another country. These are obvious and important truths, and
nevertheless, can we tax the individuals in question with being blind
or stupid, when we see repeatedly in the history of popular revolts
that a Bailly, a Danton, in fine, that the most clever and eminent
men persuade themselves that they are able to stop a revolution at
the line which they trace, and do not suspect that they are going to
be the victims of the masses who rise?
For the white population that remains in the country, and for all
who are living there at present, agriculture offers an abundant
resource. Very fatal is the deep-rooted idea that Spaniards cannot
prosper in it. [Mas cites several instances to prove that Spaniards can
succeed in agriculture in the Philippines. He also cites the instances
of the Ansaldos family as told by father Agustin de Santa Maria, who
acquired great wealth from agriculture, and who moved to the Peninsula
during the English invasion.] Reflection: Just as the two Ansaldos
brothers, leaving the life of trade, which the Spaniards in the Indias
generally follow, applied themselves to the cultivation of the soil
through their own efforts, lived many years, and succeeded in amassing
a fixed and permanent capital, why could not the same be done by so
many idle spongers who go about Manila with their white faces begging,
deceiving, terrifying, exciting, and confounding all the inhabitants?
The present superintendent of the islands, Don Juan M. de la Matta,
[9] whose opinion I greatly respect, because I truly believe that
he is one of the few Spaniards who know the country, and that he has
the capacity, honor, patriotism, and energy to do something good and
solid there, wrote me in a letter now before me: "It is necessary
for the Spanish population to stick to agriculture, the only source
capable of providing abundantly for their necessities, for which the
profit from any other employ in the different careers of the state
is indeed very insufficient. I have already called the attention
of the ministry of the treasury to this particular, showing that a
wretched generation, and consequently, one dissolute and turbulent,
is increasing daily, and that the government must prevent in time
the fatal consequences, by inviting them to turn their attention
to agriculture. [10] In fact, there are rich and extensive lands
which have been abandoned, which ought to invite the attention of a
Filipino-Spaniard more than the posts, for with an estate not only
can he live in ease and independently, but he can also establish a
rich patrimony for his descendants. Lands that now are worth little,
or even nothing, will in time have a greater or less price by reason
of the population of the territory and the perfection to which its
cultivation is carried. There is today in the charity hospital of
Sidney an aged woman, whose husband owned a bit of land, which he
sold thirty years back for three pounds sterling, and at this moment
it is worth one-half million pesos fuertes. And this, only because
of the rapid increase in population! In Filipinas itself, any one
can be convinced of this manifest fact, which is a trivial truth
among economists. In Laguna and other provinces, there are most
fertile fields, abandoned and at the disposal of the one who will
take them; and in Bulacan and Tondo, whose soil is very inferior,
all have owners and a value. In the environs of Malolos and Manila,
land costs one thousand pesos fuertes per quiñon. One hundred years
ago, this same quiñon could be bought for fifty."
[The difficulty in attracting the whites to an agricultural life lies
in the labor question. Mas does not consider advisable the system of
the Dutch in Java, [11] and prescribed by certain laws of the Indies,
of compelling the natives to work in estates at the established wage
scale, "as the natives have been accustomed for three centuries to
be humored and allowed freely to work or live in idleness according
to their fancy." He proposes that the heavy tribute of the Chinese
who cultivate the lands of the Spaniards be reduced to the small
amount paid by the Chinese mestizos; also that negritos, Igorots,
and captured Moro pirates be made to cultivate the fields for the
Spaniards. He also recommends the plan of indenturing the condemned
criminals out to the cultivators, as England did with its criminals,
who were sent to America in former periods. This system Mas does
not consider as unjust or inhumane, but quite the contrary, for the
farmers, since their pocket book is touched, will be more considerate
than the prison officials. He recommends the awarding of prizes for
the cultivation of cacao and coffee; and "finally, the authorization of
individual contracts, by means of which Filipinos may bind themselves
to work on the estate of a Spaniard for a certain number of years,
as is done in the military service, such Spaniards then remaining
subject until the termination of the contract. These persons, during
said time, shall be exempt from service in the army, and exemption
from polos and personal service may even be conceded to some (for
instance, to one for each quiñon of land)."]
2d. People of color must voluntarily respect and obey the whites. In
order to attain this object, it is necessary to maintain the former
race in an intellectual and moral condition which will make of their
numerical majority a political force less than that which resides
in the second, just as a pile of straw in the balance weighs less
than a gold nugget. The farmer or the goatherd does not read social
contracts, or know more than what takes place in his own village. This
is not the class of people who have overthrown absolutism in España,
but that class who are educated in the colleges, and who know the
price of guarantees, and fight for them. We must not depart from
this point of view, if we are to discuss the matter sincerely. The
making of liberals must be necessarily avoided, for in a colony
the words liberal and insurgent are synonymous. The consequence of
the idea will be to admit the principle that each step forward is
a treading backward. It is necessary to circumscribe the education
to primary schools where reading, writing, and arithmetic will be
taught, continuing as at present with one school in each village,
and leaving their direction to the curas. The colleges for males
now existing in Manila must be closed. [12] In English India, whose
educational institutions and free government are of so much weight
with some, there is nothing similar to this, and an Englishman who
wishes to become a lawyer, a notary, a physician, or a military or
civil official, has to go to England for study and graduation--I say
Englishman, for the natives do not even enter into the question.
In the service of arms, they must not rise beyond privates or at the
most corporals. It is much better to make a sergeant or officer from
a Spanish farmer, even though he cannot read and write, than from the
more capable native. On the contrary, the more dexterous and deserving
is the latter, so much greater will be the mistake committed. Here
the one who plays for gain loses. It is less dangerous and more
tolerable to bestow the rank of officer on a very stupid, vicious,
and cowardly fellow.